JJtands  Parfetnan'0 


NEW   LIBRARY   EDITION, 
VOL.  IX. 


Major-General  James  Wolfe. 

From  the  painting  by  Joseph  Highmore,  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Mary 
Anne  Armstrong,  Penzance,  England. 

MONTCALM  AND  WOLFE,  II.,  Frontispiece. 


MONTCALM  AND  WOLFE. 


FRANCE  AND  ENGLAND  IN 
NORTH  AMERICA. 

PART  SEVENTH. 


BY 
FRANCIS  PARKMAN. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES. 

VOL.  II. 


BOSTON: 
LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND   COMPANY. 

1898. 


"7  ; 


Copyright,  1884, 
BY  FRANCIS  PARKMAN. 

Copyright,  1897,  1898, 
BY  LITTLE,  BROWN,  AND  COMPANY. 


JOHN  WILSON  AND  SON,  CAMBRIDGE,  U.  S.  A. 


YM03O 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 
1757,  1758. 

A  WINTER  OF  DISCONTENT. 

PAGE 

Boasts  of  Loudon.  —  A  Mutinous  Militia.  —  Panic.  —  Accusations 
of  Vaudreuil :  his  Weakness.  —  Indian  Barbarities.  —  De 
struction  of  German  Flats. — Discontent  of  Montcalm. — 
Festivities  at  Montreal.  —  Montcalm's  Relations  with  the  Gov 
ernor.  —  Famine.  —  Riots .  —  Mutiny.  —  Winter  at  Ticonde- 
roga.  — A  Desperate  Bush-fight.  —  Defeat  of  the  Rangers.  — 
Adventures  of  Roche  and  Pringle 3 


CHAPTER  XVII. 
1753-1760. 

BIGOT. 

His  Life  and  Character.  —  Canadian  Society. — Official  Festi 
vities.  —  A  Party  of  Pleasure.  —  Hospitalities  of  Bigot.  —  Des 
perate  Gambling.  —  Chateau  Bigot.  —  Canadian  Ladies. — 
Cadet. — La  Friponne.  —  Official  Rascality.  —  Methods  of 
Peculation.  —  Cruel  Frauds  on  the  Acadians.  —  Military  Cor 
ruption.  —  Pean.  —  Love  and  Knavery.  —  Varin  and  his  Part 
ners. —  Vaudreuil  and  the  Peculators:  he  defends  Bigot; 
praises  Cadet  and  Pean. — Canadian  Finances. — Peril  of 
Bigot.  —  Threats  of  the  Minister.  —  Evidence  of  Montcalm.  — 
Impending  Ruin  of  the  Confederates 20 


695 


vi  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVIIL 
1757,  1758. 

PITT. 

PAGE 

Frederic  of  Prussia.  —  The  Coalition  against  him :  his  Desper 
ate  Position.  —  Rossbach.  —  Leuthen.  —  Reverses  of  England. 

—  Weakness  of  the  Ministry.  —  A  Change.  —  Pitt  and  New 
castle. —  Character  of    Pitt.  —  Sources  of   his  Power:   his 
Aims.  —  Louis  XV.  —  Pompadour:   she  controls  the  Court 
and  directs  the   War.  —  Gloomy  Prospects  of  England.  — 
Disasters.  —  The  New  Ministry.  —  Inspiring  Influence  of  Pitt. 

—  The  Tide  turns.  —  British  Victories.  —  Pitt's  Plans    for 
America.  —  Louisbourg,  Ticonderoga,  Duquesne.  —  New  Com 
manders. —  Naval  Battles 41 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
1758. 

LOUISBOURG. 

Condition  of  the  Fortress.  —  Arrival  of  the  English.  —  Gallantry 
of  Wolfe.  —  The  English  Camp.  —The  Siege  begun.  —  Prog 
ress  of  the  Besiegers.  —  Sallies  of  the  French.  —  Madame 
Drucour.  —  Courtesies  of  War.  —  French  Ships  destroyed.  — 
Conflagration.  —  Fury  of  the  Bombardment.  —  Exploit  of 
English  Sailors.  —The  End  near.  —  The  White  Flag.  —  Sur 
render.  —  Reception  of  the  News  in  England  and  America.  — 
Wolfe  not  satisfied :  his  Letters  to  Amherst ;  he  destroys 
Gaspe ;  returns  to  England 55 

CHAPTER  XX. 

1758. 
TICONDEROGA. 

Activity  of  the  Provinces.  —  Sacrifices  of  Massachusetts.  —  The 
Army  at  Lake  George.  —  Proposed  Incursion  of  Levis.  —  Per 
plexities  of  Montcalm :  his  Plan  of  Defence.  —  Camp  of 
Abercrombie :  his  Character.  —  Lord  Howe :  his  Popular- 


CONTENTS.  vii 

PAGE 

ity.  —  Embarkation  of  Abercrombie.  —  Advance  down  Lake 
George.  —  Landing.  —  Forest  Skirmish.  —  Death  of  Howe  : 
its  Effects.  — Position  of  the  French.  — The  Lines  of  Ticon- 
deroga.  —  Blunders  of  Abercrombie.  —  The  Assault.  —  A 
Frightful  Scene.  —  Incidents  of  the  Battle.  — British  Repulse. 

—  Panic.  —  Retreat.  —  Triumph  of  Montcalm 87 

CHAPTER  XXI. 
1758. 

FORT   FRONTENAC. 

The  Routed  Army.  —  Indignation  at  Abercrombie. —  John  Cleave- 
land  and  his  Brother  Chaplains.  —  Regulars  and  Provincials. 

—  Provincial  Surgeons.  —  French  Raids.  —  Rogers    defeats 
Marin.  —  Adventures  of  Putnam.  —  Expedition  of  Bradstreet. 

—  Capture  of  Fort  Frontenac 119 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
1758. 

FORT   DUQUESNE. 

Dinwiddie  and  Washington.  —  Brigadier   Forbes:    his   Army. 

—  Conflicting  Views.  —  Difficulties.  —  Illness  of  Forbes :  his 
Sufferings ;   his    Fortitude ;   his   Difference   with   Washing 
ton.  —  Sir  John  Sinclair.  —  Troublesome  Allies.  —  Scouting 
Parties.  —  Boasts  of  Vaudreuil.  — Forbes  and  the  Indians. — 
Mission  of  Christian  Frederic  Post.  —  Council  of  Peace. — 
Second  Mission  of  Post.  —  Defeat  of   Grant.  —  Distress   of 
Forbes.  —  Dark  Prospects.  —  Advance  of  the  Army.  —  Cap 
ture  of  the  French  Fort.  —  The  Slain  of  Braddock's  Field.  — 
Death  of  Forbes 137 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

1758,  1759. 

THE   BRINK  OF   RUIN. 

Jealousy  of  Vaudreuil:  he  asks  for  Montcalm's  Recall;  his 
Discomfiture.  —  Scene  at  the  Governor's  House.  —  Disgust  of 
Montcalm.  —  The  Canadians  Despondent.  —  Devices  to  en- 


Vin  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

courage  them.  —  Gasconade  of  the  Governor.  —  Deplorable 
State  of  the  Colony.  —  Mission  of  Bougainville.  —  Duplicity 
of  Vaudreuil.  —  Bougainville  at  Versailles.  —  Substantial  Aid 
refused  to  Canada.  —  A  Matrimonial  Treaty.  —  Eeturn  of 
Bougainville.  —  Montcalm  abandoned  by  the  Court ;  his 
Plans  of  Defence.  —  Sad  News  from  Candiac.  —  Boasts  of 
Vaudreuil 171 


CHAPTER    XXIV. 
1758,  1759. 

WOLFE. 

The  Exiles  of  Fort  Cumberland.  —  Relief.  —  The  Voyage  to 
Louisbourg.  —  The  British  Fleet.  —  Expedition  against 
Quebec.  —  Early  Life  of  Wolfe  :  his  Character ;  his 
Letters  to  his  Parents  ;  his  Domestic  Qualities.  —  Appointed 
to  command  the  Expedition.  —  Sails  for  America  ....  189 


CHAPTER  XXV. 
1759. 

WOLFE  AT  QUEBEC. 

French  Preparation.  —  Muster  of  Forces.  —  Gasconade  of  Vau 
dreuil.  —  Plan  of  Defence.  —  Strength  of  Montcalm.  —  Ad 
vance  of  Wolfe.  —  British  Sailors.  —  Landing  of  the 
English.  —  Difficulties  before  them.  —  Storm.  —  Fireships.  — 
Confidence  of  French  Commanders.  —  Wolfe  occupies  Point 
Levi.  —  A  Futile  Night  Attack.  —  Quebec  bombarded.  — 
Wolfe  at  the  Montmorenci.  —  Skirmishes.  —  Danger  of  the 
English  Position.  —  Effects  of  the  Bombardment.  —  Desertion 
of  Canadians.  — The  English  above  Quebec.  —  Severities  of 
Wolfe. — Another  Attempt  to  burn  the  Fleet. — Desperate 
Enterprise  of  Wolfe.  —  The  Heights  of  Montmorenci.  —  Re 
pulse  of  the  English  204 


CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
1759. 

AMHERST.      NIAGARA. 

PAGE 

Amherst  on  Lake  George.  —  Capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point.  —  Delays  of  Amherst.  —  Niagara  Expedition.  —  La 
Corne  attacks  Oswego ;  his  Repulse.  —  Niagara  besieged.  — 
Aubry  comes  to  its  Relief.  —  Battle.  —  Rout  of  the  French.  — 
The  Fort  taken.  — Isle-aux-Noix.  —  Amherst  advances  to  at 
tack  it.  —  Storm.  —  The  Enterprise  abandoned.  —  Rogers 
attacks  St.  Francis;  destroys  the  Town.  —  Sufferings  of 
the  Rangers  245 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
1759. 

THE   HEIGHTS   OP   ABRAHAM. 

Elation  of  the  French.  —  Despondency  of  Wolfe.  —  The  Parishes 
laid  waste.  — Operations  above  Quebec.  —  Illness  of  Wolfe.  — 
A  New  Plan  of  Attack.  —  Faint  Hope  of  Success.  —Wolfe's 
Last  Despatch.  —  Confidence  of  Vaudreuil.  —  Last  Letters  of 
Montcalm.  —  French  Vigilance.  —  British  Squadron  at  Cap- 
Rouge.  —  Last  Orders  of  Wolfe.  —  Embarkation.  —  Descent 
of  the  St.  Lawrence.  —  The  Heights  scaled.  —  The  British 
Line.  —  Last  Night  of  Montcalm.  — The  Alarm.  —  March  of 
French  Troops.  — The  Battle.  —  The  Rout.  —  The  Pursuit.  — 
Fall  of  Wolfe  and  of  Montcalm  .  270 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 
1759. 

PALL  OF   QUEBEC. 

After  the  Battle.  —  Canadians  resist  the  Pursuit.  —  Arrival  of 
Vaudreuil.  —  Scene  in  the  Redoubt.  —  Panic.  —  Movements 
of  the  Victors.  —  VaudreuiTs  Council  of  War.  —  Precipitate 
Retreat  of  the  French  Army.  —  Last  Hours  of  Montcalm ; 
his  Death  and  Burial.  —  Quebec  abandoned  to  its  Fate.  — 


X  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Despair  of  the  Garrison.  —  LeVis  joins  the  Army.  —  Attempts 
to  relieve  the  Town.  —  Surrender.  —  The  British  occupy 
Quebec.  —  Slanders  of  Vaudreuil.  —  Reception  in  England 
of  the  News  of  Wolfe's  Victory  and  Death.  —  Prediction  of 
Jonathan  Mayhew 311 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

1759,  1760. 

SAINTE-FOY. 

Quebec  after  the  Siege.  —  Captain  Knox  and  the  Nuns.  —  Es 
cape  of  French  Ships.  —  Winter  at  Quebec.  —  Threats  of 
Levis.  —  Attacks.  —  Skirmishes.  —  Feat  of  the  Rangers.  — 
State  of  the  Garrison.  —  The  French  prepare  to  retake 
Quebec.  —  Advance  of  Levis.  —  The  Alarm.  —  Sortie  of  the 
English.  —  Rash  Determination  of  Murray.  —  Battle  of  Ste.- 
Foy.  —  Retreat  of  the  English.  —  Levis  besieges  Quebec.  — 
Spirit  of  the  Garrison.  —  Peril  of  their  Situation.  —  Relief. — 
Quebec  saved.  —  Retreat  of  Levis.  —  The  News  in  Eng 
land  340 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
1760. 

FALL  OF  CANADA. 

Desperate  Situation.  —  Efforts  of  Vaudreuil  and  Levis.  —  Plans 
of  Amherst.  —  A  Triple  Attack.  —  Advance  of  Murray.  — 
Advance  of  Haviland.  — Advance  of  Amherst.  —  Capitulation 
of  Montreal.  — Protest  of  Le'vis.  —  Injustice  of  Louis  XV.  — 
Joy  in  the  British  Colonies.  —  Character  of  the  War  .  .  .  374 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

1758-1763. 

THE   PEACE    OF   PARIS. 

Exodus  of  Canadian  Leaders.  —  Wreck  of  the  "  Auguste."  — 
Trial  of  Bigot  and  his  Confederates.  —  Frederic  of  Prussia : 
his  Triumphs ;  his  Reverses ;  his  Peril  ;  his  Fortitude.  — 


CONTENTS.  xi 

PAGE 

Death  of  George  II.  —  Change  of  Policy.  —  Choiseul ; 
his  Overtures  of  Peace.  —  The  Family  Compact.  —  Fall  of 
Pitt.  —  Death  of  the  Czarina.  —  Frederic  saved.  —  War 
with  Spain.  —  Capture  of  Havana.  —  Negotiations.  — 
Terms  of  Peace.  —  Shall  Canada  be  restored?  —  Speech  of 
Pitt.  —  The  Treaty  signed.  —  End  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  .  397 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

1763-1884. 

CONCLUSION. 

Results    of    the    War.  —  Germany.  —  France.  —  England.  — 
Canada.  —  The  British  Provinces     ...  .    423 


APPENDIX 431 

INDEX  ,     465 


THE  PORTRAIT  OF  WOLFE. 


*  I  "HE  portrait  of  WOLFE  in  the  present  edition  of  this  book  was 
•*•  never  before  made  known  to  the  public.  The  picture  from 
which  it  is  taken  was  painted  from  life  by  Highmone,  an  English 
artist  well  known  in  the  last  century.  When  Wolfe,  then  a  mere 
boy,  received  his  first  commission  and  was  about  to  join  the  army, 
he  caused  his  likeness  to  be  painted  in  uniform,  and  gave  it,  as  a 
token  of  attachment,  to  Reverend  Samuel  Francis  Swinden,  Vicar 
of  Greenwich,  whose  pupil  he  had  been,  and  whose  friend  he  re 
mained  for  life.  The  descendants  of  this  gentleman  still  possess  it ; 
and  it  is  to  their  kindness,  and  especially  to  that  of  his  great-great- 
granddaughter,  Miss  Florence  Armstrong,  that  I  owe  the  photo 
graph  which  is  here  reproduced.  It  is  believed  that  Wolfe  never 
again  sat  for  his  portrait.  After  his  death  his  mother  caused  a 
miniature  to  be  taken  from  the  Highmore  picture,  and  from  this 
several  enlarged  copies  were  afterwards  made. 

The  portrait  in  possession  of  Admiral  Warde,  hitherto  supposed 
to  be  an  original,  now  seems  to  be  one  of  these  copies.  It  ap 
peared  first  in  Wright's  "  Life  of  Wolfe,"  and  is  the  same  that  was 
engraved  for  the  early  editions  of  "  Montcalm  and  Wolfe."  The 
existence  of  the  present  more  trustworthy  and  interesting  picture 
has  been  known  to  few  besides  its  fortunate  possessors. 

Note  by  the  Author  to  the  Edition  of  1887. 


MONTCALM    AND    WOLFE. 


MONTCALM   AND   WOLFE. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

1757,  1758. 
A  WINTER  OF  DISCONTENT. 

BOASTS  OF  LOUDON. —  A  MUTINOUS  MILITIA.  —  PANIC.  —  ACCUSA 
TIONS  OF  VAUDREUIL  :  HIS  WEAKNESS.  —  INDIAN  BARBARITIES. 
—  DESTRUCTION  OF  GERMAN  FLATS.  —  DISCONTENT  OF  MONT- 
CALM. —  FESTIVITIES  AT  MONTREAL.  —  MONTCALM'S  RELATIONS 
WITH  THE  GOVERNOR.  —  FAMINE.  —  RIOTS.  —  MUTINY.  —  WIN 
TER  AT  TlCONDEROGA. —  A  DESPERATE  BUSH-FIGHT. DEFEAT 

OF  THE  RANGERS. — ADVENTURES  OF  ROCHE  AND  FRINGLE. 

LOUDON,  on  his  way  back  from  Halifax,  was  at  sea 
off  the  coast  of  Nova  Scotia  when  a  despatch-boat 
from  Governor  Pownall  of  Massachusetts  startled 
him  with  news  that  Fort  William  Henry  was  attacked ; 
and  a  few  days  after  he  learned  by  another  boat  that 
the  fort  was  taken  and  the  capitulation  "  inhumanly 
and  villanously  broken."  On  this  he  sent  Webb 
orders  to  hold  the  enemy  in  check  without  risking  a 
battle  till  he  should  himself  arrive.  "I  am  on  the 
way,"  these  were  his  words,  "with  a  force  sufficient 
to  turn  the  scale,  with  God's  assistance;  and  then  I 
hope  we  shall  teach  the  French  to  comply  with  the 


4  A  WINTER  OF  DISCONTENT.  [1757. 

laws  of  nature  and  humanity.  For  although  I  abhor 
barbarity,  the  knowledge  I  have  of  Mr.  Vaudreuil's 
behavior  when  in  Louisiana,  from  his  own  letters  in 
my  possession,  and  the  murders  committed  at  Oswego 
and  now  at  Fort  William  Henry,  will  oblige  me  to 
make  those  gentlemen  sick  of  such  inhuman  villany 
whenever  it  is  in  my  power."  He  reached  New 
York  on  the  last  day  of  August,  and  heard  that  the 
French  had  withdrawn.  He  nevertheless  sent  his 
troops  up  the  Hudson,  thinking,  he  says,  that  he 
might  still  attack  Ticonderoga;  a  wild  scheme, 
which  he  soon  abandoned,  if  he  ever  seriously 
entertained  it.1 

Webb  had  remained  at  Fort  Edward  in  mortal 
dread  of  attack.  Johnson  had  joined  him  with  a 
band  of  Mohawks;  and  on  the  day  when  Fort 
William  Henry  surrendered  there  had  been  some 
talk  of  attempting  to  throw  succors  into  it  by  night. 
Then  came  the  news  of  its  capture;  and  now,  when 
it  was  too  late,  tumultuous  mobs  of  militia  came 
pouring  in  from  the  neighboring  provinces.  In  a  few 
days  thousands  of  them  were  bivouacked  on  the  fields 
about  Fort  Edward,  doing  nothing,  disgusted  and 
mutinous,  declaring  that  they  were  ready  to  fight, 

1  London  to  Webb,  20  August,  1757.  London  to  Holdernesse,  October, 
1757.  London  to  Pownall,  16  [18  ?]  August,  1757.  A  passage  in  this 
last  letter,  in  which  Loudon  says  that  he  shall,  if  prevented  by 
head-winds  from  getting  into  New  York,  disembark  the  troops  on 
Long  Island,  is  perverted  by  that  ardent  partisan,  William  Smith, 
the  historian  of  New  York,  into  the  absurd  declaration  "  that  he 
should  encamp  on  Long  Island  for  the  defence  of  the  continent." 


1757.]  PANIC.  5 

but  not  to  lie  still  without  tents,  blankets,  or  kettles. 
Webb  writes  on  the  fourteenth  that  most  of  those 
from  New  York  had  deserted,  threatening  to  kill 
their  officers  if  they  tried  to  stop  them.  Delancey 
ordered  them  to  be  fired  upon.  A  sergeant  was  shot, 
others  were  put  in  arrest,  and  all  was  disorder  till 
the  seventeenth;  when  Webb,  learning  that  the 
French  were  gone,  sent  them  back  to  their  homes.1 

Close  on  the  fall  of  Fort  William  Henry  came 
crazy  rumors  of  disaster,  running  like  wildfire 
through  the  colonies.  The  number  and  ferocity  of 
the  enemy  were  grossly  exaggerated ;  there  was  a  cry 
that  they  would  seize  Albany  and  New  York  itself ; 2 
while  it  was  reported  that  Webb,  as  much  frightened 
as  the  rest,  was  for  retreating  to  the  Highlands  of 
the  Hudson.3  This  was  the  day  after  the  capitula 
tion,  when  a  part  only  of  the  militia  had  yet  appeared. 
If  Montcalm  had  seized  the  moment,  and  marched 
that  afternoon  to  Fort  Edward,  it  is  not  impossible 
that  in  the  confusion  he  might  have  carried  it  by  a 
coup  de  main. 

Here  was  an  opportunity  for  Vaudreuil,  and  he 
did  not  fail  to  use  it.  Jealous  of  his  rival's  exploit, 
he  spared  no  pains  to  tarnish  it;  complaining  that 
Montcalm  had  stopped  halfway  on  the  road  to  suc 
cess,  and,  instead  of  following  his  instructions,  had 


1  Delancey  to  [Holdernesse  ?],  24  August,  1757. 

2  Captain  Christie  to  Governor  Wentworth,  11  August,  1757.     Ibid., 
to  Governor  Pownall,  same  date. 

3  Smith,  Hist.  N.  Y.,  Part  II.  254. 


6  A   WINTER  OF   DISCONTENT.  [1757. 

contented  himself  with  one  victory  when  he  should 
have  gained  two.  But  the  governor  had  enjoined 
upon  him  as  a  matter  of  the  last  necessity  that  the 
Canadians  should  be  at  their  homes  before  September 
to  gather  the  crops,  and  he  would  have  been  the  first 
to  complain  had  the  injunction  been  disregarded. 
To  besiege  Fort  Edward  was  impossible,  as  Mont- 
calm  had  no  means  of  transporting  cannon  thither; 
and  to  attack  Webb  without  them  was  a  risk  which 
he  had  not  the  rashness  to  incur. 

It  was  Bougainville  who  first  brought  Vaudreuil 
the  news  of  the  success  on  Lake  George.  A  day  or 
two  after  his  arrival,  the  Indians,  who  had  left  the 
army  after  the  massacre,  appeared  at  Montreal,  bring 
ing  about  two  hundred  English  prisoners.  The 
governor  rebuked  them  for  breaking  the  capitulation, 
on  which  the  heathen  savages  of  the  West  declared 
that  it  was  not  their  fault,  but  that  of  the  converted 
Indians,  who,  in  fact,  had  first  raised  the  war-whoop. 
Some  of  the  prisoners  were  presently  bought  from 
them  at  the  price  of  two  kegs  of  brandy  each;  and 
the  inevitable  consequences  followed. 

"I  thought,"  writes  Bougainville,  "that  the  Gov 
ernor  would  have  told  them  they  should  have  neither 
provisions  nor  presents  till  all  the  English  were 
given  up ;  that  he  himself  would  have  gone  to  their 
huts  and  taken  the  prisoners  from  them;  and  that 
the  inhabitants  would  be  forbidden,  under  the  severest 
penalties,  from  selling  or  giving  them  brandy.  I  saw 
the  contrary;  and  my  soul  shuddered  at  the  sights 


1757.]  INDIAN   BARBARITIES.  7 

my  eyes  beheld.  On  the  fifteenth,  at  two  o'clock,  in 
the  presence  of  the  whole  town,  they  killed  one  of 
the  prisoners,  put  him  into  the  kettle,  and  forced  his 
wretched  countrymen  to  eat  of  him."  The  intendant 
Bigot,  the  friend  of  the  governor,  confirms  this  story; 
and  another  French  writer  says  that  they  "  compelled 
mothers  to  eat  the  flesh  of  their  children."1  Bigot 
declares  that  guns,  canoes,  and  other  presents  were 
given  to  the  western  tribes  before  they  left  Montreal ; 
and  he  adds,  "they  must  be  sent  home  satisfied  at 
any  cost."  Such  were  the  pains  taken  to  preserve 
allies  who  were  useful  chiefly  through  the  terror 
inspired  by  their  diabolical  cruelties.  This  time 
their  ferocity,  cost  them  dear.  They  had  dug  up  and 
scalped  the  corpses  in  the  graveyard  of  Fort  William 
Henry,  many  of  which  were  remains  of  victims  of 
the  small-pox;  and  the  savages  caught  the  disease, 
which  is  said  to  have  made  great  havoc  among  them.2 
Vaudreuil,  in  reporting  what  he  calls  "my  capture 
of  Fort  William  Henry,"  takes  great  credit  to  him 
self  for  his  "generous  procedures"  towards  the 
English  prisoners;  alluding,  it  seems,  to  his  having 

1  "  En  chemin  faisant  et  meme  en  entrant  &  Montreal  ils  les  ont 
manges  et  fait  manger  aux  autres  prisonniers."     Bigot  au  Ministre, 
24  Aout,  1757. 

"  Des  sauvages  ont  fait  manger  aux  meres  la  chair  de  leurs 
enfants."  Jugement  impartial  sur  les  Operations  militaires  en  Canada. 
A  French  diary  kept  in  Canada  at  this  time,  and  captured  at  sea, 
is  cited  by  Hutchinson  as  containing  similar  statements. 

2  One  of  these  corpses  was  that  of  Kichard  Rogers,  brother  of 
the  noted  partisan  Robert  Rogers.     He  had  died  of  small-pox  some 
time  before.     Rogers,  Journals,  55,  note. 


8  A  WINTER  OF  DISCONTENT.  [1757. 

bought  some  of  them  from  the  Indians  with  the 
brandy  which  was  sure  to  cause  the  murder  of 
others.1  His  obsequiousness  to  his  red  allies  did 
not  cease  with  permitting  them  to  kill  and  devour 
before  his  eyes  those  whom  he  was  bound  in  honor 
and  duty  to  protect.  "He  let  them  do  what  they 
pleased,"  says  a  French  contemporary;  "they  were 
seen  roaming  about  Montreal,  knife  in  hand,  threat 
ening  everybody,  and  often  insulting  those  they  met. 
When  complaint  was  made,  he  said  nothing.  Far 
from  it;  instead  of  reproaching  them,  he  loaded 
them  with  gifts,  in  the  belief  that  their  cruelty  would 
then  relent."2 

Nevertheless,  in  about  a  fortnight  all,  or  nearly 
all,  the  surviving  prisoners  were  bought  out  of  their 
clutches;  and  then,  after  a  final  distribution  of 
presents  and  a  grand  debauch  at  La  Chine,  the 
whole  savage  rout  paddled  for  their  villages. 

The  campaign  closed  in  November  with  a  partisan 
exploit  on  the  Mohawk.  Here,  at  a  place  called 
German  Flats,  on  the  farthest  frontier,  there  was  a 
thriving  settlement  of  German  peasants  from  the 
Palatinate,  who  were  so  ill  disposed  towards  the 
English  that  Vaudreuil  had  had  good  hope  of  stirring 
them  to  revolt,  while  at  the  same  time  persuading 
their  neighbors,  the  Oneida  Indians,  to  take  part 
with  France.3  As  his  measures  to  this  end  failed, 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  15  Septembrc,  1757. 

2  Me'moires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 
8  Depeches  de  Vaudreuil,  1757. 


1757.]  GERMAN   FLATS.  9 

he  resolved  to  attack  them.  Therefore,  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  twelfth  of  November, 
three  hundred  colony  troops,  Canadians  and  Indians, 
under  an  officer  named  Beletre,  wakened  the  unhappy 
peasants  by  a  burst  of  yells,  and  attacked  the  small 
picket  forts  which  they  had  built  as  places  of  refuge. 
These  were  taken  one  by  one  and  set  on  fire.  The 
sixty  dwellings  of  the  settlement,  with  their  barns 
and  outhouses,  were  all  burned,  forty  or  fifty  of  the 
inhabitants  were  killed,  and  about  three  times  that 
number,  chiefly  women  and  children,  were  made 
prisoners,  including  Johan  Jost  Petrie,  the  magistrate 
of  the  place.  Fort  Herkimer  was  not  far  off,  with  a 
garrison  of  two  hundred  men  under  Captain  Towns- 
hend,  who  at  the  first  alarm  sent  out  a  detachment 
too  weak  to  arrest  the  havoc ;  while  Beletre,  unable 
to  carry  off  his  booty,  set  on  his  followers  to  the 
work  of  destruction,  killed  a  great  number  of  hogs, 
sheep,  cattle,  and  horses,  and  then  made  a  hasty 
retreat.  Lord  Howe,  pushing  up  the  river  from 
Schenectady  with  troops  and  militia,  found  nothing 
but  an  abandoned  slaughter-field.  Vaudreuil  reported 
the  affair  to  the  court,  and  summed  up  the  results 
with  pompous  egotism :  "  I  have  ruined  the  plans  of 
the  English;  I  have  disposed  the  Five  Nations  to 
attack  them ;  I  have  carried  consternation  and  terror 
into  all  those  parts."  l 

1  London  to  Pitt,  14  February,  1758.  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  12 
Fevrier,  1750.  Ibid.,  28  Novembre,  1758.  Bougainville,  Journal. 
Summary  of  M.  de  Beletre  s  Campaign,  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  x.  672. 


10  A   WINTER  OF   DISCONTENT.         [1757,  1758. 

Montcalm,  his  summer  work  over,  went  to  Mont 
real;  and  thence  in  September  to  Quebec,  a  place 
more  to  his  liking.  "Come  as  soon  as  you  can,"  he 
wrote  to  Bourlamaque,  "  and  I  will  tell  a  certain  fair 
lady  how  eager  you  are."  Even  Quebec  was  no 
paradise  for  him;  and  he  writes  again  to  the  same 
friend:  "My  heart  and  my  stomach  are  both  ill  at 
ease,  the  latter  being  the  worse."  To  his  wife  he 
says :  "  The  price  of  everything  is  rising.  I  am  ruin 
ing  myself;  I  owe  the  treasurer  twelve  thousand 
francs.  I  long  for  peace  and  for  you.  In  spite  of 
the  public  distress,  we  have  balls  and  furious  gam 
bling."  In  February  he  returned  to  Montreal  in  a 
sleigh  on  the  ice  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  —  a  mode  of 
travelling  which  he  describes  as  cold  but  delicious. 
Montreal  pleased  him  less  than  ever,  especially  as 
he  was  not  in  favor  at  what  he  calls  the  court,  mean 
ing  the  circle  of  the  governor-general.  "  I  find  this 
place  so  amusing,"  he  writes  ironically  to  Bourla 
maque,  "  that  I  wish  Holy  Week  could  be  lengthened, 
to  give  me  a  pretext  for  neither  making  nor  receiv 
ing  visits,  staying  at  home,  and  dining  there  almost 
alone.  Burn  all  my  letters,  as  I  do  yours."  And  in 

Extravagant  reports  of  the  havoc  made  were  sent  to  France.  It 
was  pretended  that  three  thousand  cattle,  three  thousand  sheep 
(Vaudreuil  says  four  thousand),  and  from  five  hundred  to  fifteen 
hundred  horses  were  destroyed,  with  other  personal  property  to  the 
amount  of  1,500,000  livres.  These  official  falsehoods  are  contra 
dicted  in  a  letter  from  Quebec,  Daine  cm  Marshal  de  Bellcisle,  19 
Mai,  1758.  Levis  says,  that  the  whole  population  of  the  settlement, 
men,  women,  and  children,  was  not  above  three  hundred. 


1757,1758.]       DISGUST   OF  MONTCALM.  11 

the  next  week :  "  Lent  and  devotion  have  upset  my 
stomach  and  given  me  a  cold;  which  does  not  pre 
vent  me  from  having  the  Governor- General  at  dinner 
to-day  to  end  his  lenten  fast,  according  to  custom 
here."  Two  days  after  he  announces:  "To-day  a 
grand  dinner  at  Martel's;  twenty-three  persons,  all 
big- wigs  (les  grosses  perruques) ;  no  ladies.  We  still 
have  got  to  undergo  those  of  P&m,  Deschambault, 
and  the  Chevalier  de  Le'vis.  I  spend  almost  every 
evening  in  my  chamber,  the  place  I  like  best,  and 
where  I  am  least  bored." 

With  the  opening  spring  there  were  changes  in 
the  modes  of  amusement.  Picnics  began,  Vaudreuil 
and  his  wife  being  often  of  the  party,  as  too  was 
Le'vis.  The  governor  also  made  visits  of  compliment 
at  the  houses  of  the  seigniorial  proprietors  along  the 
river;  " very  much, "  says  Montcalm,  as  "Henri  IV. 
did  to  the  bourgeois  notables  of  Paris.  1  live  as 
usual,  fencing  in  the  morning,  dining,  and  passing 
the  evening  at  home  or  at  the  Governor's.  Pean 
has  gone  up  to  La  Chine  to  spend  six  days  with 
the  reigning  sultana  [Peart  s  wife,  mistress  of  Bigot]. 
As  for  me,  my  ennui  increases.  I  don't  know 
what  to  do,  or  say,  or  read,  or  where  to  go;  and  I 
think  that  at  the  end  of  the  next  campaign  I  shall 
ask  bluntly,  blindly,  for  my  recall,  only  because  I  am 
bored."1  " 

His  relations  with  Vaudreuil  were  a  constant 
annoyance  to  him,  notwithstanding  the  mask  of 

1  Montcalm  a  Bourlamaque,  22  Mai,  1758. 


12  A  WINTER  OF  DISCONTENT.     [1757,  1758. 

mutual  civility.  "I  never,"  he  tells  his  mother, 
"ask  for  a  place  in  the  colony  troops  for  anybody. 
You  need  not  be  an  CEdipus  to  guess  this  riddle. 
Here  are  four  lines  from  Corneille :  — 

"  '  Mon  crime  veritable  est  d'avoir  aujourd'hui 

Plus  de  nom  que  .  .  .  [Vaudreuil],  plus  de  vertus  que  lui, 

Et  c'est  de  la  que  part  cette  secrete  haine 

Que  le  temps  ne  rendra  que  plus  forte  et  plus  pleine.' 

Nevertheless  I  live  here  on  good  terms  with  every 
body,  and  do  my  best  to  serve  the  King.  If  they 
could  but  do  without  me ;  if  they  could  but  spring 
some  trap  on  me,  or  if  I  should  happen  to  meet 
with  some  check!" 

Vaudreuil  meanwhile  had  written  to  the  court  in 
high  praise  of  Ed  vis,  hinting  that  he,  and  not 
Montcalm,  ought  to  have  the  chief  command.1 

Under  the  hollow  gayeties  of  the  ruling  class  lay  a 
great  public  distress,  which  broke  at  last  into  riot. 
Towards  midwinter  no  flour  was  to  be  had  in  Mont 
real;  and  both  soldiers  and  people  were  required  to 
accept  a  reduced  ration,  partly  of  horse-flesh.  A 
mob  gathered  before  the  governor's  house,  and  a 
deputation  of  women  beset  him,  crying  out  that  the 
horse  was  the  friend  of  man,  and  that  religion  for 
bade  him  to  be  eaten.  In  reply  he  threatened  them 
with  imprisonment  and  hanging;  but  with  little 
effect,  and  the  crowd  dispersed,  only  to  stir  up  the 
soldiers  quartered  in  the  houses  of  the  town.  The 

i  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre  de  la  Marine,  16  Septembre,  1757.  Ibid.,  au 
Ministre  de  la  Guerre,  meme  date. 


1758.]  WINTER  AT   TICONDEROGA.  13 

colony  regulars,  ill-disciplined  at  the  best,  broke 
into  mutiny,  and  excited  the  battalion  of  Be*arn  to 
join  them.  Vaudreuil  was  helpless ;  Montcalm  was 
in  Quebec;  and  the  task  of  dealing  with  the  muti 
neers  fell  upon  Levis,  who  proved  equal  to  the  crisis, 
took  a  high  tone,  threatened  death  to  the  first  soldier 
who  should  refuse  horse-flesh,  assured  them  at  the 
same  time  that  he  ate  it  every  day  himself,  and  by  a 
characteristic  mingling  of  authority  and  tact,  quelled 
the  storm.1 

The  prospects  of  the  next  campaign  began  to  open. 
Captain  Pouchot  had  written  from  Niagara  that 
three  thousand  savages  were  waiting  to  be  let  loose 
against  the  English  borders.  "  What  a  scourge !  " 
exclaims  Bougainville.  "  Humanity  groans  at  being 
forced  to  use  such  monsters.  What  can  be  done 
against  an  invisible  enemy,  who  strikes  and  vanishes, 
swift  as  the  lightning?  It  is  the  destroying  angel." 
Captain  Hebecourt  kept  watch  and  ward  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  begirt  with  snow  and  ice,  and  much  plagued 
by  English  rangers,  who  sometimes  got  into  the  ditch 
itself.2  This  was  to  reconnoitre  the  place  in  prepara 
tion  for  a  winter  attack  which  Loudon  had  planned, 
but  which,  like  the  rest  of  his  schemes,  fell  to  the 
ground.3  Towards  midwinter  a  band  of  these  in 
truders  captured  two  soldiers  and  butchered  some 
fifteen  cattle  close  to  the  fort,  leaving  tied  to  the 

1  Bougainville,   Journal.     Montcalm.  a    Mirepoix,  20  Avril,  1758. 
Levis,  Journal  de  la  Guerre  du  Canada. 

2  Montcalm  a  Bourlamaque,  28  Mars,  1758. 

3  Loudon  to  Pitt,  14  February,  1758. 


14  A  WINTER  OF   DISCONTENT.  [1758. 

horns  of  one  of  them  a  note  addressed  to  the  com 
mandant  in  these  terms:  "I  am  obliged  to  you,  sir, 
for  the  rest  you  have  allowed  me  to  take  and  the 
fresh  meat  you  have  sent  me.  I  shall  take  good  care 
of  my  prisoners.  My  compliments  to  the  Marquis 
of  Montcalm."  Signed,  Rogers.1 

A  few  weeks  later  Hebecourt  had  his  revenge. 
About  the  middle  of  March  a  report  came  to  Mont 
real  that  a  large  party  of  rangers  had  been  cut  to 
pieces  a  few  miles  from  Ticonderoga,  and  that  Rogers 
himself  was  among  the  slain.  This  last  announce 
ment  proved  false;  but  the  rangers  had  suffered  a 
crushing  defeat.  Colonel  Haviland,  commanding  at 
Fort  Edward,  sent  a  hundred  and  eighty  of  them, 
men  and  officers,  on  a  scouting  party  towards  Ticon 
deroga;  and  Captain  Pringle  and  Lieutenant  Roche, 
of  the  twenty-seventh  regiment,  joined  them  as 
volunteers,  no  doubt  through  a  love  of  hardy  adven 
ture,  which  was  destined  to  be  fully  satisfied.  Rogers 
commanded  the  whole.  They  passed  down  Lake 
George  on  the  ice  under  cover  of  night,  and  then,  as 
they  neared  the  French  outposts,  pursued  their  way 
by  land  behind  Rogers  Rock  and  the  other  mountains 
of  the  western  shore.  On  the  preceding  day,  the 
twelfth  of  March,  Hebecourt  had  received  a  rein 
forcement  of  two  hundred  Mission  Indians  and  a 
body  of  Canadians.  The  Indians  had  no  sooner 
arrived  than,  though  nominally  Christians,  they 

1  Journal  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  en  Canada,  1757,  1758.  Compare 
liogers,  Journals,  72-75. 


1758.]  DEFEAT   OF   ROGERS.  15 

consulted  the  spirits,  by  whom  they  were  told  that 
the  English  were  coming.  On  this  they  sent  out 
scouts,  who  came  back  breathless,  declaring  that 
they  had  found  a  great  number  of  snow-shoe  tracks. 
The  superhuman  warning  being  thus  confirmed,  the 
whole  body  of  Indians,  joined  by  a  band  of  Cana 
dians  and  a  number  of  volunteers  from  the  regulars, 
set  out  to  meet  the  approaching  enemy,  and  took 
their  way  up  the  valley  of  Trout  Brook,  a  mountain 
gorge  that  opens  from  the  west  upon  the  valley  of 
Ticonderoga. 

Towards  three  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day 
Rogers  had  reached  a  point  nearly  west  of  the  moun 
tain  that  bears  his  name.  The  rough  and  rocky 
ground  was  buried  four  feet  in  snow,  and  all  around 
stood  the  gray  trunks  of  the  forest,  bearing  aloft 
their  skeleton  arms  and  tangled  intricacy  of  leafless 
twigs.  Close  on  the  right  was  a  steep  hill,  and  at  a 
little  distance  on  the  left  was  the  brook,  lost  under 
ice  and  snow.  A  scout  from  the  front  told  Rogers 
that  a  party  of  Indians  was  approaching  along  the 
bed  of  the  frozen  stream,  on  which  he  ordered  his 
men  to  halt,  face  to  that  side,  and  advance  cau 
tiously.  The  Indians  soon  appeared,  and  received  a 
fire  that  killed  some  of  them  and  drove  back  the  rest 
in  confusion. 

Not  suspecting  that  they  were  but  an  advance- 
guard,  about  half  the  rangers  dashed  in  pursuit,  and 
were  soon  met  by  the  whole  body  of  the  enemy.  The 
woods  rang  with  yells  and  musketry.  In  a  few 


16  A  WINTER   OF   DISCONTENT.  [1758. 

minutes  some  fifty  of  the  pursuers  were  shot  down, 
and  the  rest  driven  back  in  disorder  upon  their 
comrades.  Rogers  formed  them  all  on  the  slope  of 
the  hill ;  and  here  they  fought  till  sunset  with  stub 
born  desperation,  twice  repulsing  the  overwhelming 
numbers  of  the  assailants,  and  thwarting  all  their 
efforts  to  gain  the  heights  in  the  rear.  The  combat 
ants  were  often  not  twenty  yards  apart,  and  some 
times  they  were  mixed  together.  At  length  a  large 
body  of  Indians  succeeded  in  turning  the  right  flank 
of  the  rangers.  Lieutenant  Phillips  and  a  few  men 
were  sent  by  Rogers  to  oppose  the  movement;  but 
they  quickly  found  themselves  surrounded,  and  after 
a  brave  defence  surrendered  on  a  pledge  of  good 
treatment.  Rogers  now  advised  the  volunteers, 
Pringle  and  Roche,  to  escape  while  there  was  time, 
and  offered  them  a  sergeant  as  guide ;  but  they  gal 
lantly  resolved  to  stand  by  him.  Eight  officers  and 
more  than  a  hundred  rangers  lay  dead  and  wounded 
in  the  snow.  Evening  was  near  and  the  forest  was 
darkening  fast,  when  the  few  survivors  broke  and 
fled.  Rogers  with  about  twenty  followers  escaped 
up  the  mountain;  and  gathering  others  about  him, 
made  a  running  fight  against  the  Indian  pursuers, 
reached  Lake  George,  not  without  fresh  losses,  and 
after  two  days  of  misery  regained  Fort  Edward  with 
the  remnant  of  his  band.  The  enemy  on  their  part 
suffered  heavily,  the  chief  loss  falling  on  the  Indians ; 
who,  to  revenge  themselves,  murdered  all  the 
wounded  and  nearly  all  the  prisoners,  and  tying 


1758.J  PRINGLE   AND  ROCHE.  17 

Lieutenant  Phillips   and  his   men  to  trees,   hacked 
them  to   pieces. 

Captain  Pringle  and  Lieutenant  Roche  had  become 
separated  from  the  other  fugitives ;  and,  ignorant  of 
woodcraft,  they  wandered  by  moonlight  amid  the 
desolation  of  rocks  and  snow,  till  early  in  the  night 
they  met  a  man  whom  they  knew  as  a  servant  of 
Rogers,  and  who  said  that  he  could  guide  them  to 
Fort  Edward.  One  of  them  had  lost  his  snow-shoes 
in  the  fight ,  and,  crouching  over  a  miserable  fire  of 
broken  sticks,  they  worked  till  morning  to  make  a 
kind  of  substitute  with  forked  branches,  twigs,  and  a 
few  leather  strings.  They  had  no  hatchet  to  cut 
firewood,  no  blankets,  no  overcoats,  and  no  food 
except  part  of  a  Bologna  sausage  and  a  little  ginger 
which  Pringle  had  brought  with  him.  There  was  no 
game;  not  even  a  squirrel  was  astir;  and  their  chief 
sustenance  was  juniper-berries  and  the  inner  bark  of 
trees.  But  their  worst  calamity  was  the  helplessness 
of  their  guide.  His  brain  wandered;  and  while 
always  insisting  that  he  knew  the  country  well,  he 
led  them  during  four  days  hither  and  thither  among 
a  labyrinth  of  nameless  mountains,  clambering  over 
rocks,  wading  through  snowdrifts,  struggling  among 
fallen  trees,  till  on  the  fifth  day  they  saw  with 
despair  that  they  had  circled  back  to  their  own  start 
ing-point.  On  the  next  morning,  when  they  were 
on  the  ice  of  Lake  George,  not  far  from  Rogers 
Rock,  a  blinding  storm  of  sleet  and  snow  drove  in 
their  faces.  Spent  as  they  were,  it  was  death  to 

VOL.   II.  —  2 


18  A  WINTER  OF   DISCONTENT.  [1758. 

stop ;  and  bending  their  heads  against  the  blast,  they 
fought  their  way  forward,  now  on  the  ice,  and  now 
in  the  adjacent  forest,  till  in  the  afternoon  the  storm 
ceased,  and  they  found  themselves  on  the  bank  of  an 
unknown  stream.  It  was  the  outlet  of  the  lake ;  for 
they  had  wandered  into  the  valley  of  Ticonderoga, 
and  were  not  three  miles  from  the  French  fort.  In 
crossing  the  torrent  Pringle  lost  his  gun,  and  was 
near  losing  his  life.  All  three  of  the  party  were 
drenched  to  the  skin;  and,  becoming  now  for  the 
first  time  aware  of  where  they  were,  they  resolved  on 
yielding  themselves  prisoners  to  save  their  lives. 
Night,  however,  again  found  them  in  the  forest. 
Their  guide  became  delirious,  saw  visions  of  Indians 
all  around,  and,  murmuring  incoherently,  straggled 
off  a  little  way,  seated  himself  in  the  snow,  and  was 
soon  dead.  The  two  officers,  themselves  but  half 
alive,  walked  all  night  round  a  tree  to  keep  the  blood 
in  motion.  In  the  morning,  again  toiling  on,  they 
presently  saw  the  fort  across  the  intervening  snow- 
fields,  and  approached  it,  waving  a  white  handker 
chief.  Several  French  officers  clashed  towards  them 
at  full  speed,  and  reached  them  in  time  to  save  them 
from  the  clutches  of  the  Indians,  whose  camps  were 
near  at  hand.  They  were  kindly  treated,  recovered 
from  the  effects  of  their  frightful  ordeal,  and  were 
afterwards  exchanged.  Pringle  lived  to  old  age,  and 
died  in  1800,  senior  major-general  of  the  British  army.1 

1  Rogers,  two  days  after  reaching  Fort  Edward,  made  a  detailed 
report  of'tlie  fight,  which  was  printed  in  the  New  IlamjmJu're  Gfizette 


1758.]  EVIDENCE.  19 

and  other  provincial  papers.  It  is  substantially  incorporated  in  his 
published  Journals,  which  also  contain  a  long  letter  from  Pringle  to 
Colonel  Haviland,  dated  at  Carillon  (Ticonderoga),  28  March,  and 
giving  an  excellent  account  of  his  and  Roche's  adventures.  It  was 
sent  by  a  flag  of  truce,  which  soon  after  arrived  from  Fort  Edward 
with  a  letter  for  Vaudreuil.  The  French  accounts  of  the  fight  are 
Hebecourt  a  [  Vaudreuil  ?],  15  Mars,  1758.  Montcalm  au  Ministre  de 
la  Guerre,  10  Avril,  1758.  Doreil  a  Belleisle,  30  Avril,  1758.  Bou 
gainville,  Journal.  Relation  de  I' Affaire  de  Roger,  19  Mars,  1758. 
Autre  Relation,  meme  date.  Le'vis,  Journal.  According  to  Levis,  the 
French  force  consisted  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  Indians  and 
Canadians,  and  a  number  of  officers,  cadets,  and  soldiers.  Rogers 
puts  it  at  seven  hundred.  Most  of  the  French  writers  put  the  force 
of  the  rangers,  correctly,  at  about  one  hundred  and  eighty.  Rogers 
reports  his  loss  at  one  hundred  and  twenty-five.  None  of  the 
wounded  seem  to  have  escaped,  being  either  murdered  after  the 
fight,  or  killed  by  exposure  in  the  woods.  The  Indians  brought  in 
one  hundred  and  forty-four  scalps,  having  no  doubt  divided  some 
of  them,  after  their  ingenious  custom.  Rogers  threw  off  his  over 
coat  during  the  fight,  and  it  was  found  on  the  field,  with  his  com 
mission  in  the  pocket ;  whence  the  report  of  his  death.  There  is 
an  unsupported  tradition  that  he  escaped  by  sliding  on  his  snow- 
shoes  down  a  precipice  of  Rogers  Rock. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

1753-1760. 
BIGOT. 

His  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER.  —  CANADIAN  SOCIETY.  —  OFFICIAL 
FESTIVITIES. — A  PARTY  OF  PLEASURE. —  HOSPITALITIES  OF 
BIGOT.  —  DESPERATE  GAMBLING.  —  CHATEAU  BIGOT.  —  CANA 
DIAN  LADIES.  —  CADET.  —  LA  FRIPONNE.  —  OFFICIAL  RAS 
CALITY.  —  METHODS  OF  PECULATION.  —  CRUEL  FRAUDS  ON 
THE  ACADIANS.  —  MILITARY  CORRUPTION.  —  PfiAN.  —  LOVE 
AND  KNAVERY.  —  VARIN  AND  HIS  PARTNERS.  —  VAUDREUIL  AND 
THE  PECULATORS  :  HE  DEFENDS  BIGOT  ;  PRAISES  CADET  AND 
PEAN. —  CANADIAN  FINANCES.  —  PERIL  OF  BIGOT.  —  THREATS 
OF  THE  MINISTER.  —  EVIDENCE  OF  MONTCALM.  —  IMPENDING 
RUIN  OF  THE  CONFEDERATES. 

AT  this  stormy  epoch  of  Canadian  history  the 
sinister  figure  of  the  intendant  Bigot  moves  con 
spicuous  on  the  scene.  Not  that  he  was  answerable 
for  all  the  manifold  corruption  that  infected  the  colony, 
for  much  of  it  was  rife  before  his  time,  and  had  a 
vitality  of  its  own ;  but  his  office  and  character  made 
him  the  centre  of  it,  and,  more  than  any  other  man, 
he  marshalled  and  organized  the  forces  of  knavery. 

In  the  dual  government  of  Canada  the  governor 
represented  the  King  and  commanded  the  troops; 
while  the  intendant  was  charged  with  trade,  finance, 
justice,  and  all  other  departments  of  civil  administra 
tion.1  In  former  times  the  two  functionaries  usually 

1  See  "  Old  Regime  in  Canada." 


1753.]  A  PARTY   OF   PLEASURE.  21 

quarrelled;  but  between  Vaudreuil  and  Bigot  there 
was  perfect  harmony. 

Frangois  Bigot,  in  the  words  of  his  biographer,  was 
"born  in  the  bosom  of  the  magistracy,"  both  his 
father  and  his  grandfather  having  held  honorable 
positions  in  the  parliament  of  Bordeaux.1  In  appear 
ance  he  was  not  prepossessing,  though  his  ugly,  pim 
pled  face  was  joined  with  easy  and  agreeable  manners. 
In  spite  of  indifferent  health,  he  was  untiring  both  in 
pleasure  and  in  work,  a  skilful  man  of  business,  of 
great  official  experience,  energetic,  good-natured, 
free-handed,  ready  to  oblige  his  friends  and  aid  them 
in  their  needs  at  the  expense  of  the  King,  his  master ; 
fond  of  social  enjoyments,  lavish  in  hospitality. 

A  year  or  two  before  the  war  began,  the  engineer 
Franquet  was  sent  from  France  to  strengthen 
Louisbourg  and  inspect  the  defences  of  Canada. 
He  kept  a  copious  journal,  full  of  curious  observa 
tion,  and  affording  bright  glimpses  not  only  of  the 
social  life  of  the  intendant,  but  of  Canadian  society 
in  the  upper  or  official  class.  Thus,  among  various 
matters  of  the  kind,  he  gives  us  the  following. 
Bigot,  who  was  in  Quebec,  had  occasion  to  go  to 
Montreal  to  meet  the  governor;  and  this  official 
journey  was  turned  into  a  pleasure  excursion,  of 
which  the  King  paid  all  the  costs.  Those  favored 
with  invitations,  a  privilege  highly  prized,  were 
Franquet,  with  seven  or  eight  military  officers  and  a 

1  Proces  de  Bigot,  Cadet,  et  autres,  Memoire  pour  Messire  Francois 
Bigot,  accuse,  contre  Monsieur  le  Procureur- General  du  Rot,  accusateur. 


22  BIGOT.  [1753. 

corresponding  number  of  ladies,  including  the  wife  of 
Major  Pe'an,  of  whom  Bigot  was  enamoured.  A 
chief  steward,  cooks,  servants,  and  other  attendants, 
followed  the  party.  The  guests  had  been  requested 
to  send  their  portmanteaus  to  the  Intendant's  Palace 
six  days  before,  that  they  might  be  sent  forward  on 
sledges  along  with  bedding,  table  service,  cooking 
utensils,  and  numberless  articles  of  comfort  and 
luxury.  Orders  were  given  to  the  inhabitants  along 
the  way,  on  pain  of  imprisonment,  to  level  the  snow 
drifts  and  beat  the  road  smooth  with  ox-teams,  as  also 
to  provide  relays  of  horses.  It  is  true  that  they  were 
well  paid  for  this  last  service ;  so  well  that  the  hire 
of  a  horse  to  Montreal  and  back  again  would  cost  the 
King  the  entire  value  of  the  animal.  On  the  eighth 
of  February  the  party  met  at  the  palace ;  and  after  a 
grand  dinner  set  out  upon  their  journey  in  twenty  or 
more  sleighs,  some  with  two  guests  and  a  driver,  and 
the  rest  with  servants  and  attendants.  The  proces 
sion  passed  at  full  trot  along  St.  Vallier  Street  amid 
the  shouts  of  an  admiring  crowd,  stopped  towards 
night  at  Pointe-aux-Trembles,  where  each  looked  for 
lodging ;  and  then  they  all  met  and  supped  with  the 
intendant.  The  militia  captain  of  the  place  was  ordered 
to  have  fresh  horses  ready  at  seven  in  the  morning, 
when  Bigot  regaled  his  friends  with  tea,  coffee,  and 
chocolate,  after  which  they  set  out  again,  drove  to 
Cap-Santo,  and  stopped  two  hours  at  the  house  of  the 
militia  captain  to  breakfast  and  warm  themselves.  In 
the  afternoon  they  reached  Ste.  Anne-de-la-Pe'rade, 


1753.]  HIS  HOSPITALITIES.  23 

when  Bigot  gave  them  a  supper  at  the  house  in  which 
he  lodged,  and  they  spent  the  evening  at  cards. 

The  next  morning  brought  them  to  Three  Rivers, 
where  Madame  Marin,  Franquet's  travelling  com 
panion,  wanted  to  stop  to  see  her  sister,  the  wife  of 
Rigaud,  who  was  then  governor  of  the  place. 
Madame  de  Rigaud,  being  ill,  received  her  visitors 
in  bed,  and  ordered  an  ample  dinner  to  be  provided 
for  them ;  after  which  they  returned  to  her  chamber 
for  coffee  and  conversation.  Then  they  all  set  out 
again,  saluted  by  the  cannon  of  the  fort. 

Their  next  stopping-place  was  Isle-au-Castor, 
where,  being  seated  at  cards  before  supper,  they  were 
agreeably  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  the  gov 
ernor,  who  had  come  down  from  Montreal  to  meet 
them  with  four  officers,  Duchesnaye,  Marin,  Le 
Mercier,  and  Pe*an.  Many  were  the  embraces  and 
compliments ;  and  in  the  morning  they  all  journeyed 
on  together,  stopping  towards  night  at  the  largest 
house  they  could  find,  where  their  servants  took  away 
the  partitions  to  make  room,  and  they  sat  down  to  a 
supper,  followed  by  the  inevitable  game  of  cards. 
On  the  next  night  they  reached  Montreal  and  were 
lodged  at  the  intendancy,  the  official  residence  of 
the  hospitable  Bigot.  The  succeeding  day  was  spent 
in  visiting  persons  of  eminence  and  consideration, 
among  whom  are  to  be  noted  the  names,  soon  to 
become  notorious,  of  Varin,  naval  commissary, 
Martel,  King's  storekeeper,  Antoine  Penisseault, 
and  Francois  Maurin.  A  succession  of  festivities 


24  BIGOT.  [755-1759. 

followed,  including  the  benediction  of  three  flags  for 
a  band  of  militia  on  their  way  to  the  Ohio.  All 
persons  of  quality  in  Montreal  were  invited  on  this 
occasion,  and  the  governor  gave  them  a  dinner  and  a 
supper.  Bigot,  however,  outdid  him  in  the  plenitude 
of  his  hospitality,  since,  in  the  week  before  Lent, 
forty  guests  supped  every  evening  at  his  table,  and 
dances,  masquerades,  and  cards  consumed  the  night.1 
His  chief  abode  was  at  Quebec,  in  the  capacious 
but  somewhat  ugly  building  known  as  the  Intendant's 
Palace.  Here  it  wras  his  custom  during  the  war  to 
entertain  twenty  persons  at  dinner  every  day;  and 
there  was  also  a  hall  for  dancing,  with  a  gallery 
to  which  the  citizens  were  admitted  as  spectators.2 
The  bounteous  intendant  provided  a  separate  dan 
cing-hall  for  the  populace;  and,  though  at  the  same 
time  he  plundered  and  ruined  them,  his  gracious 
demeanor  long  kept  him  a  place  in  their  hearts. 
Gambling  was  the  chief  feature  of  his  entertainments, 
and  the  stakes  grew  deeper  as  the  war  went  on.  He 
played  desperately  himself,  and  early  in  1758  lost 
two  hundred  and  four  thousand  francs,  —  a  loss 
which  he  well  knew  how  to  repair.  Besides  his 
official  residence  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Charles,  he 
had  a  country  house  about  five  miles  distant,  a  mas 
sive  old  stone  building  in  the  woods  at  the  foot  of  the 
mountain  of  Charlebourg;  its  ruins  are  now  known 
as  Chateau  Bigot.  In  its  day  it  was  called  the 
Hermitage ;  though  the  uses  to  which  it  was  applied 

1  Franquet,  Journal.  2  De  Gaspe,  Memoir es,  119. 


1748-1760.]  OFFICIAL   KNAVERY.  25 

savored  nothing  of  asceticism.  Tradition  connects 
it  and  its  owner  with  a  romantic,  but  more  than 
doubtful,  story  of  love,  jealousy,  and  murder. 

The  chief  Canadian  families  were  so  social  in  their 
habits  and  so  connected  by  intermarriage  that,  along 
with  the  French  civil  and  military  officers  of  the 
colonial  establishment,  they  formed  a  society  whose 
members  all  knew  each  other,  like  the  corresponding 
class  in  Virginia.  There  was  among  them  a  social 
facility  and  ease  rare  in  democratic  communities ;  and 
in  the  ladies  of  Quebec  and  Montreal  were  often  seen 
graces  which  visitors  from  France  were  astonished  to 
find  at  the  edge  of  a  wilderness.  Yet  this  small  though 
lively  society  had  anomalies  which  grew  more  obtrusive 
towards  the  close  of  the  war.  Knavery  makes  strange 
companions;  and  at  the  tables  of  high  civil  officials 
and  colony  officers  of  rank  sat  guests  as  boorish  in 
manners  as  they  were  worthless  in  character. 

Foremost  among  these  was  Joseph  Cadet,  son  of  a 
butcher  at  Quebec,  who  at  thirteen  went  to  sea  as  a 
pilot's  boy,  then  kept  the  cows  of  an  inhabitant  of 
Charlebourg,  and  at  last  took  up  his  father's  trade 
and  prospered  in  it. 1  In  1756  Bigot  got  him  appointed 
commissary-general,  and  made  a  contract  with  him 
which  flung  wide  open  the  doors  of  peculation.  In 
the  next  two  years  Cadet  and  his  associates,  Pean, 
Maurin,  Corpron,  and  Penisseault,  sold  to  the  King, 
for  about  twenty-three  million  francs,  provisions 
which  cost  them  eleven  millions,  leaving  a  net  profit 

l  /Voces  de  Bi(/ot,  Cadet,  et  autres,  j\fc  moire  pour  Messire  Francois 
Bigot.  Compare  Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 


26  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

of  about  twelve  millions.  It  was  not  legally  proved 
that  the  intendant  shared  Cadet's  gains ;  but  there  is 
no  reasonable  doubt  that  he  did  so.  Bigot's  chief 
profits  rose,  however,  from  other  sources.  It  was 
his  business  to  see  that  the  King's  storehouses  for 
the  supply  of  troops,  militia,  and  Indians  were  kept 
well  stocked.  To  this  end  he  and  Br£ard,  naval 
comptroller  at  Quebec,  made  a  partnership  with  the 
commercial  house  of  Gradis  and  Son  at  Bordeaux. 
He  next  told  the  colonial  minister  that  there  were 
stores  enough  already  in  Canada  to  last  three  years, 
and  that  it  would  be  more  to  the  advantage  of  the 
King  to  buy  them  in  the  colony  than  to  take  the  risk 
of  sending  them  from  France.1  Gradis  and  Son  then 
shipped  them  to  Canada  in  large  quantities,  while 
Breard  or  his  agent  declared  at  the  custom-house 
that  they  belonged  to  the  King,  and  so  escaped  the 
payment  of  duties.  They  were  then,  as  occasion 
rose,  sold  to  the  King  at  a  huge  profit,  always  under 
fictitious  names.  Often  they  were  sold  to  some 
favored  merchant  or  speculator,  who  sold  them  in 
turn  to  Bigot's  confederate,  the  King's  storekeeper; 
and  sometimes  they  passed  through  several  successive 
hands,  till  the  price  rose  to  double  or  triple  the  first 
cost,  the  intendant  and  his  partners  sharing  the  gains 
with  friends  and  allies.  They  would  let  nobody  else 
sell  to  the  King ;  and  thus  a  grinding  monopoly  was 
established,  to  the  great  profit  of  those  who  held  it.2 

1  Bigot  au  Ministre,  8  Octobre,  1749. 

2  Proces  de  Biyot,  Cadet,  et  autres.      Me  moire  sur  les  Fraudes  com- 
mises  dans  la  Colonie.    Compare  Mtmoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 


1748-1760.]  OFFICIAL   KNAVERY.  27 

Under  the  name  of  a  trader  named  Claverie,  Bigot, 
some  time  before  the  war,  set  up  a  warehouse  on  land 
belonging  to  the  King  and  not  far  from  his  own 
palace.  Here  the  goods  shipped  from  Bordeaux 
were  collected,  to  be  sold  in  retail  to  the  citizens, 
and  in  wholesale  to  favored  merchants  and  the 
King.  This  establishment  was  popularly  known  as 
La  Friponne,  or  The  Cheat.  There  was  another 
Friponne  at  Montreal,  which  was  leagued  with  that 
of  Quebec,  and  received  goods  from  it. 

Bigot  and  his  accomplices  invented  many  other 
profitable  frauds.  Thus  he  was  charged  with  the 
disposal  of  the  large  quantity  of  furs  belonging  to 
his  master,  which  it  was  his  duty  to  sell  at  public 
auction,  after  due  notice,  to  the  highest  bidder. 
Instead  of  this,  he  sold  them  privately  at  a  low  price 
to  his  own  confederates.  It  was  also  his  duty  to 
provide  transportation  for  troops,  artillery,  provisions, 
and  stores,  in  which  he  made  good  profit  by  letting 
to  the  King,  at  high  prices,  boats  or  vessels  which 
he  had  himself  bought  or  hired  for  the  purpose.1 

Yet  these  and  other  illicit  gains  still  left  him  but 
the  second  place  as  public  plunderer.  Cadet,  the 
commissary-general,  reaped  an  ampler  harvest,  and 
became  the  richest  man  in  the  colony.  One  of  the 
operations  of  this  scoundrel,  accomplished  with  the 
help  of  Bigot,  consisted  in  buying  for  six  hundred 
thousand  francs  a  quantity  of  stores  belonging  to  the 
King,  and  then  selling  them  back  to  him  for  one 

1  Jugement  rendu  souverainement  dans  I' Affaire  du  Canada. 


28  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

million  four  hundred  thousand.1  It  was  further 
shown  on  his  trial  that  in  1759  he  received  1,614,354 
francs  for  stores  furnished  at  the  post  of  Miramichi, 
while  the  value  of  those  actually  furnished  was  but 
889,54-1  francs;  thus  giving  him  a  fraudulent  profit 
of  more  than  seven  hundred  and  twenty-four  thou 
sand.2  Cadet's  chief  resource  was  the  falsification  of 
accounts.  The  service  of  the  King  in  Canada  was 
fenced  about  by  rigid  formalities.  When  supplies 
were  wanted  at  any  of  the  military  posts,  the  com 
mandant  made  a  requisition  specifying  their  nature 
and  quantify,  while,  before  pay  could  be  drawn  for 
them,  the  King's  storekeeper,  the  local  commissary, 
and  the  inspector  must  set  their  names  as  vouchers  to 
the  list,  and  finally  Bigot  must  sign  it.3  But  precau 
tions  were  useless  where  all  were  leagued  to  rob  the 
King.  It  appeared  on  Cadet's  trial  that  by  gifts  of 
wine,  brandy,  or  money  he  had  bribed  the  officers, 
both  civil  and  military,  at  all  the  principal  forts  to 
attest  the  truth  of  accounts  in  which  the  supplies 
furnished  by  him  were  set  at  more  than  twice  their 
true  amount.  Of  the  many  frauds  charged  against 
him  there  was  one  peculiarly  odious.  Large  num 
bers  of  refugee  Acadians  were  to  be  supplied  with 
rations  to  keep  them  alive.  Instead  of  wholesome 
food,  mouldered  and  unsalable  salt  cod  was  sent 

1  Proces  de  Bigot,  Cadet,  et  autres,  Requete  du  Procureur-Ge'ne'ral, 
19  Decembre,  1761. 

2  Proces  de  Bigot,  Cadet,  et  autres,  Me'moire  pour  Messire  Francois 
Bigot. 

3  Me'moire  sur  le  Canada  (Archives  Nationales). 


1748-1760.]  OFFICIAL  KNAVERY.  29 

them,  and  paid  for  by  the  King  at  inordinate  prices.1 
It  was  but  one  of  many  heartless  outrages  practised 
by  Canadian  officials  on  this  unhappy  people. 

Cadet  told  the  intendant  that  the  inhabitants  were 
hoarding  their  grain,  and  got  an  order  from  him 
requiring  them  to  sell  it  at  a  low  fixed  price,  on  pain 
of  having  it  seized.  Thus  nearly  the  whole  fell  into 
his  hands.  Famine  ensued;  and  he  then  sold  it  at 
a  great  profit,  partly  to  the  King,  and  partly  to  its 
first  owners.  Another  of  his  devices  was  to  sell  pro 
visions  to  the  King  which,  being  sent  to  the  outlying 
forts,  were  falsely  reported  as  consumed ;  on  which  he 
sold  them  to  the  King  a  second  time.  Not  without 
reason  does  a  writer  of  the  time  exclaim:  "This  is 
the  land  of  abuses,  ignorance,  prejudice,  and  all  that 
is  monstrous  in  government.  Peculation,  monopoly, 
and  plunder  have  become  a  bottomless  abyss."  2 

The  command  of  a  fort  brought  such  opportunities 
of  making  money  that,  according  to  Bougainville, 
the  mere  prospect  of  appointment  to  it  for  the  usual 
term  of  three  years  was  thought  enough  for  a  young 
man  to  marry  upon.  It  was  a  favor  in  the  gift  of 
the  governor,  who  was  accused  of  sharing  the  profits. 
These  came  partly  from  the  fur-trade,  and  still  more 
from  frauds  of  various  kinds.  For  example,  a  requi 
sition  was  made  for  supplies  as  gifts  to  the  Indians 
in  order  to  keep  them  friendly  or  send  them  on  the 
war-path;  and  their  number  was  put  many  times 

1  Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1740-1760. 

2  Considerations  sur  I'Etat  present  du  Canada. 


30  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

above  the  truth  in  order  to  get  more  goods,  which 
the  commandant  and  his  confederates  then  bartered 
for  furs  on  their  own  account,  instead  of  giving  them 
as  presents.  "And,"  says  a  contemporary,  address 
ing  the  colonial  minister,  "those  who  treat  the 
savages  so  basely  are  officers  of  the  King,  depositaries 
of  his  authority,  ministers  of  that  Great  Onontio 
whom  they  call  their  father." l  At  the  post  of  Green 
Bay,  the  partisan  officer  Marin,  and  Rigaud,  the 
governor's  brother,  made  in  a  short  time  a  profit  of 
three  hundred  and  twelve  thousand  francs.2  "  Why 
is  it,"  asks  Bougainville,  "that  of  all  which  the  King 
sends  to  the  Indians  two  thirds  are  stolen,  and  the 
rest  sold  to  them  instead  of  being  given?  "  3 

The  transportation  of  military  stores  gave  another 
opportunity  of  plunder.  The  contractor  would  pro 
cure  from  the  governor  or  the  local  commandant  an 
order  requiring  the  inhabitants  to  serve  him  as 
boatmen,  drivers,  or  porters,  under  a  promise  of 
exemption  that  year  from  duty  as  soldiers.  This 
saved  him  his  chief  item  of  expense,  and  the  profits 
of  his  contract  rose  in  proportion. 

A  contagion  of  knavery  ran  through  the  official 
life  of  the  colony ;  and  to  resist  it  demanded  no  com 
mon  share  of  moral  robustness.  The  officers  of  the 
troops  of  the  line  were  not  much  within  its  influence ; 
but  those  of  the  militia  and  colony  regulars,  whether 

1  Considerations  sur  I'Etat  present  du  Canada. 

2  Me~moire  sur  les  Fraudes  commises  dans  la  Colonie.    Bougainville, 
Memoire  sur  I'Etat  de  la  Nouvelle  France. 

3  Bougainville,  Journal. 


1748-1760.]  PtiAN.  31 

of  French  or  Canadian  birth,  shared  the  corruption 
of  the  civil  service.  Seventeen  of  them,  including  six 
chevaliers  of  St.  Louis  and  eight  commandants  of  forts, 
were  afterwards  arraigned  for  fraud  and  malversation, 
though  some  of  the  number  were  acquitted.  Bougain 
ville  gives  the  names  of  four  other  Canadian  officers 
as  honorable  exceptions  to  the  general  demoralization, 
—  Benoit,  Repentigny,  Laine*,  and  Le  Borgne;  "not 
enough,"  he  observes,  "to  save  Sodom." 

Conspicuous  among  these  military  thieves  was 
Major  Pdan,  whose  qualities  as  a  soldier  have  been 
questioned,  but  who  nevertheless  had  shown  almost 
as  much  vigor  in  serving  the  King  during  the  Ohio 
campaign  of  1753  as  he  afterwards  displayed  effrontery 
in  cheating  him.  "  Le  petit  Pe*an  "  had  married  a 
young  wife,  Mademoiselle  Desme'loizes,  Canadian 
like  himself,  well  born,  and  famed  for  beauty,  viva 
city,  and  wit.  Bigot,  who  was  near  sixty,  became 
her  accepted  lover;  and  the  fortune  of  Pdan  was 
made.  His  first  success  seems  to  have  taken  him  by 
surprise.  He  had  bought  as  a  speculation  a  large 
quantity  of  grain,  with  money  of  the  King  lent  him 
by  the  intendant.  Bigot,  officially  omnipotent,  then 
issued  an  order  raising  the  commodity  to  a  price  far 
above  that  paid  by  Pe*an,  who  thus  made  a  profit  of 
fifty  thousand  crowns.1  A  few  years  later  his  wealth 
was  estimated  at  from  two  to  four  million  francs. 
Madame  Pe*an  became  a  power  in  Canada,  the  dis- 

1  Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760.  Memoire  sur  les  Fraudes, 
etc.  Compare  Pouchot,  i.  8. 


32  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

penser  of  favors  and  offices;  and  all  who  sought 
opportunity  to  rob  the  King  hastened  to  pay  her  their 
court.  Pe'an,  jilted  by  his  own  wife,  made  prosperous 
love  to  the  wife  of  his  partner,  Penisseault;  who, 
though  the  daughter  of  a  Montreal  tradesman,  had  the 
air  of  a  woman  of  rank,  and  presided  with  dignity  and 
grace  at  a  hospitable  board  where  were  gathered  the 
clerks  of  Cadet  and  other  lesser  lights  of  the  admin 
istrative  hierarchy.  It  was  often  honored  by  the  pres 
ence  of  the  Chevalier  de  Le*vis,  who,  captivated  by  the 
charms  of  the  hostess,  condescended  to  a  society  which 
his  friends  condemned  as  unworthy  of  his  station. 
He  succeeded  Pe'an  in  the  graces  of  Madame  Penis 
seault,  and  after  the  war  took  her  with  him  to  France ; 
while  the  aggrieved  husband  found  consolation  in  the 
wives  of  the  small  functionaries  under  his  orders.1 

Another  prominent  name  on  the  roll  of  knavery 
was  that  of  Varin,  commissary  of  marine,  and  Bigot's 
deputy  at  Montreal,  a  Frenchman  of  low  degree, 
small  in  stature,  sharp-witted,  indefatigable,  con 
ceited,  arrogant,  headstrong,  capricious,  and  disso 
lute.  Worthless  as  he  was,  he  found  a  place  in  the 
court  circle  of  the  governor,  and  aspired  to  supplant 
Bigot  in  the  intendancy.  To  this  end,  as  well  as  to 
save  himself  from  justice,  he  had  the  fatuity  to  turn 
informer  and  lay  bare  the  sins  of  his  confederates, 
though  forced  at  the  same  time  to  betray  his  own. 
Among  his  comrades  and  allies  may  be  mentioned 
Deschenaux,  son  of  a  shoemaker  at  Quebec,  and 

1  Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 


1748-1760.]  DISHONEST  OFFICIALS.  33 

secretary  to  the  intendant;  Martel,  King's  store 
keeper  at  Montreal;  the  humpback  Maurin,  who  is 
not  to  be  confounded  with  the  partisan  officer  Marin ; 
and  Corpron,  a  clerk  whom  several  tradesmen  had 
dismissed  for  rascality,  but  who  was  now  in  the 
confidence  of  Cadet,  to  whom  he  made  himself  use 
ful,  and  in  whose  service  he  grew  rich. 

Canada  was  the  prey  of  official  jackals,  —  true 
lion's  providers,  since  they  helped  to  prepare  a  way 
for  the  imperial  beast,  who,  roused  at  last  from  his 
lethargy,  was  gathering  his  strength  to  seize  her  for 
his  own.  Honesty  could  not  be  expected  from  a 
body  of  men  clothed  with  arbitrary  and  ill-defined 
powers,  ruling  with  absolute  sway  an  unfortunate 
people  who  had  no  voice  in  their  own  destinies,  and 
answerable  only  to  an  apathetic  master  three  thousand 
miles  away.  Nor  did  the  Canadian  Church,  though 
supreme,  check  the  corruptions  that  sprang  up  and 
flourished  under  its  eye.  The  governor  himself  was 
charged  with  sharing  the  plunder;  and  though  he 
was  acquitted  on  his  trial,  it  is  certain  that  Bigot 
had  him  well  in  hand,  that  he  was  intimate  with  the 
chief  robbers,  and  that  they  found  help  in  his  weak 
compliances  and  wilful  blindness.  He  put  his  step 
son,  Le  Verrier,  in  command  at  Michilimackinac, 
where,  by  fraud  and  the  connivance  of  his  stepfather, 
the  young  man  made  a  fortune.1  When  the  colonial 
minister  berated  the  intendant  for  maladministration, 
Vaudreuil  became  his  advocate,  and  wrote  thus  in 

1  Memoir es  sur  I e  Canada,  1740-1760. 

VOL.  II.  —  3 


34  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

his  defence :  "  I  cannot  conceal  from  you,  Monseigneur, 
how  deeply  M.  Bigot  feels  the  suspicions  expressed 
in  your  letters  to  him.  He  does  not  deserve  them,  I 
am  sure.  He  is  full  of  zeal  for  the  service  of  the 
King;  but  as  he  is  rich,  or  passes  as  such,  and  as  he 
has  merit,  the  ill-disposed  are  jealous,  and  insinuate 
that  he  has  prospered  at  the  expense  of  His  Majesty. 
I  am  certain  that  it  is  not  true,  and  that  nobody  is  a 
better  citizen  than  he,  or  has  the  King's  interest 
more  at  heart. " 1  For  Cadet,  the  butcher's  son,  the 
governor  asked  a  patent  of  nobility  as  a  reward  for 
his  services.2  When  PtSan  went  to  France  in  1758, 
Vaudreuil  wrote  to  the  colonial  minister:  "I  have 
great  confidence  in  him.  He  knows  the  colony  and 
its  needs.  You  can  trust  all  he  says.  He  will 
explain  everything  in  the  best  manner.  I  shall  be 
extremely  sensible  to  any  kindness  you  may  show 
him,  and  hope  that  when  you  know  him  you  will 
like  him  as  much  as  I  do."3 

Administrative  corruption  was  not  the  only  bane 
of  Canada.  Her  financial  condition  was  desperate. 
The  ordinary  circulating  medium  consisted  of  what 
was  known  as  card  money,  and  amounted  to  only  a 
million  of  francs.  This  being  insufficient,  Bigot,  like 
his  predecessor  Hocquart,  issued  promissory  notes  on 
his  own  authority,  and  made  them  legal  tender.  They 
were  for  sums  from  one  franc  to  a  hundred,  and  were 

1  Vaudreuil  an  Min/stre,  15  Octobre,  1759. 

2  Ibid.,  1  Novembre,  1759. 
8  Ibid.,  6  Aout,  1758. 


1748-1760.]  HIS   PERIL.  35 

called  ordonnances.  Their  issue  was  blamed  at  Ver 
sailles  as  an  encroachment  on  the  royal  prerogative, 
though  they  were  recognized  by  the  ministry  in  view 
of  the  necessity  of  the  case.  Every  autumn  those 
who  held  them  to  any  considerable  amount  might 
bring  them  to  the  colonial  treasurer,  who  gave  in 
return  bills  of  exchange  on  the  royal  treasury  in 
France.  At  first  these  bills  were  promptly  paid ;  then 
delays  took  place,  and  the  notes  depreciated;  till  in 
1759  the  ministry,  aghast  at  the  amount,  refused  pay 
ment,  and  the  utmost  dismay  and  confusion  followed.1 
The  vast  jarring,  discordant  mechanism  of  corrup 
tion  grew  incontrollable ;  it  seized  upon  Bigot,  and 
dragged  him,  despite  himself,  into  perils  which  his 
prudence  would  have  shunned.  He  was  becoming  a 
victim  to  the  rapacity  of  his  own  confederates,  whom 
he  dared  not  offend  by  refusing  his  connivance  and 
his  signature  to  frauds  which  became  more  and  more 
recklessly  audacious.  He  asked  leave  to  retire  from 
office,  in  the  hope  that  his  successor  would  bear  the 
brunt  of  the  ministerial  displeasure.  Pe*an  had 
withdrawn  already,  and  with  the  fruits  of  his  plunder 
bought  land  in  France,  where  he  thought  himself 
safe.  But  though  the  intendant  had  long  been  an 
object  of  distrust,  and  had  often  been  warned  to 
mend  his  ways,2  yet  such  was  his  energy,  his  execu- 

1  Reflexions  sommaires  sur  le   Commerce  qui  s'est  fait  en   Canada. 
Etat  present   du    Canada.       Compare    Stevenson,    Card  Money   of 
Canada,  in  Transactions  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Quebec,  1873- 
1875. 

2  Ordres  du  Roy  et  De'peches  des  Ministres,  1751-1758. 


36  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

tive  power,  and  his  fertility  of  resource,  that  in  the 
crisis  of  the  war  it  was  hard  to  dispense  with  him. 
Neither  his  abilities,  however,  nor  his  strong  connec 
tions  in  France,  nor  an  ally  whom  he  had  secured  in 
the  bureau  of  the  colonial  minister  himself,  could 
avail  him  much  longer;  and  the  letters  from  Ver 
sailles  became  appalling  in  rebuke  and  menace. 

"The  ship  '  Britannia,'  '  wrote  the  minister, 
Berryer,  "laden  with  goods  such  as  are  wanted  in 
the  colony,  was  captured  by  a  privateer  from  St. 
Malo,  and  brought  into  Quebec.  You  sold  the 
whole  cargo  for  eight  hundred  thousand  francs.  The 
purchasers  made  a  profit  of  two  millions.  You 
bought  back  a  part  for  the  King  at  one  million,  or 
two  hundred  thousand  more  than  the  price  for  which 
you  sold  the  whole.  With  conduct  like  this  it  is 
no  wonder  that  the  expenses  of  the  colony  become 
insupportable.  The  amount  of  your  drafts  on  the 
treasury  is  frightful.  The  fortunes  of  your  subor 
dinates  throw  suspicion  on  your  administration." 
And  in  another  letter  on  the  same  day :  "  How  could 
it  happen  that  the  small -pox  among  the  Indians  cost 
the  King  a  million  francs  ?  What  does  this  expense 
mean?  Who  is  answerable  for  it?  Is  it  the  officers 
who  command  the  posts,  or  is  it  the  storekeepers? 
You  give  me  no  particulars.  What  has  become  of 
the  immense  quantity  of  provisions  sent  to  Canada 
last  year?  I  am  forced  to  conclude  that  the  King's 
stores  are  set  down  as  consumed  from  the  moment 
they  arrive,  and  then  sold  to  His  Majesty  at  exorbi- 


1748-1760.]         THREATS  OF   BERRYER.  8V 

tant  prices.  Thus  the  King  buys  stores  in  France, 
and  then  buys  them  again  in  Canada.  I  no  longer 
wonder  at  the  immense  fortunes  made  in  the  colony. "  ] 
Some  months  later  the  minister  writes:  "You  pay 
bills  without  examination,  and  then  find  an  error  in 
your  accounts  of  three  million  six  hundred  thousand 
francs.  In  the  letters  from  Canada  I  see  nothing 
but  incessant  speculation  in  provisions  and  goods, 
which  are  sold  to  the  King  for  ten  times  more  than 
they  cost  in  France.  For  the  last  time,  I  exhort  you 
to  give  these  things  your  serious  attention,  for  they 
will  not  escape  from  mine."2 

"I  write,  Monsieur,  to  answer  your  last  two 
letters,  in  which  you  tell  me  that  instead  of  sixteen 
millions,  your  drafts  on  the  treasury  for  1758  will 
reach  twenty-four  millions,  and  that  this  year  they 
will  rise  to  from  thirty-one  to  thirty -three  millions. 
It  seems,  then,  that  there  are  no  bounds  to  the 
expenses  of  Canada.  They  double  almost  every  year, 
while  you  seem  to  give  yourself  no  concern  except  to 
get  them  paid.  Do  you  suppose  that  I  can  advise 
the  King  to  approve  such  an  administration?  or  do 
you  think  that  you  can  take  the  immense  sum  of 
thirty-three  millions  out  of  the  royal  treasury  by 
merely  assuring  me  that  you  have  signed  drafts  for 
it?  This,  too,  for  expenses  incurred  irregularly, 
often  needlessly,  always  wastefully;  which  make  the 
fortune  of  everybody  who  has  the  least  hand  in  them, 
and  about  which  you  know  so  little  that  after  report- 

i  Le  Ministre  a  Bigot,  19  Janvier,  1759.      2  Ibid.,  29  Aout,  1759. 


38  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

ing  them  at  sixteen  millions,  you  find  two  months 
after  that  they  will  reach  twenty-four.  You  are 
accused  of  having  given  the  furnishing  of  provisions 
to  one  man,  who,  under  the  name  of  commissary- 
general,  has  set  what  prices  he  pleased ;  of  buying  for 
the  King  at  second  or  third  hand  what  you  might 
have  got  from  the  producer  at  half  the  price;  of 
having  in  this  and  other  ways  made  the  fortunes  of 
persons  connected  with  you ;  and  of  living  in  splendor 
in  the  midst  of  a  public  misery,  which  all  the  letters 
from  the  colony  agree  in  ascribing  to  bad  administra 
tion,  and  in  charging  M.  de  Vaudreuil  with  weak 
ness  in  not  preventing."  l 

These  drastic  utterances  seem  to  have  been  partly 
due  to  a  letter  written  by  Montcalm  in  cipher  to  the 
Mare'chal  de  Belleisle,  then  minister  of  war.  It 
painted  the  deplorable  condition  of  Canada,  and 
exposed  without  reserve  the  peculations  and  robberies 
of  those  intrusted  with  its  interests.  "It  seems," 
said  the  general,  "  as  if  they  were  all  hastening  to 
make  their  fortunes  before  the  loss  of  the  colony; 
which  many  of  them  perhaps  desire  as  a  veil  to  their 
conduct."  He  gives  among  other  cases  that  of  Le 
Mercier,  chief  of  Canadian  artillery,  who  had  come 
to  Canada  as  a  private  soldier  twenty  years  before, 
and  had  so  prospered  on  fraudulent  contracts  that  he 
would  soon  be  worth  nearly  a  million.  "I  have 
often,"  continues  Montcalm,  "spoken  of  these  ex 
penditures  to  M.  de  Vaudreuil  and  M.  Bigot;  and 

1  Le  Ministre  a  Bigot,  29  Aout,  1759  (second  letter  of  this  date). 


1748-1700.]  IMPENDING   RUIN.  39 

each  throws  the  blame  on  the  other."  l  And  yet  at 
the  same  time  Vaudreuil  was  assuring  the  minister 
that  Bigot  was  without  blame. 

Some  two  months  before  Montcalm  wrote  this  let 
ter,  the  minister,  Berryer,  sent  a  despatch  to  the  gov 
ernor  and  inteiidant  which  filled  them  with  ire  and 
mortification.  It  ordered  them  to  do  nothing  without 
consulting  the  general  of  the  French  regulars,  not 
only  in  matters  of  war,  but  in  all  matters  of  adminis 
tration  touching  the  defence  and  preservation  of  the 
colony.  A  plainer  proof  of  confidence  on  one  hand 
and  distrust  on  the  other  could  not  have  been  given.2 

One  Querdisien-Tremais  was  sent  from  Bordeaux 
as  an  agent  of  government  to  make  investigation. 
He  played  the  part  of  detective,  wormed  himself  into 
the  secrets  of  the  confederates,  and  after  six  months 
of  patient  inquisition  traced  out  four  distinct  combi 
nations  for  public  plunder.  Explicit  orders  were 
now  given  to  Bigot,  who,  seeing  no  other  escape, 
broke  with  Cadet,  and  made  him  disgorge  two  mil 
lions  of  stolen  money.  The  commissary-general  and 
his  partners  became  so  terrified  that  they  afterwards 
gave  up  nearly  seven  millions  more.3  Stormy  events 
followed,  and  the  culprits  found  shelter  for  a  time 
amid  the  tumults  of  war.  Peculation  did  not  cease, 
but  a  day  of  reckoning  was  at  hand. 

1  Montcalm  au  Ministre  de  la  Guerre,  Lettre  confidentielle,  12  Avril, 
1759. 

2  Le  Ministre  a  Vaudreuil  et  Bigot,  20  Fevrier,  1759. 

3  Proces  de  Bigot,  Cadet,  et  autres,  Memoir  e  pour  Francois  Bigot, 
3™  partie. 


40  BIGOT.  [1748-1760. 

NOTE.  —  The  printed  documents  of  the  trial  of  Bigot  and  the 
other  peculators  include  the  defence  of  Bigot,  of  which  the  first 
part  occupies  303  quarto  pages,  and  the  second  part  764.  Among 
the  other  papers  are  the  arguments  for  Pean,  Varin,  Saint-Blin, 
Boishebert,  Martel,  Joncaire-Chabert,  and  several  more,  along  with 
the  elaborate  Juyement  rendu,  the  Requetes  du  Procureur- General,  the 
Response  aux  Memoires  de  M.  Bigot  et  du  Sieur  Pean,  etc.,  forming 
together  five  quarto  volumes,  all  of  which  I  have  carefully  exam 
ined.  These  are  in  the  Library  of  Harvard  University.  There  is 
another  set,  also  of  five  volumes,  in  the  Library  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  Quebec,  containing  most  of  the  papers  just  mentioned, 
and,  bound  with  them,  various  others  in  manuscript,  among  which 
are  documents  in  defence  of  Vaudreuil  (printed  in  part),  Estebe, 
Corpron,  Penisseault,  Maurin,  and  Breard.  I  have  examined  this 
collection  also.  The  manuscript  Ordres  du  Roy  et  Depeches  des 
Ministres,  1751-1760,  as  well  as  the  letters  of  Vaudreuil,  Bougain 
ville,  Daine,  Doreil,  and  Montcalm  throw  much  light  on  the  malad 
ministration  of  the  time ;  as  do  many  contemporary  documents, 
notably  those  entitled  Memoire  sur  les  Fraudes  commises  dans  la 
Colonie,  Etat  present  du  Canada,  and  Memoire  sur  le  Canada 
(Archives  Nationales).  The  remarkable  anonymous  work  printed 
by  the  Historical  Society  of  Quebec  under  the  title  Memoires  sur  le 
Canada  depuis  1749  jusqu'a  1760,  is  full  of  curious  matter  concern 
ing  Bigot  and  his  associates  which  squares  well  with  other  evi 
dence.  This  is  the  source  from  which  Smith,  in  his  History  of 
Canada  (Quebec,  1815),  drew  most  of  his  information  on  the  sub 
ject.  A  manuscript  which  seems  to  be  the  original  draft  of  this  val 
uable  document  was  preserved  at  the  Bastile,  and,  with  other  papers, 
was  thrown  into  the  street  when  that  castle  was  destroyed.  They 
were  gathered  up,  and  afterwards  bought  by  a  Russian  named 
Dubrowski,  who  carried  them  to  St.  Petersburg.  Lord  Dufferin, 
when  minister  there,  procured  a  copy  of  the  manuscript  in  ques 
tion,  which  is  now  in  the  keeping  of  Abbe  H.  Verreau  at  Montreal, 
to  whose  kindness  I  owe  the  opportunity  of  examining  it.  In  sub 
stance,  it  differs  little  from  the  printed  work,  though  the  language 
and  the  arrangement  often  vary  from  it.  The  author,  whoever  he 
may  have  been,  was  deeply  versed  in  Canadian  affairs  of  the  time, 
and  though  often  caustic,  is  generally  trustworthy. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

1757,  1758. 
PITT. 

FREDERIC  OF  PRUSSIA.  —  THE  COALITION  AGAINST  HIM  :  HIS 
DESPERATE  POSITION.  —  KOSSBACH.  —  LEDTHEN.  —  REVERSES  OF 
ENGLAND.  —  WEAKNESS  OF  THE  MINISTRY.  —  A  CHANGE.  — 
PITT  AND  NEWCASTLE.  —  CHARACTER  OF  PITT.  —  SOURCES  OF 
HIS  POWER:  HIS  AIMS.  —  Louis  XV.  —  POMPADOUR:  SHE  CON 
TROLS  THE  COURT  AND  DIRECTS  THE  WAR.  — GLOOMY  PROS- 

PECTS  OF  ENGLAND.  —  DISASTERS.  —  THE  NEW  MINISTRY.  — 
INSPIRING  INFLUENCE  OF  PITT. — THE  TIDE  TURNS. — BRITISH 
VICTORIES.  —  PITT'S  PLANS  FOR  AMERICA.  —  LOUISBOURG, 
TlCONDEROGA,  DUQUESNE.  —  NEW  COMMANDERS.  —  NAVAL 
BATTLES. 

THE  war  kindled  in  the  American  forest  was  now 
raging  in  full  conflagration  among  the  kingdoms  of 
Europe ;  and  in  the  midst  stood  Frederic  of  Prussia, 
a  veritable  fire-king.  He  had  learned  through  secret 
agents  that  he  was  to  be  attacked,  and  that  the  wrath 
of  Maria  Theresa  with  her  two  allies,  Pompadour  and 
the  Empress  of  Russia,  was  soon  to  wreak  itself  upon 
him.  With  his  usual  prompt  audacity  he  anticipated 
his  enemies,  marched  into  Saxony,  and  began  the 
Continental  war.  His  position  seemed  desperate. 
England,  sundered  from  Austria,  her  old  ally,  had 
made  common  cause  with  him ;  but  he  had  no  other 
friend  worth  the  counting.  France,  Russia,  Austria, 


42  PITT.  [1757. 

Sweden,  Saxony,  the  collective  Germanic  Empire, 
and  most  of  the  smaller  German  States  had  joined 
hands  for  his  ruin,  eager  to  crush  him  and  divide  the 
spoil,  parcelling  out  his  dominions  among  themselves 
in  advance  by  solemn  mutual  compact.  Against  the 
five  millions  of  Prussia  were  arrayed  populations  of 
more  than  a  hundred  millions.  The  little  kingdom 
was  open  on  all  sides  to  attack,  and  her  enemies 
were  spurred  on  by  the  bitterest  animosity.  It  was 
thought  that  one  campaign  would  end  the  war.  The 
war  lasted  seven  years,  and  Prussia  came  out  of  it 
triumphant.  Such  a  warrior  as  her  indomitable  king 
Europe  has  rarely  seen.  If  the  Seven  Years'  War 
made  the  maritime  and  colonial  greatness  of  England, 
it  also  raised  Prussia  to  the  rank  of  a  first-class 
Power. 

Frederic  began  with  a  victory,  routing  the  Austrians 
in  one  of  the  fiercest  of  recorded  conflicts,  the  battle 
of  Prague.  Then  in  his  turn  he  was  beaten  at 
Kolin.  All  seemed  lost.  The  hosts  of  the  coalition 
were  rolling  in  upon  him  like  a  deluge.  Surrounded 
by  enemies,  in  the  jaws  of  destruction,  hoping  for 
little  but  to  die  in  battle,  this  strange  hero  solaced 
himself  with  an  exhaustless  effusion  of  bad  verses, 
sometimes  mournful,  sometimes  cynical,  sometimes 
indignant,  and  sometimes  breathing  a  dauntless  reso 
lution;  till,  when  his  hour  came,  he  threw  down  his 
pen  to  achieve  those  feats  of  arms  which  stamp  him 
one  of  the  foremost  soldiers  of  the  world. 

The    French   and   Imperialists,    in    overwhelming 


1757.]  REVERSES  OF   ENGLAND.  43 

force,  thought  to  crush  him  at  Rossbach.  He  put 
them  to  shameful  rout;  and  then,  instead  of  bonfires 
and  Te  Deums,  mocked  at  them  in  doggerel  rhymes 
of  amazing  indecency.  While  he  was  beating  the 
French,  the  Austrians  took  Silesia  from  him.  He 
marched  to  recover  it,  found  them  strongly  posted  at 
Leuthen,  eighty  thousand  men  against  thirty  thou 
sand,  and  without  hesitation  resolved  to  attack  them. 
Never  was  he  more  heroic  than  on  the  eve  of  this,  his 
crowning  triumph.  "The  hour  is  at  hand,"  he  said 
to  his  generals.  "I  mean,  in  spite  of  the  rules  of 
military  art,  to  attack  Prince  Karl's  army,  which  is 
nearly  thrice  our  own.  This  risk  I  must  run,  or  all 
is  lost.  We  must  beat  him  or  die,  all  of  us,  before 
his  batteries."  He  burst  unawares  upon  the  Austrian 
left,  and  rolled  their  whole  host  together,  corps  upon 
corps,  in  a  tumult  of  irretrievable  ruin. 

While  her  great  ally  was  reaping  a  full  harvest  of 
laurels,  England,  dragged  into  the  Continental  war 
because  that  apple  of  discord,  Hanover,  belonged  to 
her  King,  found  little  but  humiliation.  Minorca  was 
wrested  from  her,  and  the  ministry  had  an  innocent 
man  shot  to  avert  from  themselves  the  popular  indig 
nation  ;  while  the  same  ministry,  scared  by  a  phantom 
of  invasion,  brought  over  German  troops  to  defend 
British  soil.  But  now  an  event  took  place  pregnant 
with  glorious  consequence.  The  reins  of  power  fell 
into  the  hands  of  William  Pitt.  He  had  already 
held  them  for  a  brief  space,  forced  into  office  at  the 
end  of  1756  by  popular  clamor,  in  spite  of  the  Whig 


44  PITT.  [1757. 

leaders  and  against  the  wishes  of  the  King.  But  the 
place  was  untenable.  Newcastle's  parliament  would 
not  support  him;  the  Duke  of  Cumberland  opposed 
him;  the  King  hated  him;  and  in  April,  1757,  he 
was  dismissed.  Then  ensued  eleven  weeks  of  bicker 
ing  and  dispute,  during  which,  in  the  midst  of  a 
great  war,  England  was  left  without  a  government. 
It  became  clear  that  none  was  possible  without  Pitt ; 
and  none  with  him  could  be  permanent  and  strong 
unless  joined  with  those  influences  which  had  thus 
far  controlled  the  majorities  of  Parliament.  There 
fore  an  extraordinary  union  was  brought  about;  Lord 
Chesterfield  acting  as  go-between  to  reconcile  the  ill- 
assorted  pair.  One  of  them  brought  to  the  alliance 
the  confidence  and  support  of  the  people;  the  other, 
court  management,  borough  interest,  and  parliament 
ary  connections.  Newcastle  was  made  First  Lord  of 
the  Treasury,  and  Pitt,  the  old  enemy  who  had 
repeatedly  browbeat  and  ridiculed  him,  became 
Secretary  of  State,  with  the  lead  of  the  House  of 
Commons  and  full  control  of  the  war  and  foreign 
affairs.  It  was  a  partnership  of  magpie  and  eagle. 
The  dirty  work  of  government,  intrigue,  bribery,  and 
all  the  patronage  that  did  not  affect  the  war,  fell  to 
the  share  of  the  old  politician.  If  Pitt  could  appoint 
generals,  admirals,  and  ambassadors,  Newcastle  was 
welcome  to  the  rest.  "I  will  borrow  the  duke's 
majorities  to  carry  on  the  government,"  said  the  new 
secretary;  and  with  the  audacious  self-confidence 
that  was  one  of  his  traits,  he  told  the  Duke  of 


1757.]  HIS   CHARACTER.  45 

Devonshire,  "  I  am  sure  that  I  can  save  this  country, 
and  that  nobody  else  can."  England  hailed  with  one 
acclaim  the  undaunted  leader  who  asked  for  no 
reward  but  the  honor  of  serving  her.  The  hour  had 
found  the  man.  For  the  next  four  years  this  impos 
ing  figure  towers  supreme  in  British  history. 

He  had  glaring  faults,  some  of  them  of  a  sort  not 
to  have  been  expected  in  him.  Vanity,  the  common 
weakness  of  small  minds,  was  the  most  disfiguring 
foible  of  this  great  one.  He  had  not  the  simplicity 
which  becomes  greatness  so  well.  He  could  give 
himself  theatrical  airs,  strike  attitudes,  and  dart 
stage  lightnings  from  his  eyes ;  yet  he  was  formidable 
even  in  his  affectations.  Behind  his  great  intellectual 
powers  lay  a  burning  enthusiasm,  a  force  of  passion 
and  fierce  intensity  of  will,  that  gave  redoubled 
impetus  to  the  fiery  shafts  of  his  eloquence ;  and  the 
haughty  and  masterful  nature  of  the  man  had  its 
share  in  the  ascendency  which  he  long  held  over 
Parliament.  He  would  blast  the  labored  argument 
of  an  adversary  by  a  look  of  scorn  or  a  contemptuous 
wave  of  the  hand. 

The  Great  Commoner  was  not  a  man  of  the  people 
in  the  popular  sense  of  that  hackneyed  phrase. 
Though  himself  poor,  being  a  younger  son,  he  came 
of  a  rich  and  influential  family ;  he  was  patrician  at 
heart;  both  his  faults  and  his  virtues,  his  proud 
incorruptibility  and  passionate,  domineering  patriot 
ism,  bore  the  patrician  stamp.  Yet  he  loved  liberty 
and  he  loved  the  people,  because  they  were  the 


46  PITT.  [1757. 

English  people.  The  effusive  humanitarianism  of 
to-day  had  no  part  in  him,  and  the  democracy  of 
to-day  would  detest  him.  Yet  to  the  middle-class 
England  of  his  own  time,  that  unenfranchised  Eng 
land  which  had  little  representation  in  Parliament, 
he  was  a  voice,  an  inspiration,  and  a  tower  of 
strength.  He  would  not  flatter  the  people;  but, 
turning  with  contempt  from  the  tricks  and  devices  of 
official  politics,  he  threw  himself  with  a  confidence 
that  never  wavered  on  their  patriotism  and  public 
spirit.  They  answered  him  with  a  boundless  trust, 
asked  but  to  follow  his  lead,  gave  him  without  stint 
their  money  and  their  blood,  loved  him  for  his 
domestic  virtues  and  his  disinterestedness,  believed 
him  even  in  his  self-contradiction,  and  idolized  him 
even  in  his  bursts  of  arrogant  passion.  It  was  he 
who  waked  England  from  her  lethargy,  shook  off 
the  spell  that  Newcastle  and  his  fellow-enchanters 
had  cast  over  her,  and  taught  her  to  know  herself 
again.  A  heart  that  beat  in  unison  with  all  that  was 
British  found  responsive  throbs  in  every  corner  of 
the  vast  empire  that  through  him  was  to  become  more 
vast.  With  the  instinct  of  his  fervid  patriotism  he 
would  join  all  its  far-extended  members  into  one, 
not  by  vain  assertions  of  parliamentary  supremacy, 
but  by  bonds  of  sympathy  and  ties  of  a  common 
freedom  and  a  common  cause. 

The  passion  for  power  and  glory  subdued  in  him 
all  the  sordid  parts  of  humanity,  and  he  made  the 
power  and  glory  of  England  one  with  his  own.  He 


1757.]  POMPADOUR.  47 

could  change  front  through  resentment  or  through 
policy;  but  in  whatever  path  he  moved,  his  objects 
were  the  same :  not  to  curb  the  power  of  France  in 
America,  but  to  annihilate  it ;  crush  her  navy,  cripple 
her  foreign  trade,  ruin  her  in  India,  in  Africa,  and 
wherever  else,  east  or  west,  she  had  found  foothold ; 
gain  for  England  the  mastery  of  the  seas,  open  to 
her  the  great  highways  of  the  globe,  make  her  supreme 
in  commerce  and  colonization;  and  while  limiting 
the  activities  of  her  rival  to  the  European  conti 
nent,  give  to  her  the  whole  world  for  a  sphere. 

To  this  British  Roman  was  opposed  the  pampered 
Sardanapalus  of  Versailles,  with  the  silken  favorite 
who  by  calculated  adultery  had  bought  the  power  to 
ruin  France.  The  Marquise  de  Pompadour,  who 
began  life  as  Jeanne  Poisson,  —  Jane  Fish, —  daughter 
of  the  head  clerk  of  a  banking  house,  who  then 
became  wife  of  a  rich  financier,  and  then,  as  mistress 
of  the  King,  rose  to  a  pinnacle  of  gilded  ignominy, 
chose  this  time  to  turn  out  of  office  the  two  ministers 
who  had  shown  most  ability  and  force,  —  Argenson, 
head  of  the  department  of  war,  and  Machault,  head 
of  the  marine  and  colonies;  the  one  because  he  was 
not  subservient  to  her  will,  and  the  other  because 
he  had  unwittingly  touched  the  self-love  of  her  royal 
paramour.  She  aspired  to  a  share  in  the  conduct  of 
the  war,  and  not  only  made  and  unmade  ministers 
and  generals,  but  discussed  campaigns  and  battles 
with  them,  while  they  listened  to  her  prating  with  a 
show  of  obsequious  respect,  since  to  lose  her  favor 


48  PITT.  [1757. 

was  to  risk  losing  all.  A  few  months  later,  when 
blows  fell  heavy  and  fast,  she  turned  a  deaf  ear  to 
representations  of  financial  straits  and  military  dis 
asters,  played  the  heroine,  affected  a  greatness  of 
soul  superior  to  misfortune,  and  in  her  perfumed 
boudoir  varied  her  tiresome  graces  by  posing  as  a 
Roman  matron.  In  fact,  she  never  wavered  in  her 
spite  against  Frederic,  and  her  fortitude  was  perfect 
in  bearing  the  sufferings  of  others  and  defying 
dangers  that  could  not  touch  her. 

When  Pitt  took  office  it  was  not  over  France,  but 
over  England,  that  the  clouds  hung  dense  and  black. 
Her  prospects  were  of  the  gloomiest.  "Whoever  is 
in  or  whoever  is  out,"  wrote  Chesterfield,  "I  am  sure 
we  are  undone  both  at  home  and  abroad :  at  home  by 
our  increasing  debt  and  expenses ;  abroad  by  our  ill- 
luck  and  incapacity.  We  are  no  longer  a  nation." 
And  his  despondency  was  shared  by  many  at  the 
beginning  of  the  most  triumphant  administration  in 
British  history.  The  shuffling  weakness  of  his 
predecessors  had  left  Pitt  a  heritage  of  tribulation. 
From  America  came  news  of  London's  manifold 
failures;  from  Germany  that  of  the  miscarriage  of 
the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  who,  at  the  head  of  an 
army  of  Germans  in  British  pay,  had  been  forced  to 
sign  the  convention  of  Kloster-Zeven,  by  which  he 
promised  to  disband  them.  To  these  disasters  was 
added  a  third,  of  which  the  new  government  alone 
had  to  bear  the  burden.  At  the  end  of  summer  Pitt 
sent  a  great  expedition  to  attack  Rochef ort ;  the  mili- 


1757.]  HIS  INSPIRING  INFLUENCE.  49 

tary  and  naval  commanders  disagreed,  and  the  con 
sequence  was  failure.  There  was  no  light  except 
from  far-off  India,  where  Clive  won  the  great  victory 
of  Plassey,  avenged  the  Black  Hole  of  Calcutta,  and 
prepared  the  ruin  of  the  French  power  and  the  undis 
puted  ascendency  of  England. 

If  the  English  had  small  cause  as  yet  to  rejoice  in 
their  own  successes,  they  found  comfort  in  those  of 
their  Prussian  allies.  The  rout  of  the  French  at 
Rossbach  and  of  the  Austrians  at  Leuthen  spread  joy 
through  their  island.  More  than  this,  they  felt  that 
they  had  found  at  last  a  leader  after  their  own  heart; 
and  the  consciousness  regenerated  them.  For  the 
paltering  imbecility  of  the  old  ministry  they  had  the 
unconquerable  courage,  the  iron  purpose,  the  unwav 
ering  faith,  the  inextinguishable  hope,  of  the  new 
one.  "  England  has  long  been  in  labor, "  said  Frederic 
of  Prussia,  "and  at  last  she  has  brought  forth  a 
man."  It  was  not  only  that  instead  of  weak  com 
manders  Pitt  gave  her  strong  ones;  the  same  men 
who  had  served  her  feebly  under  the  blight  of  the 
Newcastle  administration  served  her  manfully  and 
well  under  his  robust  impulsion.  "Nobody  ever 
entered  his  closet,"  said  Colonel  Barre*,  "who  did 
not  come  out  of  it  a  braver  man."  That  inspiration 
was  felt  wherever  the  British  flag  waved.  Zeal 
awakened  with  the  assurance  that  conspicuous  merit 
was  sure  of  its  reward,  and  that  no  officer  who  did 
his  duty  would  now  be  made  a  sacrifice,  like  Admiral 
Byng,  to  appease  public  indignation  at  ministerial 

VOL.  II.  —  4 


50  PITT.  [1757. 

failures.  As  Nature,  languishing  in  chill  vapors  and 
dull  smothering  fogs,  revives  at  the  touch  of  the  sun, 
so  did  England  spring  into  fresh  life  under  the  kin 
dling  influence  of  one  great  man. 

With  the  opening  of  the  year  1758  her  course  of 
Continental  victories  began.  The  Duke  of  Cumber 
land,  the  King's  son,  was  recalled  in  disgrace,  and 
a  general  of  another  stamp,  Prince  Ferdinand  of 
Brunswick,  was  placed  in  command  of  the  Germans 
in  British  pay,  with  the  contingent  of  English  troops 
now  added  to  them.  The  French,  too,  changed  com 
manders.  The  Duke  of  Richelieu,  a  dissolute  old 
beau,  returned  to  Paris  to  spend  in  heartless  gallan 
tries  the  wealth  he  had  gained  by  plunder;  and  a 
young  soldier-churchman,  the  Comte  de  Clermont, 
took  his  place.  Prince  Ferdinand  pushed  him  hard 
with  an  inferior  force,  drove  him  out  of  Hanover, 
and  captured  eleven  thousand  of  his  soldiers.  Cler 
mont  was  recalled,  and  was  succeeded  by  Contades, 
another  incapable.  One  of  his  subordinates  won  for 
him  the  battle  of  Lutterberg;  but  the  generalship  of 
Ferdinand  made  it  a  barren  victory,  and  the  cam 
paign  remained  a  success  for  the  English.  They 
made  descents  on  the  French  coasts,  captured  St. 
Servan,  a  suburb  of  St.  Malo,  and  burned  three 
ships-of- the -line,  twenty-four  privateers,  and  sixty 
merchantmen;  then  entered  Cherbourg,  destroyed 
the  forts,  carried  off  or  spiked  the  cannon,  and 
burned  twenty-seven  vessels,  —  a  success  partially 
offset  by  a  failure  on  the  coast  of  Brittany,  where 


1757,  1758.]     HIS   PLANS   FOR   AMERICA.  51 

they  were  repulsed  with  some  loss.  In  Africa  they 
drove  the  French  from  the  Guinea  coast,  and  seized 
their  establishment  at  Senegal. 

It  was  towards  America  that  Pitt  turned  his 
heartiest  efforts.  His  first  aim  was  to  take  Louis- 
bourg,  as  a  step  towards  taking  Quebec;  then 
Ticonderoga,  that  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  northern 
colonies;  and  lastly  Fort  Duquesne,  the  Key  of  the 
Great  West.  He  recalled  London,  for  whom  he  had 
a  fierce  contempt;  but  there  were  influences  which 
he  could  not  disregard,  and  Major- General  Aber- 
crombie,  who  was  next  in  order  of  rank,  an  indifferent 
soldier,  though  a  veteran  in  years,  was  allowed  to 
succeed  him,  and  lead  in  person  the  attack  on  Ticon 
deroga.1  Pitt  hoped  that  Brigadier  Lord  Howe,  an 
admirable  officer,  who  was  joined  with  Abercrombie, 
would  be  the  real  commander,  and  make  amends  for 
all  shortcomings  of  his  chief.  To  command  the 
Louisbourg  expedition,  Colonel  Jeffrey  Amherst  was 
recalled  from  the  German  war,  and  made  at  one  leap 
a  major-general.2  He  was  energetic  and  resolute, 
somewhat  cautious  and  slow,  but  with  a  bulldog 
tenacity  of  grip.  Under  him  were  three  brigadiers, 
Whitmore,  Lawrence,  and  Wolfe,  of  whom  the 
youngest  is  the  most  noteworthy.  In  the  luckless 
Rochefort  expedition,  Colonel  James  Wolfe  was 

1  Order,  War  Office,  19  December,  1757. 

2  Pitt  to  Abercrombie,  27  January ,  1758.    Instructions  for  our  Trusty 
and   Well-beloved  Jeffrey  Amherst,  Esq.,  Major-General  of  our  Forces 
in  North  America,  3  March,  1758. 


52  PITT.  [1757,  1758. 

conspicuous  by  a  dashing  gallantry  that  did  not 
escape  the  eye  of  Pitt,  always  on  the  watch  for  men 
to  do  his  work.  The  young  officer  was  ardent,  head 
long,  void  of  fear,  often  rash,  almost  fanatical  in  his 
devotion  to  military  duty,  and  reckless  of  life  when 
the  glory  of  England  or  his  own  was  at  stake.  The 
third  expedition,  that  against  Fort  Duquesne,  was 
given  to  Brigadier  John  Forbes,  whose  qualities  well 
fitted  him  for  the  task. 

During  his  first  short  term  of  office,  Pitt  had  given 
a  new  species  of  troops  to  the  British  army.  These 
were  the  Scotch  Highlanders,  who  had  risen  against 
the  House  of  Hanover  in  1745,  and  would  rise  against 
it  again  should  France  accomplish  her  favorite  scheme 
of  throwing  a  force  into  Scotland  to  excite  another 
insurrection  for  the  Stuarts.  But  they  would  be 
useful  to  fight  the  French  abroad,  though  dangerous 
as  their  possible  allies  at  home ;  and  two  regiments  of 
them  were  now  ordered  to  America. 

Delay  had  been  the  ruin  of  the  last  year's  attempt 
against  Louisbourg.  This  time  preparation  was 
urged  on  apace;  and  before  the  end  of  winter  two 
fleets  had  put  to  sea :  one,  under  Admiral  Boscawen, 
was  destined  for  Louisbourg ;  while  the  other,  under 
Admiral  Osborn,  sailed  for  the  Mediterranean  to 
intercept  the  French  fleet  of  Admiral  La  Clue,  who 
was  about  to  sail  from  Toulon  for  America.  Osborn, 
cruising  between  the  coasts  of  Spain  and  Africa, 
barred  the  way  to  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  kept 
his  enemy  imprisoned.  La  Clue  made  no  attempt  to 


1758.]  NAVAL  BATTLES.  53 

force  a  passage;  but  several  combats  of  detached 
ships  took  place,  one  of  which  is  too  remarkable  to 
pass  unnoticed.  Captain  Gardiner  of  the  "  Monmouth, " 
a  ship  of  four  hundred  and  seventy  men  and  sixty- 
four  guns,  engaged  the  French  ship  "  Foudroyant, " 
carrying  a  thousand  men  and  eighty-four  guns  of 
heavier  metal  than  those  of  the  Englishman.  Gardi 
ner  had  lately  been  reproved  by  Anson,  First  Lord  of 
the  Admiralty,  for  some  alleged  misconduct  or  short 
coming,  and  he  thought  of  nothing  but  retrieving  his 
honor.  "We  must  take  her,"  he  said  to  his  crew  as 
the  "  Foudroyant  "  hove  in  sight.  "  She  looks  more 
than  a  match  for  us,  but  I  will  not  quit  her, while 
this  ship  can  swim  or  I  have  a  soul  left  alive;  "  and 
the  sailors  answered  with  cheers.  The  fight  was 
long  and  furious.  Gardiner  was  killed  by  a  musket- 
shot,  begging  his  first  lieutenant  with  his  dying 
breath  not  to  haul  down  his  flag.  The  lieutenant 
nailed  it  to  the  mast.  At  length  the  "  Foudroyant " 
ceased  from  thundering,  struck  her  colors,  and  was 
carried  a  prize  to  England.1 

The  typical  British  naval  officer  of  that  time  was  a 
rugged  sea-dog,  a  tough  and  stubborn  fighter,  though 
no  more  so  than  the  politer  generations  that  followed, 
at  home  on  the  quarter-deck,  but  no  ornament  to  the 
drawing-room,  by  reason  of  what  his  contemporary, 
Entick,  the  strenuous  chronicler  of  the  war,  calls, 
not  unapprovingly,  "the  ferocity  of  his  manners." 
While  Osborn  held  La  Clue  imprisoned  at  Toulon, 
1  Entick,  iii.  56-60. 


54  PITT.  [1758. 

Sir  Edward  Hawke,  worthy  leader  of  such  men, 
sailed  with  seven  ships-of-the-line  and  three  frigates 
to  intercept  a  French  squadron  from  Rochefort  con 
voying  a  fleet  of  transports  with  troops  for  America. 
The  French  ships  cut  their  cables  and  ran  for  the 
shore,  where  most  of  them  stranded  in  the  mud,  and 
some  threw  cannon  and  munitions  overboard  to  float 
themselves.  The  expedition  was  broken  up.  Of 
the  many  ships  fitted  out  this  year  for  the  succor  of 
Canada  and  Louisbourg,  comparatively  few  reached 
their  destination,  and  these  for  the  most  part  singly 
or  by  twos  and  threes. 

Meanwhile  Admiral  Boscawen  with  his  fleet  bore 
away  for  Halifax,  the  place  of  rendezvous,  and 
Amherst,  in  the  ship  "Dublin,"  followed  in  his 
wake. 


CO 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

1758. 
LOUISBOURG. 

CONDITION  OF  THE  FORTRESS.  —  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  — 
GALLANTRY  OF  WOLFE.  —  THE  ENGLISH  CAMP.  —  THE  SIEGE 
BEGUN.  —  PROGRESS  OF  THE  BESIEGERS.  —  SALLIES  OF  THE 
FRENCH.  —  MADAME  DRDCOUR.  —  COURTESIES  OF  WAR.  — 
FRENCH  SHIPS  DESTROYED.  —  CONFLAGRATION.  —  FURY  OF  THE 
BOMBARDMENT.  —  EXPLOIT  OF  ENGLISH  SAILORS.  —  THE  END 
NEAR.  —  THE  WHITE  FLAG.  —  SURRENDER.  —  RECEPTION  OF 
THE  NEWS  IN  ENGLAND  AND  AMERICA.  —  WOLFE  NOT  SATIS 
FIED  :  HIS  LETTERS  TO  AMHERST  ;  HE  DESTROYS  GASPE  ;  RE 
TURNS  TO  ENGLAND. 

THE  stormy  coast  of  Cape  Breton  is  indented  by  a 
small  land-locked  bay,  between  which  and  the  ocean 
lies  a  tongue  of  land  dotted  with  a  few  grazing  sheep, 
and  intersected  by  rows  of  stone  that  mark  more  or 
less  distinctly  the  lines  of  what  once  were  streets. 
Green  mounds  and  embankments  of  earth  enclose  the 
whole  space,  and  beneath  the  highest  of  them  yawn 
arches  and  caverns  of  ancient  masonry.  This  grassy 
solitude  was  once  the  "  Dunkirk  of  America ;  "  the 
vaulted  caverns  where  the  sheep  find  shelter  from 
the  rain  were  casemates  where  terrified  women  sought 
refuge  from  storms  of  shot  and  shell,  and  the  shape 
less  green  mounds  were  citadel,  bastion,  rampart,  and 


56  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

glacis.  Here  stood  Louisbourg;  and  not  all  the 
efforts  of  its  conquerors,  nor  all  the  havoc  of  succeed 
ing  times,  have  availed  to  efface  it.  Men  in  hundreds 
toiled  for  months  with  lever,  spade,  and  gunpowder 
in  the  work  of  destruction,  and  for  more  than  a 
century  it  has  served  as  a  stone  quarry;  but  the 
remains  of  its  vast  defences  still  tell  their  tale  of 
human  valor  and  human  woe. 

Stand  on  the  mounds  that  were  once  the  King's 
Bastion.  The  glistening  sea  spreads  eastward  three 
thousand  miles,  and  its  waves  meet  their  first  rebuff 
against  this  iron  coast.  Lighthouse  Point  is  white 
with  foam;  jets  of  spray  spout  from  the  rocks  of 
Goat  Island;  mist  curls  in  clouds  from  the  seething 
surf  that  lashes  the  crags  of  Black  Point,  and  the  sea 
boils  like  a  caldron  among  the  reefs  by  the  harbor's 
mouth;  but  on  the  calm  water  within,  the  small 
fishing  vessels  rest  tranquil  at  their  moorings. 
Beyond  lies  a  hamlet  of  fishermen  by  the  edge  of  the 
water,  and  a  few  scattered  dwellings  dot  the  rough 
hills,  bristled  with  stunted  firs,  that  gird  the  quiet 
basin;  while  close  at  hand,  within  the  precinct  of 
the  vanished  fortress,  stand  two  small  farmhouses. 
All  else  is  a  solitude  of  ocean,  rock,  marsh,  and 
forest.1 

At  the  beginning  of  June,  1758,  the  place  wore 
another  aspect.  Since  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle 
vast  sums  had  been  spent  in  repairing  and  strengthen- 

1  Louisbourg  is  described  as  I  saw  it  ten  days  before  writing  the 
above,  after  an  easterly  gale. 


1758.]          CONDITION  OF   THE   FORTRESS.  57 

ing  it;  and  Louisbourg  was  the  strongest  fortress  in 
French  or  British  America.  Nevertheless  it  had  its 
weaknesses.  The  original  plan  of  the  works  had  not 
been  fully  carried  out;  and  owing,  it  is  said,  to  the 
bad  quality  of  the  mortar,  the  masonry  of  the  ram 
parts  was  in  so  poor  a  condition  that  it  had  been 
replaced  in  some  parts  with  fascines.  The  circuit  of 
the  fortifications  was  more  than  a  mile  and  a  half, 
and  the  town  contained  about  four  thousand  inhabit 
ants.  The  best  buildings  in  it  were  the  convent,  the 
hospital,  the  King's  storehouses,  and  the  chapel  and 
governor's  quarters,  which  were  under  the  same 
roof.  Of  the  private  houses,  only  seven  or  eight 
were  of  stone,  the  rest  being  humble  wooden  struc 
tures,  suited  to  a  population  of  fishermen.  The  gar 
rison  consisted  of  the  battalions  of  Artois,  Bourgogne, 
Cambis,  and  Volontaires  Strangers,  with  two  com 
panies  of  artillery  and  twenty-four  of  colony  troops 
from  Canada,  —  in  all  three  thousand  and  eighty 
regular  troops,  besides  officers ; l  and  to  these  were 
added  a  body  of  armed  inhabitants  and  a  band  of 
Indians.  In  the  harbor  were  five  ships -of -the-line 
and  seven  frigates,  carrying  in  all  five  hundred  and 
forty-four  guns  and  about  three  thousand  men.2  Two 

1  Journal  du  Siege  de  Louisbourg.     Twenty-nine  hundred  regulars 
were  able  to  bear  arms  when  the  siege  began.     Houlliere,  Command 
ant  des  Troupes,  au  Ministre,  6  Aout,  1758. 

2  Le    Prudent,   74    guns ;    Entreprenant,   74 ;    Capricieux,  64  ; 
Celebre,  64 ;   Bienf aisant,  64 ;  Apollon,  50  ;   Chevre,  22 ;  Biche,  18  ; 
Fidele,  22 ;  Echo,  26  ;  Arethuse,  36 ;  Comete,  30.     The  Bizarre,  64, 
sailed  for  France  on  the  eighth  of  June,  and  was  followed  by  the 
Comete. 


58  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

hundred  and  nineteen  cannon  and  seventeen  mortars 
were  mounted  on  the  walls  and  outworks.1  Of  these 
last  the  most  important  were  the  Grand  Battery  on 
the  shore  of  the  harbor  opposite  its  mouth,  and  the 
Island  Battery  on  the  rocky  islet  at  its  entrance. 

The  strongest  front  of  the  works  was  on  the  land 
side,  along  the  base  of  the  peninsular  triangle  on 
which  the  town  stood.  This  front,  about  twelve 
hundred  yards  in  extent,  reached  from  the  sea  on  the 
left  to  the  harbor  on  the  right,  and  consisted  of  four 
bastions  with  their  connecting  curtains,  the  Princess's, 
the  Queen's,  the  King's,  and  the  Dauphin's.  The 
King's  Bastion  formed  part  of  the  citadel.  The 
glacis  before  it  sloped  down  to  an  extensive  marsh, 
which,  with  an  adjacent  pond,  completely  protected 
this  part  of  the  line.  On  the  right,  however,  towards 
the  harbor,  the  ground  was  high  enough  to  offer 
advantages  to  an  enemy,  as  was  also  the  case,  to  a 
less  degree,  on  the  left,  towards  the  sea.  The  best 
defence  of  Louisbourg  was  the  craggy  shore,  that, 
for  leagues  on  either  hand,  was  accessible  only  at  a 
few  points,  and  even  there  with  difficulty.  All  these 
points  were  vigilantly  watched. 

There  had  been  signs  of  the  enemy  from  the  first 
opening  of  spring.  In  the  intervals  of  fog,  rain,  and 
snow-squalls,  sails  were  seen  hovering  on  the  distant 
sea;  and  during  the  latter  part  of  May  a  squadron 
of  nine  ships  cruised  off  the  mouth  of  the  harbor, 

1  JZtat  d'Artillerie,  appended  to  the  Journal  of  Drucour.  There 
were  also  forty-four  cannon  in  reserve. 


1758.]  SIGNS   OF   DANGER.  59 

appearing  and  disappearing,  sometimes  driven  away 
by  gales,  sometimes  lost  in  fogs,  and  sometimes 
approaching  to  within  cannon-shot  of  the  batteries. 
Their  object  was  to  blockade  the  port,  —  in  which 
they  failed;  for  French  ships  had  come  in  at  inter 
vals,  till,  as  we  have  seen,  twelve  of  them  lay  safe 
anchored  in  the  harbor,  with  more  than  a  year's 
supply  of  provisions  for  the  garrison. 

At  length,  on  the  first  of  June,  the  southeastern 
horizon  was  white  with  a  cloud  of  canvas.  The 
long-expected  crisis  was  come.  Drucour,  the  gov 
ernor,  sent  two  thousand  regulars,  with  about  a 
thousand  militia  and  Indians,  to  guard  the  various 
landing-places;  and  the  rest,  aided  by  the  sailors, 
remained  to  hold  the  town.1 

At  the  end  of  May  Admiral  Boscawen  was  at 
Halifax  with  twenty-three  ships-of-the-line,  eighteen 
frigates  and  fireships,  and  a  fleet  of  transports,  on 
board  of  which  were  eleven  thousand  and  six  hundred 
soldiers,  all  regulars,  except  five  hundred  provincial 
rangers.2  Amherst  had  not  yet  arrived,  and  on  the 
twenty-eighth,  Boscawen,  in  pursuance  of  his  orders 
and  to  prevent  loss  of  time,  put  to  sea  without  him ; 
but  scarcely  had  the  fleet  sailed  out  of  Halifax,  when 
they  met  the  ship  that  bore  the  expected  general. 

1  Rapport  de  Drucour.     Journal  du  Siege. 

2  Of  this  force,  according  to  Mante,  only  9,900  were  fit  for  duty. 
The  table  printed  by  Knox  (i.  127)  shows  a  total  of  11,112,  besides 
officers,  artillery,  and  rangers.     The  Authentic  Account  of  the  Reduc 
tion  of  Louisbourg,  by  a  Spectator,  puts  the  force  at  11,326  men,  be 
sides  officers.    Entick  makes  the  whole  11,930. 


GO  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

Amlierst  took  command  of  the  troops ;  and  the  expe 
dition  held  its  way  till  the  second  of  June,  when  they 
saw  the  rocky  shore-line  of  Cape  Breton,  and  descried 
the  rnasts  of  the  French  squadron  in  the  harbor  of 
Louisbourg. 

Boscawen  sailed  into  Gabarus  Bay.  The  sea  was 
rough;  but  in  the  afternoon  Amherst,  Lawrence, 
and  Wolfe,  with  a  number  of  naval  officers,  recon 
noitred  the  shore  in  boats,  coasting  it  for  miles,  and 
approaching  it  as  near  as  the  French  batteries  would 
permit.  The  rocks  were  white  with  surf,  and  every 
accessible  point  was  strongly  guarded.  Boscawen 
saw  little  chance  of  success.  He  sent  for  his  cap 
tains,  and  consulted  them  separately.  They  thought, 
like  him,  that  it  would  be  rash  to  attempt  a  landing, 
and  proposed  a  council  of  war.  One  of  them  alone, 
an  old  sea  officer  named  Ferguson,  advised  his  com 
mander  to  take  the  responsibility  himself,  hold  no 
council,  and  make  the  attempt  at  every  risk. 
Boscawen  took  his  advice,  and  declared  that  he 
would  not  leave  Gabarus  Bay  till  he  had  fulfilled 
his  instructions  and  set  the  troops  on  shore.1 

West  of  Louisbourg  there  were  three  accessible 
places,  Freshwater  Cove,  four  miles  from  the  town, 
and  Flat  Point,  and  White  Point,  which  were  nearer, 
the  last  being  within  a  mile  of  the  fortifications. 
East  of  the  town  there  was  an  inlet  called  Lorambec, 
also  available  for  landing.  In  order  to  distract  the 
attention  of  the  enemy,  it  was  resolved  to  threaten 
i  Entick,  iii.  224. 


1758.]  ATTEMPTS   AT   LANDING.  61 

all  these  places,  and  to  form  the  troops  into  three 
divisions,  two  of  which,  under  Lawrence  and  Whit- 
more,  were  to  advance  towards  Flat  Point  and  White 
Point,  while  a  detached  regiment  was  to  make  a  feint 
at  Lorambec.  Wolfe,  with  the  third  division,  was  to 
make  the  real  attack  and  try  to  force  a  landing  at 
Freshwater  Cove,  which,  as  it  proved,  was  the  most 
strongly  defended  of  all.  When  on  shore  Wolfe  was 
an  habitual  invalid,  and  when  at  sea  every  heave  of 
the  ship  made  him  wretched;  but  his  ardor  was 
unquenchable.  Before  leaving  England  he  wrote  to 
a  friend :  "  Being  of  the  profession  of  arms,  I  would 
seek  all  occasions  to  serve ;  and  therefore  have  thrown 
myself  in  the  way  of  the  American  war,  though  I 
know  that  the  very  passage  threatens  my  life,  and 
that  my  constitution  must  be  utterly  ruined  and 
undone." 

On  the  next  day,  the  third,  the  surf  was  so  high 
that  nothing  could  be  attempted.  On  the  fourth 
there  was  a  thick  fog  and  a  gale.  The  frigate 
"  Trent "  struck  on  a  rock,  and  some  of  the  transports 
were  near  being  stranded.  On  the  fifth  there  was 
another  fog  and  a  raging  surf.  On  the  sixth  there 
was  fog,  with  rain  in  the  morning  and  better  weather 
towards  noon,  whereupon  the  signal  was  made  and 
the  troops  entered  the  boats ;  but  the  sea  rose  again, 
and  they  were  ordered  back  to  the  ships.  On  the 
seventh  more  fog  and  more  surf  till  night,  when  the 
sea  grew  calmer,  and  orders  were  given  for  another 
attempt.  At  two  in  the  morning  of  the  eighth  the 


62  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

troops  were  in  the  boats  again.  At  daybreak  the 
frigates  of  the  squadron,  anchoring  before  each  point 
of  real  or  pretended  attack,  opened  a  fierce  cannonade 
on  the  French  intrenchments ;  and,  a  quarter  of  an 
hour  after,  the  three  divisions  rowed  towards  the 
shore.  That  of  the  left,  under  Wolfe,  consisted  of 
four  companies  of  grenadiers,  with  the  light  infantry 
and  New  England  rangers,  followed  and  supported 
by  Eraser's  Highlanders  and  eight  more  companies 
of  grenadiers.  They  pulled  for  Freshwater  Cove. 
Here  there  was  a  crescent-shaped  beach,  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  long,  with  rocks  at  each  end.  On  the  shore 
above,  about  a  thousand  Frenchmen,  under  Lieuten 
ant-Colonel  de  Saint- Julien,  lay  behind  intrench 
ments  covered  in  front  by  spruce  and  fir  trees,  felled 
and  laid  on  the  ground  with  the  tops  outward.1 
Eight  cannon  and  swivels  were  planted  to  sweep 
every  part  of  the  beach  and  its  approaches,  and  these 
pieces  were  masked  by  young  evergreens  stuck  in  the 
ground  before  them. 

The  English  were  allowed  to  come  within  close 
range  unmolested.  Then  the  batteries  opened,  and  a 
deadly  storm  of  grape  and  musketry  was  poured  upon 
the  boats.  It  was  clear  in  an  instant  that  to  advance 
farther  would  be  destruction ;  and  Wolfe  waved  his 
hand  as  a  signal  to  sheer  off.  At  some  distance  on 
the  right,  and  little  exposed  to  the  fire,  were  three 

1  Drucour  reports  985  soldiers  as  stationed  here  under  Saint- 
Julien  ;  there  were  also  some  Indians.  Freshwater  Cove,  otherwise 
Kennington  Cove,  was  called  La  Cormorandiere  by  the  French. 


1758.]  A  BOLD   MOVEMENT.  63 

boats  of  light  infantry  under  Lieutenants  Hopkins 
and  Brown  and  Ensign  Grant;  who,  mistaking  the 
signal  or  wilfully  misinterpreting  it,  made  directly 
for  the  shore  before  them.  It  was  a  few  rods  east  of 
the  beach ;  a  craggy  coast  and  a  strand  strewn  with 
rocks  and  lashed  with  breakers,  but  sheltered  from 
the  cannon  by  a  small  projecting  point.  The  three 
officers  leaped  ashore,  followed  by  their  men.  Wolfe 
saw  the  movement,  and  hastened  to  support  it.  The 
boat  of  Major  Scott,  who  commanded  the  light 
infantry  and  rangers,  next  came  up,  and  was  stove  in 
an  instant;  but  Scott  gained  the  shore,  climbed  the 
crags,  and  found  himself  with  ten  men  in  front  of 
some  seventy  French  and  Indians.  Half  his  followers 
were  killed  and  wounded,  and  three  bullets  were 
shot  through  his  clothes ;  but  with  admirable  gallantry 
he  held  his  ground  till  others  came  to  his  aid.1  The 
remaining  boats  now  reached  the  landing.  Many 
were  stove  among  the  rocks,  and  others  were  overset ; 
some  of  the  men  were  dragged  back  by  the  surf  and 
drowned ;  some  lost  their  muskets,  and  were  drenched 
to  the  skin:  but  the  greater  part  got  safe  ashore. 
Among  the  foremost  was  seen  the  tall,  attenuated 
form  of  Brigadier  Wolfe,  armed  with  nothing  but  a 
cane,  as  he  leaped  into  the  surf  and  climbed  the  crags 
with  his  soldiers.  As  they  reached  the  top  they 
formed  in  compact  order,  and  attacked  and  carried 
with  the  bayonet  the  nearest  French  battery,  a  few 
rods  distant.  The  division  of  Lawrence  soon  came 

1  Pichon,  M&moires  du  Cap-Breton,  284. 


64  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

up ;  and  as  the  attention  of  the  enemy  was  now  dis 
tracted,  they  made  their  landing  with  little  opposition 
at  the  farther  end  of  the  beach,  whither  they  were 
followed  by  Amherst  himself.  The  French,  attacked 
on  right  and  left,  and  fearing,  with  good  reason,  that 
they  would  be  cut  off  from  the  town,  abandoned  all 
their  cannon  and  fled  into  the  woods.  About  seventy 
of  them  were  captured  and  fifty  killed.  The  rest, 
circling  among  the  hills  and  around  the  marshes, 
made  their  way  to  Louisbourg,  and  those  at  the 
intermediate  posts  joined  their  flight.  The  English 
followed  through  a  matted  growth  of  firs  till  they 
reached  the  cleared  ground ;  when  the  cannon,  open 
ing  on  them  from  the  ramparts,  stopped  the  pursuit. 
The  first  move  of  the  great  game  was  played  and 


won. 


Amherst  made  his  camp  just  beyond  range  of  the 
French  cannon,  and  Flat  Point  Cove  was  chosen  as 
the  landing-place  of  guns  and  stores.  Clearing  the 
ground,  making  roads,  and  pitching  tents  filled  the 
rest  of  the  day.  At  night  there  was  a  glare  of  flames 
from  the  direction  of  the  town.  The  French  had 
abandoned  the  Grand  Battery  after  setting  fire  to  the 
buildings  in  it  and  to  the  houses  and  fish-stages  along 
the  shore  of  the  harbor.  During  the  following  days 

1  Journal  of  Amherst,  in  Mante,  117.  Amherst  to  Pitt,  11  June, 
1758.  Authentic  Account  of  the  Reduction  of  Louisbourg,  by  a  Specta 
tor,  11.  General  Orders  of  Amherst,  3-7  June,  1759.  Letter  from  an 
Officer,  in  Knox,  i.  191;  Entick,  iii.  225.  The  French  accounts 
generally  agree  in  essentials  with  the  English.  The  English  lost 
one  hundred  and  nine,  killed,  wounded,  and  drowned. 


1758.]  THE   SIEGE  BEGUN.  65 

stores  were  landed  as  fast  as  the  surf  would  permit: 
but  the  task  was  so  difficult  that  from  first  to  last 
more  than  a  hundred  boats  were  stove  in  accomplish 
ing  it;  and  such  was  the  violence  of  the  waves  that 
none  of  the  siege -guns  could  be  got  ashore  till  the 
eighteenth.  The  camp  extended  two  miles  along  a 
stream  that  flowed  down  to  the  Cove  among  the  low, 
woody  hills  that  curved  around  the  town  and  harbor. 
Redoubts  were  made  to  protect  its  front,  and  block 
houses  to  guard  its  left  and  rear  from  the  bands  of 
Acadians  known  to  be  hovering  in  the  woods. 

Wolfe,  with  twelve  hundred  men,  made  his  way 
six  or  seven  miles  round  the  harbor,  took  possession 
of  the  battery  at  Lighthouse  Point  which  the  French 
had  abandoned,  planted  guns  and  mortars,  and  opened 
fire  on  the  Island  Battery  that  guarded  the  entrance. 
Other  guns  were  placed  at  different  points  along  the 
shore,  and  soon  opened  on  the  French  ships.  The 
ships  and  batteries  replied.  The  artillery  fight  raged 
night  and  day;  till  on  the  twenty-fifth  the  island 
guns  were  dismounted  and  silenced.  Wolfe  then 
strengthened  his  posts,  secured  his  communications, 
and  returned  to  the  main  army  in  front  of  the  town. 

Amherst  had  reconnoitred  the  ground  and  chosen 
a  hillock  at  the  edge  of  the  marsh,  less  than  half  a 
mile  from  the  ramparts,  as  the  point  for  opening  his 
trenches.  A  road  with  an  epaulement  to  protect  it 
must  first  be  made  to  the  spot ;  and  as  the  way  was 
over  a  tract  of  deep  mud  covered  with  water-weeds 
and  moss,  the  labor  was  prodigious.  A  thousand 

VOL.  II.  —  5 


66  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

men  worked  at  it  day  and  night  under  the  fire  of 
the  town  and  ships. 

When  the  French  looked  landward  from  their 
ramparts  they  could  see  scarcely  a  sign  of  the  impend 
ing  storm.  Behind  them  Wolfe's  cannon  were  play 
ing  busily  from  Lighthouse  Point  and  the  heights 
around  the  harbor;  but,  before  them,  the  broad  flat 
marsh  and  the  low  hills  seemed  almost  a  solitude. 
Two  miles  distant,  they  could  descry  some  of  the 
English  tents ;  but  the  greater  part  were  hidden  by 
the  inequalities  of  the  ground.  On  the  right,  a 
prolongation  of  the  harbor  reached  nearly  half  a  mile 
beyond  the  town,  ending  in  a  small  lagoon  formed  by 
a  projecting  sandbar,  and  known  as  the  Barachois. 
Near  this  bar  lay  moored  the  little  frigate  "  Are*thuse," 
under  a  gallant  officer  named  Vauquelin.  Her  posi 
tion  was  a  perilous  one;  but  so  long  as  she  could 
maintain  it  she  could  sweep  with  her  fire  the  ground 
before  the  works,  and  seriously  impede  the  operations 
of  the  enemy.  The  other  naval  captains  were  less 
venturous;  and  when  the  English  landed,  they 
wanted  to  leave  the  harbor  and  save  their  ships. 
Drucour  insisted  that  they  should  stay  to  aid  the 
defence,  and  they  complied ;  but  soon  left  their  moor 
ings  and  anchored  as  close  as  possible  under  the  guns 
of  the  town,  in  order  to  escape  the  fire  of  Wolfe's 
batteries.  Hence  there  was  great  murmuring  among 
the  military  officers,  who  would  have  had  them 
engage  the  hostile  guns  at  short  range.  The  frigate 
"Echo,"  under  cover  of  a  fog,  had  been  sent  to 


1758.]  PROGRESS   OF   BESIEGERS.  67 

Quebec  for  aid;  but  she  was  chased  and  captured; 
and,  a  day  or  two  after,  the  French  saw  her  pass  the 
mouth  of  the  harbor  with  an  English  flag  at  her 
mast-head. 

When  Wolfe  had  silenced  the  Island  Battery,  a 
new  and  imminent  danger  threatened  Louisbourg. 
Boscawen  might  enter  the  harbor,  overpower  the 
French  naval  force,  and  cannonade  the  town  on  its 
weakest  side.  Therefore  Drucour  resolved  to  sink 
four  large  ships  at  the  entrance ;  and  on  a  dark  and 
foggy  night  this  was  successfully  accomplished. 
Two  more  vessels  were  afterwards  sunk,  and  the 
harbor  was  then  thought  safe. 

The  English  had  at  last  finished  their  preparations, 
and  were  urging  on  the  siege  with  determined  vigor. 
The  landward  view  was  a  solitude  no  longer.  They 
could  be  seen  in  multitudes  piling  earth  and  fascines 
beyond  the  hillock  at  the  edge  of  the  marsh.  On  the 
twenty-fifth  they  occupied  the  hillock  itself,  and 
fortified  themselves  there  under  a  shower  of  bombs. 
Then  they  threw  up  earth  on  the  right,  and  pushed 
their  approaches  towards  the  Barachois,  in  spite  of  a 
hot  fire  from  the  frigate  "Are'thuse."  Next  they 
appeared  on  the  left  towards  the  sea  about  a  third  of 
a  mile  from  the  Princess's  Bastion.  It  was  Wolfe, 
with  a  strong  detachment,  throwing  up  a  redoubt 
and  opening  an  intrenchment.  Late  on  the  night  of 
the  ninth  of  July  six  hundred  French  troops  sallied 
to  interrupt  the  work.  The  English  grenadiers  in 
the  trenches  fought  stubbornly  with  bayonet  and 


68  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

sword,  but  were  forced  back  to  the  second  line,  where 
a  desperate  conflict  in  the  dark  took  place ;  and  after 
severe  loss  on  both  sides  the  French  were  driven 
back.  Some  days  before,  there  had  been  another 
sortie  on  the  opposite  side,  near  the  Barachois,  result 
ing  in  a  repulse  of  the  French  and  the  seizure  by 
Wolfe  of  a  more  advanced  position. 

Various  courtesies  were  exchanged  between  the 
two  commanders.  Drucour,  on  occasion  of  a  flag  of 
truce,  wrote  to  Amherst  that  there  was  a  surgeon  of 
uncommon  skill  in  Louisbourg,  whose  services  were 
at  the  command  of  any  English  officer  who  might 
need  them.  Amherst  on  his  part  sent  to  his  enemy 
letters  and  messages  from  wounded  Frenchmen  in 
his  hands,  adding  his  compliments  to  Madame 
Drucour,  with  an  expression  of  regret  for  the  dis 
quiet  to  which  she  was  exposed,  begging  her  at  the 
same  time  to  accept  a  gift  of  pineapples  from  the 
West  Indies.  She  returned  his  courtesy  by  sending 
him  a  basket  of  wine;  after  which  amenities  the 
cannon  roared  again.  Madame  Drucour  was  a  woman 
of  heroic  spirit.  Every  day  she  was  on  the  ramparts, 
where  her  presence  roused  the  soldiers  to  enthusiasm ; 
and  every  day  with  her  own  hand  she  fired  three 
cannon  to  encourage  them. 

The  English  lines  grew  closer  and  closer,  and  their 
fire  more  and  more  destructive.  Desgouttes,  the 
naval  commander,  withdrew  the  "Ar^thuse"  from 
her  exposed  position,  where  her  fire  had  greatly 
annoyed  the  besiegers.  The  shot-holes  in  her  sides 


1758.]          WOLFE   SEIZES   GALLOWS   HILL.  69 

were  plugged  up,  and  in  the  dark  night  of  the  four 
teenth  of  July  she  was  towed  through  the  obstructions 
in  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  sent  to  France  to 
report  the  situation  of  Louisbourg.  More  fortunate 
than  her  predecessor,  she  escaped  the  English  in  a 
fog.  Only  five  vessels  now  remained  afloat  in  the 
harbor,  and  these  were  feebly  manned,  as  the  greater 
part  of  their  officers  and  crews  had  come  ashore,  to 
the  number  of  two  thousand,  lodging  under  tents 
in  the  town,  amid  the  scarcely  suppressed  murmurs 
of  the  army  officers. 

On  the  eighth  of  July  news  came  that  the  partisan 
Boishebert  was  approaching  with  four  hundred  Aca- 
dians,  Canadians,  and  Micmacs  to  attack  the  English 
outposts  and  detachments.  He  did  little  or  nothing, 
however,  besides  capturing  a  few  stragglers.  On 
the  sixteenth,  early  in  the  evening,  a  party  of  Eng 
lish,  led  by  Wolfe,  dashed  forward,  drove  off  a  band 
of  French  volunteers,  seized  a  rising  ground  called 
Hauteur-de-la-Potence,  or  Gallows  Hill,  and  began 
to  intrench  themselves  scarcely  three  hundred  yards 
from  the  Dauphin's  Bastion.  The  town  opened  on 
them  furiously  with  grape-shot;  but  in  the  intervals 
of  the  firing  the  sound  of  their  picks  and  spades 
could  plainly  be  heard.  In  the  morning  they  were 
seen  throwing  up  earth  like  moles  as  they  burrowed 
their  way  forward;  and  on  the  twenty-first  they 
opened  another  parallel,  within  two  hundred  yards 
of  the  rampart.  Still  their  sappers  pushed  on. 
Every  day  they  had  more  guns  in  position,  and  on 


70  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

right  and  left  their  fire  grew  hotter.  Their  pickets 
made  a  lodgement  along  the  foot  of  the  glacis,  and 
fired  up  the  slope  at  the  French  in  the  covered  way. 

The  twenty-first  was  a  memorable  day.  In  the 
afternoon  a  bomb  fell  on  the  ship  "  Celebre  "  and  set 
her  on  fire.  An  explosion  followed.  The  few  men 
on  board  could  not  save  her,  and  she  drifted  from  her 
moorings.  The  wind  blew  the  flames  into  the  rig 
ging  of  the  "  Entreprenant, "  and  then  into  that  of 
the  "  Capricieux. "  At  night  all  three  were  in  full 
blaze ;  for  when  the  fire  broke  out  the  English  bat 
teries  turned  on  them  a  tempest  of  shot  and  shell  to 
prevent  it  from  being  extinguished.  The  glare  of 
the  triple  conflagration  lighted  up  the  town,  the 
trenches,  the  harbor,  and  the  surrounding  hills; 
while  the  burning  ships  shot  off  their  guns  at  random 
as  they  slowly  drifted  westward,  and  grounded  at 
last  near  the  Barachois.  In  the  morning  they  were 
consumed  to  the  water's  edge ;  and  of  all  the  squadron 
the  "Prudent"  arid  the  "  Bienfaisant "  alone  were 
left. 

In  the  citadel,  of  which  the  King's  Bastion  formed 
the  front,  there  was  a  large  oblong  stone  building 
containing  the  chapel,  lodgings  for  men  and  officers, 
and  at  the  southern  end  the  quarters  of  the  governor. 
On  the  morning  after  the  burning  of  the  ships  a  shell 
fell  through  the  roof  among  a  party  of  soldiers  in  the 
chamber  below,  burst,  and  set  the  place  on  fire.  In 
half  an  hour  the  chapel  and  all  the  northern  part  of 
the  building  were  in  flames ;  and  no  sooner  did  the 


1758.]  CONFLAGRATION.  71 

smoke  rise  above  the  bastion  than  the  English  threw 
into  it  a  steady  shower  of  missiles.  Yet  soldiers, 
sailors,  and  inhabitants  hastened  to  the  spot,  and 
labored  desperately  to  check  the  fire.  They  saved 
the  end  occupied  by  Drucour  and  his  wife,  but  all 
the  rest  was  destroyed.  Under  the  adjacent  ram 
part  were  the  casemates,  one  of  which  was  crowded 
with  wounded  officers,  and  the  rest  with  women  and 
children  seeking  shelter  in  these  subterranean  dens. 
Before  the  entrances  there  was  a  long  barrier  of 
timber  to  protect  them  from  exploding  shells ;  and  as 
the  wind  blew  the  flames  towards  it,  there  was  danger 
that  it  would  take  fire  and  suffocate  those  within. 
They  rushed  out,  crazed  with  fright,  and  ran  hither 
and  thither  with  outcries  and  shrieks  amid  the  storm 
of  iron. 

In  the  neighboring  Queen's  Bastion  was  a  large 
range  of  barracks  built  of  wood  by  the  New  England 
troops  after  their  capture  of  the  fortress  in  1745.  So 
flimsy  and  combustible  was  it  that  the  French  writers 
call  it  a  "house  of  cards  "  and  ua  paper  of  matches." 
Here  were  lodged  the  greater  part  of  the  garrison : 
but  such  was  the  danger  of  fire,  that  they  were  now 
ordered  to  leave  it ;  and  they  accordingly  lay  in  the 
streets  or  along  the  foot  of  the  ramparts,  under 
shelters  of  timber  which  gave  some  little  protection 
against  bombs.  The  order  was  well  timed;  for  on 
the  night  after  the  fire  in  the  King's  Bastion,  a  shell 
filled  with  combustibles  set  this  building  also  in 
flames.  A  fearful  scene  ensued.  All  the  English 


72  LOU1SBOURG.  [1758. 

batteries  opened  upon  it.  The  roar  of  mortars  and 
cannon,  the  rushing  and  screaming  of  round-shot  and 
grape,  the  hissing  of  fuses  and  the  explosion  of 
grenades  and  bombs  mingled  with  a  storm  of  musketry 
from  the  covered  way  and  trenches;  while,  by  the 
glare  of  the  conflagration,  the  English  regiments 
were  seen  drawn  up  in  battle  array,  before  the  ram 
parts,  as  if  preparing  for  an  assault. 

Two  days  after,  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a 
burst  of  loud  cheers  was  heard  in  the  distance,  fol 
lowed  by  confused  cries  and  the  noise  of  musketry, 
which  lasted  but  a  moment.  Six  hundred  English 
sailors  had  silently  rowed  into  the  harbor  and  seized 
the  two  remaining  ships,  the  "  Prudent "  and  the 
"  Bienf aisant. "  After  the  first  hubbub  all  was  silent 
for  half  an  hour.  Then  a  light  glowed  through  the 
thick  fog  that  covered  the  water.  The  "  Prudent  " 
was  burning.  Being  aground  with  the  low  tide,  her 
captors  had  set  her  on  fire,  allowing  the  men  on 
board  to  escape  to  the  town  in  her  boats.  The  flames 
soon  wrapped  her  from  stem  to  stern;  and  as  the 
broad  glare  pierced  the  illumined  mists,  the  English 
sailors,  reckless  of  shot  and  shell,  towed  her  com 
panion-ship,  with  all  on  board,  to  a  safe  anchorage 
under  Wolfe's  batteries. 

The  position  of  the  besieged  was  deplorable. 
Nearly  a  fourth  of  their  number  were  in  the  hospitals; 
while  the  rest,  exhausted  with  incessant  toil,  could 
find  no  place  to  snatch  an  hour  of  sleep;  "and  yet," 
says  an  officer,  "they  still  show  ardor."  " To-day," 


1758.]  THE   END  NEAR.  73 

he  again  says,  on  the  twenty -fourth,  u  the  fire  of  the 
place  is  so  weak  that  it  is  more  like  funeral  guns 
than  a  defence."  On  the  front  of  the  town  only  four 
cannon  could  fire  at  all.  The  rest  were  either  dis 
mounted  or  silenced  by  the  musketry  from  the 
trenches.  The  masonry  of  the  ramparts  had  been 
shaken  by  the  concussion  of  their  own  guns ;  and 
now,  in  the  Dauphin's  and  King's  bastions,  the 
English  shot  brought  it  down  in  masses.  The 
trenches  had  been  pushed  so  close  on  the  rising 
grounds  at  the  right  that  a  great  part  of  the  covered 
way  was  enfiladed,  while  a  battery  on  a  hill  across 
the  harbor  swept  the  whole  front  with  a  flank  fire. 
Amherst  had  ordered  the  gunners  to  spare  the  houses 
of  the  town ;  but,  according  to  French  accounts,  the 
order  had  little  effect,  for  shot  and  shell  fell  every 
where.  "There  is  not  a  house  in  the  place,"  says 
the  Diary  just  quoted,  "  that  has  not  felt  the  effects 
of  this  formidable  artillery.  From  yesterday  morn 
ing  till  seven  o'clock  this  evening  we  reckon  that  a 
thousand  or  twelve  hundred  bombs,  great  and  small, 
have  been  thrown  into  the  town,  accompanied  all  the 
time  by  the  fire  of  forty  pieces  of  cannon,  served  with 
an  activity  not  often  seen.  The  hospital  and  the 
houses  around  it,  which  also  serve  as  hospitals,  are 
attacked  with  cannon  and  mortar.  The  surgeon 
trembles  as  he  amputates  a  limb  amid  cries  of  Gare 
la  loinbe  !  and  leaves  his  patient  in  the  midst  of  the 
operation,  lest  he  should  share  his  fate.  The  sick 
and  wounded,  stretched  on  mattresses,  utter  cries  of 


74  LOU1SBOURG.  [1758. 

pain,  which  do  not  cease  till  a  shot  or  the  bursting  of 
a  shell  ends  them."  1  On  the  twenty-sixth  the  last 
cannon  was  silenced  in  front  of  the  town,  and  the 
English  batteries  had  made  a  breach  which  seemed 
practicable  for  assault. 

On  the  day  before,  Drucour,  with  his  chief  officers 
and  the  engineer,  Franquet,  had  made  the  tour  of 
the  covered  Avay,  and  examined  the  state  of  the 
defences.  All  but  Franquet  were  for  offering  to 
capitulate.  Early  on  the  next  morning  a  council  of 
war  was  held,  at  which  were  present  Drucour, 
Franquet,  Desgouttes,  naval  commander,  Houlliere, 
commander  of  the  regulars,  and  the  several  chiefs  of 
battalions.  Franquet  presented  a  memorial  setting 
forth  the  state  of  the  fortifications.  As  it  was  he 
who  had  reconstructed  and  repaired  them,  he  was 
anxious  to  show  the  quality  of  his  work  in  the  best 
light  possible ;  and  therefore,  in  the  view  of  his  audi 
tors,  he  understated  the  effects  of  the  English  fire. 
Hence  an  altercation  arose,  ending  in  a  unanimous 
decision  to  ask  for  terms.  Accordingly,  at  ten 
o'clock,  a  white  flag  was  displayed  over  the  breach  in 
the  Dauphin's  Bastion,  and  an  officer  named  Loppinot 
was  sent  out  with  offers  to  capitulate.  The  answer 

1  Early  in  the  siege  Drucour  wrote  to  Amherst  asking  that  the 
hospital  should  be  exempt  from  fire.  Amherst  answered  that  shot 
and  shell  might  fall  on  any  part  of  so  small  a  town,  but  promised 
to  insure  the  sick  and  wounded  from  molestation  if  Drucour  would 
send  them  either  to  the  island  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  or  to  any 
of  the  ships,  if  anchored  apart  from  the  rest.  The  offer  was 
declined,  for  reasons  not  stated.  Drucour  gives  the  correspondence 
in  his  Diary. 


1758.]  NEGOTIATIONS.  75 

was  prompt  and  stern:  the  garrison  must  surrender 
as  prisoners  of  war;  a  definite  reply  must  be  given 
within  an  hour;  in  case  of  refusal  the  place  will  be 
attacked  by  land  and  sea.1 

Great  was  the  emotion  in  the  council ;  and  one  of 
its  members,  D'Anthonay,  lieutenant-colonel  of  the 
battalion  of  Volontaires  Strangers,  was  sent  to  pro 
pose  less  rigorous  terms.  Amherst  would  not  speak 
with  him;  and  jointly  with  Boscawen  despatched 
this  note  to  the  governor :  — 

SIB,  —  We  have  just  received  the  reply  which  it  has 
pleased  your  Excellency  to  make  as  to  the  conditions  of 
the  capitulation  offered  you.  We  shall  not  change  in  the 
least  our  views  regarding  them.  It  depends  on  your 
Excellency  to  accept  them  or  not;  and  you  will  have  the 
goodness  to  give  your  answer,  yes  or  no,  within  half  an 
hour. 

We  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

E.  BOSCAWEN, 

J.  AMHERST.2 

Drucour  answered  as  follows :  — 

GENTLEMEN,  —  To  reply  to  your  Excellencies  in  as  few 
words  as  possible,  I  have  the  honor  to  repeat  that  my 
position  also  remains  the  same,  and  that  I  persist  in  my 
first  resolution. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

THE  CHEVALIER  DE  DRUCOUR. 

In  other  words,  he  refused  the  English  terms,  and 
declared  his  purpose  to  abide  the  assault.  Loppinot 

1  Mante  and  other  English  writers  give  the  text  of  this  reply. 

2  Translated  from  the  Journal  of  Drucour. 


76  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

was  sent  back  to  the  English  camp  with  this  note  of 
defiance.  He  was  no  sooner  gone  than  Provost,  the 
intendant,  an  officer  of  functions  purely  civil,  brought 
the  governor  a  memorial  which,  with  or  without  the 
knowledge  of  the  military  authorities,  he  had  drawn 
up  in  anticipation  of  the  emergency.  "  The  violent 
resolution  which  the  council  continues  to  hold,"  said 
this  document,  "obliges  me,  for  the  good  of  the 
state,  the  preservation  of  the  King's  subjects,  and 
the  averting  of  horrors  shocking  to  humanity,  to  lay 
before  your  eyes  the  consequences  that  may  ensue. 
What  will  become  of  the  four  thousand  souls  who 
compose  the  families  of  this  town,  of  the  thousand  or 
twelve  hundred  sick  in  the  hospitals,  and  the  officers 
and  crews  of  our  unfortunate  ships?  They  will  be 
delivered  over  to  carnage  and  the  rage  of  an  unbridled 
soldiery,  eager  for  plunder,  and  impelled  to  deeds  of 
horror  by  pretended  resentment  at  what  has  formerly 
happened  in  Canada.  Thus  they  will  all  be  destroyed, 
and  the  memory  of  their  fate  will  live  forever  in  our 
colonies.  ...  It  remains,  Monsieur,"  continues  the 
paper,  "to  remind  you  that  the  councils  you  have 
held  thus  far  have  been  composed  of  none  but  mili 
tary  officers.  I  am  not  surprised  at  their  views. 
The  glory  of  the  King's  arms  and  the  honor  of  their 
several  corps  have  inspired  them.  You  and  I  alone 
are  charged  with  the  administration  of  the  colony  and 
the  care  of  the  King's  subjects  who  compose  it. 
These  gentlemen,  therefore,  have  had  no  regard  for 
them.  They  think  only  of  themselves  and  their 


1758.J  SURRENDER.  77 

soldiers,  whose  business  it  is  to  encounter  the  utmost 
extremity  of  peril.  It  is  at  the  prayer  of  an  intimi 
dated  people  that  I  lay  before  you  the  considerations 
specified  in  this  memorial." 

"In  view  of  these  considerations,"  writes  Drucour, 
"  joined  to  the  impossibility  of  resisting  an  assault, 
M.  le  Chevalier  de  Courserac  undertook  in  my  behalf 
to  run  after  the  bearer  of  my  answer  to  the  English 
commander  and  bring  it  back."  It  is  evident  that 
the  bearer  of  the  note  had  been  in  no  hurry  to  deliver 
it,  for  he  had  scarcely  got  beyond  the  fortifica 
tions  when  Courserac  overtook  and  stopped  him. 
D'Anthonay,  with  Duvivier,  major  of  the  battalion 
of  Artois,  and  Loppinot,  the  first  messenger,  was 
then  sent  to  the  English  camp,  empowered  to  accept 
the  terms  imposed.  An  English  spectator  thus 
describes  their  arrival:  "A  lieutenant-colonel  came 
running  out  of  the  garrison,  making  signs  at  a  dis 
tance,  and  bawling  out  as  loud  as  he  could,  4  We 
accept  !  We  accept  !  '  He  was  followed  by  two  others ; 
and  they  were  all  conducted  to  General  Amherst's 
headquarters." l  At  eleven  o'clock  at  night  they 
returned  with  the  articles  of  capitulation  and  the 
following  letter :  — 

SIR,  —  We  have  the  honor  to  send  your  Excellency  the 
articles  of  capitulation  signed. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  D'Anthonay  has  not  failed  to  speak 
in  behalf  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  town ;  and  it  is  nowise 

1  Authentic  Account  of  the  Siege  of  Louisbourg,  by  a  Spectator, 


78  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

our  intention  to  distress  them,  but  to  give  them  all  the 
aid  in  our  power. 

Your  Excellency  will  have  the  goodness  to  sign  a  dupli 
cate  of  the  articles  and  send  it  to  us. 

It  only  remains  to  assure  your  Excellency  that  we  shall 
with  great  pleasure  seize  every  opportunity  to  convince 
your  Excellency  that  we  are  with  the  most  perfect  con 
sideration, 

Sir,  your  Excellency's  most  obedient  servants, 

E.  BOSCAWEN. 
J.  AMHERST. 

The  articles  stipulated  that  the  garrison  should  be 
sent  to  England,  prisoners  of  war,  in  British  ships; 
that  all  artillery,  arms,  munitions,  and  stores,  both 
in  Louisbourg  and  elsewhere  on  the  Island  of  Cape 
Breton,  as  well  as  on  Isle  St.  Jean,  now  Prince 
Edward's  Island,  should  be  given  up  intact;  that  the 
gate  of  the  Dauphin's  Bastion  should  be  delivered  to 
the  British  troops  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning; 
and  that  the  garrison  should  lay  down  their  arms  at 
noon.  The  victors,  on  their  part,  promised  to  give 
the  French  sick  and  wounded  the  same  care  as  their 
own,  and  to  protect  private  property  from  pillage. 

Drucour  signed  the  paper  at  midnight,  and  in  the 
morning  a  body  of  grenadiers  took  possession  of  the 
Dauphin's  Gate.  The  rude  soldiery  poured  in, 
swarthy  with  wind  and  sun,  and  begrimed  with 
smoke  and  dust;  the  garrison,  drawn  up  on  the 
esplanade,  flung  down  tlieir  muskets  and  marched 
from  the  ground  with  tears  of  rage;  the  cross  of 
St.  George  floated  over  the  shattered  rampart;  and 


1758.]  ITS   CAPTURE.  79 

Louisbourg,  with  the  two  great  islands  that  depended 
on  it,  passed  to  the  British  Crown.  Guards  were 
posted,  a  stern  discipline  was  enforced,  and  perfect 
order  maintained.  The  conquerors  and  the  conquered 
exchanged  greetings,  and  the  English  general  was 
lavish  of  courtesies  to  the  brave  lady  who  had  aided 
the  defence  so  well.  "Every  favor  she  asked  was 
granted,"  says  a  Frenchman  present. 

Drucour  and  his  garrison  had  made  a  gallant 
defence.  It  had  been  his  aim  to  prolong  the  siege 
till  it  should  be  too  late  for  Amherst  to  co-operate 
with  Abercrombie  in  an  attack  on  Canada;  and  in 
this,  at  least,  he  succeeded. 

Five  thousand  six  hundred  and  thirty-seven  officers, 
soldiers,  and  sailors  were  prisoners  in  the  hands  of 
the  victors.  Eighteen  mortars  and  two  hundred  and 
twenty-one  cannon  were  found  in  the  town,  along 
with  a  great  quantity  of  arms,  munitions,  and  stores.1 
At  the  middle  of  August  such  of  the  prisoners  as 
were  not  disabled  by  wounds  or  sickness  were 
embarked  for  England,  and  the  merchants  and  inhab 
itants  were  sent  to  France.  Brigadier  Whitmore,  as 
governor  of  Louisbourg,  remained  with  four  regi 
ments  to  hold  guard  over  the  desolation  they  had 
made. 

The  fall  of  the  French  stronghold  was  hailed  in 
England  with  noisy  rapture.  Addresses  of  congratu- 

1  Account  of  the  Guns,  Mortars,  Shot,  Shell,  etc.,  found  in  the  Town 
of  Louisbourg  upon  its  Surrender  this  day,  signed  Jeffrey  Amherst,  27 
July,  1758. 


80  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

lation  to  the  King  poured  in  from  all  the  cities  of  the 
kingdom,  and  the  captured  flags  were  hung  in  St. 
Paul's  amid  the  roar  of  cannon  and  the  shouts  of  the 
populace.  The  provinces  shared  these  rejoicings. 
Sermons  of  thanksgiving  resounded  from  countless 
New  England  pulpits.  At  Newport  there  were  fire 
works  and  illuminations ;  and,  adds  the  pious  reporter, 
"We  have  reason  to  believe  that  Christians  will 
make  wise  and  religious  improvement  of  so  signal  a 
favor  of  Divine  Providence."  At  Philadelphia  a  like 
display  was  seen,  with  music  and  universal  ringing 
of  bells.  At  Boston  "  a  stately  bonfire  like  a  pyramid 
was  kindled  on  the  top  of  Fort  Hill,  which  made  a 
lofty  and  prodigious  blaze ;  "  though  here  certain 
jealous  patriots  protested  against  celebrating  a  victory 
won  by  British  regulars,  and  not  by  New  England 
men.  At  New  York  there  was  a  grand  official  dinner 
at  the  Province  Arms  in  Broadway,  where  every 
loyal  toast  was  echoed  by  the  cannon  of  Fort  George ; 
and  illuminations  and  fireworks  closed  the  day.1  In 
the  camp  of  Abercrombie  at  Lake  George,  Chaplain 
Cleaveland,  of  Bagley's  Massachusetts  regiment, 
wrote :  "  The  General  put  out  orders  that  the  breast 
work  should  be  lined  with  troops,  and  to  fire  three 
rounds  for  joy,  and  give  thanks  to  God  in  a  religious 
way."2  But  nowhere  did  the  tidings  find  a  warmer 
welcome  than  in  the  small  detached  forts  scattered 
through  the  solitudes  of  Nova  Scotia,  where  the  mili- 

1  These  particulars  are  from  the  provincial  newspapers. 

2  Cleaveland,  Journal. 


1758.]  GOOD   NEWS    AT   ANNAPOLIS.  81 

tary  exiles,  restless  from  inaction,  listened  with 
greedy  ears  for  every  word  from  the  great  world 
whence  they  were  banished.  So  slow  were  their 
communications  with  it  that  the  fall  of  Louisbourg 
was  known  in  England  before  it  had  reached  them 
all.  Captain  John  Knox,  then  in  garrison  at  An 
napolis,  tells  how  it  was  greeted  there  more  than  five 
weeks  after  the  event.  It  was  the  sixth  of  Septem 
ber.  A  sloop  from  Boston  was  seen  coming  up  the 
bay.  Soldiers  and  officers  ran  down  to  the  wharf  to 
ask  for  news.  "Every  soul,"  says  Knox,  "was 
impatient,  yet  shy  of  asking;  at  length,  the  vessel 
being  come  near  enough  to  be  spoken  to,  I  called 
out,  '  What  news  from  Louisbourg  ?  '  To  which  the 
master  simply  replied,  and  with  some  gravity,  '  Noth 
ing  strange.'  This  answer,  which  was  so  coldly 
delivered,  threw  us  all  into  great  consternation,  and 
we  looked  at  each  other  without  being  able  to  speak ; 
some  of  us  even  turned  away  with  an  intent  to 
return  to  the  fort.  At  length  one  of  our  soldiers, 
not  yet  satisfied,  called  out  with  some  warmth, 
4  Damn  you,  Pumpkin,  isn't  Louisbourg  taken  yet?' 
The  poor  New  England  man  then  answered :  '  Taken, 
yes,  above  a  month  ago,  and  I  have  been  there  since ; 
but  if  you  have  never  heard  it  before,  I  have  got  a 
good  parcel  of  letters  for  you  now.'  If  our  appre 
hensions  were  great  at  first,  words  are  insufficient  to 
express  our  transports  at  this  speech,  the  latter  part 
<of  which  we  hardly  waited  for;  but  instantly  all  hats 
flew  off,  and  we  made  the  neighboring  woods  resound 

VOL.  II.  —  6 


82  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

with  our  cheers  and  huzzas  for  almost  half  an  hour. 
The  master  of  the  sloop  was  amazed  beyond  expres 
sion,  and  declared  he  thought  we  had  heard  of  the 
success  of  our  arms  eastward  before,  and  had  sought 
to  banter  him."1  At  night  there  was  a  grand  bon 
fire  and  universal  festivity  in  the  fort  and  village. 

Amherst  proceeded  to  complete  his  conquest  by  the 
subjection  of  all  the  adjacent  possessions  of  France. 
Major  Balling  was  sent  to  occupy  Port  Espagnol, 
now  Sydney.  Colonel  Monckton  was  despatched  to 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  the  river  St.  John  with  an 
order  "to  destroy  the  vermin  who  are  settled  there." 2 
Lord  Rollo,  with  the  thirty-fifth  regiment  and  two 
battalions  of  the  sixtieth,  received  the  submission 
of  Isle  St.  Jean,  and  tried  to  remove  the  inhabitants, 
—  with  small  success ;  for  out  of  more  than  four 
thousand  he  could  catch  but  seven  hundred.3 

The  ardent  and  indomitable  Wolfe  had  been  the 
life  of  the  siege.  Wherever  there  was  need  of  a 
quick  eye,  a  prompt  decision,  and  a  bold  dash,  there 
his  lank  figure  was  always  in  the  front.  Yet  he  was 
only  half  pleased  with  what  had  been  done.  The 
capture  of  Louisbourg,  he  thought,  should  be  but  the 
prelude  of  greater  conquests;  and  he  had  hoped  that 
the  fleet  and  army  would  sail  up  the  St.  Lawrence 


1  Knox,  Historical  Journal,  i.  158. 

2  Orders  of  Amherst  to  Wolfe,  15  August,  1758;  Ibid.,  to  Monckton, 
24  August,  1758;  Report  of  Monckton,  12  November,  1758. 

8   Villejouin,  commandant  a  I'Isle  St.  Jean,  au  Ministre,  8  Septembre, 
1758. 


1758.]  DISCONTENT   OF   WOLFE.  83 

and  attack  Quebec.  Impetuous  and  impatient  by 
nature,  and  irritable  with  disease,  he  chafed  at  the 
delay  that  followed  the  capitulation,  and  wrote  to  his 
father  a  few  days  after  it :  "  We  are  gathering  straw 
berries  and  other  wild  fruits  of  the  country,  with  a 
seeming  indifference  about  what  is  doing  in  other 
parts  of  the  world.  Our  army,  however,  on  the  con 
tinent  wants  our  help."  Growing  more  anxious,  he 
sent  Amherst  a  note  to  ask  his  intentions;  and  the 
general  replied,  "  What  I  most  wish  to  do  is  to  go  to 
Quebec.  I  have  proposed  it  to  the  Admiral,  and 
yesterday  he  seemed  to  think  it  impracticable."  On 
which  Wolfe  wrote  again :  "  If  the  Admiral  will  not 
carry  us  to  Quebec,  reinforcements  should  certainly 
be  sent  to  the  continent  without  losing  a  moment. 
This  damned  French  garrison  take  up  our  time  and 
attention,  which  might  be  better  bestowed.  The 
transports  are  ready,  and  a  small  convoy  would  carry 
a  brigade  to  Boston  or  New  York.  With  the  rest  of 
the  troops  we  might  make  an  offensive  and  destruc 
tive  war  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  the  Gulf  of  St. 
Lawrence.  I  beg  pardon  for  this  freedom,  but  I 
cannot  look  coolly  upon  the  bloody  inroads  of  those 
hell-hounds,  the  Canadians;  and  if  nothing  further 
is  to  be  done,  I  must  desire  leave  to  quit  the  army." 

Amherst  answered  that  though  he  had  meant  at 
first  to  go  to  Quebec  with  the  whole  army,  late  events 
on  the  continent  made  it  impossible;  and  that  he 
now  thought  it  best  to  go  with  five  or  six  regiments 
to  the  aid  of  Abercrombie.  He  asked  Wolfe  to  con- 


84  LOUISBOURG.  [1758. 

tinue  to  communicate  his  views  to  him,  and  would 
not  hear  for  a  moment  of  his  leaving  the  army ;  add 
ing,  "I  know  nothing  that  can  tend  more  to  His 
Majesty's  service  than  your  assisting  in  it."  Wolfe 
again  wrote  to  his  commander,  with  whom  he  was  on 
terms  of  friendship:  "An  offensive,  daring  kind  of 
war  will  awe  the  Indians  and  ruin  the  French. 
Blockhouses  and  a  trembling  defensive  encourage  the 
meanest  scoundrels  to  attack  us.  If  you  will  attempt 
to  cut  up  New  France  by  the  roots,  I  will  come  with 
pleasure  to  assist." 

Amherst,  with  such  speed  as  his  deliberate  nature 
would  permit,  sailed  with  six  regiments  for  Boston 
to  reinforce  Abercrombie  at  Lake  George,  while 
Wolfe  set  out  on  an  errand  but  little  to  his  liking. 
He  had  orders  to  proceed  to  Gaspe,  Miramichi,  and 
other  settlements  on  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
destroy  them,  and  disperse  their  inhabitants;  a 
measure  of  needless  and  unpardonable  rigor,  which, 
while  detesting  it,  he  executed  with  characteristic 
thoroughness.  "Sir  Charles  Hardy  and  I,"  he  wrote 
to  his  father,  "  are  preparing  to  rob  the  fishermen  of 
their  nets  and  burn  their  huts.  When  that  great 
exploit  is  at  an  end,  I  return  to  Louisbourg,  and 
thence  to  England."  Having  finished  the  work,  he 
wrote  to  Amherst:  "Your  orders  were  carried  into 
execution.  We  have  done  a  great  deal  of  mischief, 
and  spread  the  terror  of  His  Majesty's  arms  through 
the  Gulf,  but  have  added  nothing  to  the  reputation 
of  them."  The  destruction  of  property  was  great; 


1758.]  EVIDENCE.  85 

yet,  as  Knox  writes,  "  he  would  not  suffer  the  least 
barbarity  to  be  committed  upon  the  persons  of  the 
wretched  inhabitants."1 

He  returned  to  Louisbourg,  and  sailed  for  Eng 
land  to  recruit  his  shattered  health  for  greater 
conflicts. 

NOTE.  —  Four  long  and  minute  French  diaries  of  the  siege  of 
Louisbourg  are  before  me.  The  first,  that  of  Drucour,  covers  a 
hundred  and  six  folio  pages,  and  contains  his  correspondence  with 
Amherst,  Boscawen,  and  Desgouttes.  The  second  is  that  of  the 
naval  captain,  Tourville,  commander  of  the  ship  "  Capricieux,"  and 
covers  fifty  pages.  The  third  is  by  an  officer  of  the  garrison  whose 
name  does  not  appear.  The  fourth,  of  about  a  hundred  pages,  is 
by  another  officer  of  the  garrison,  and  is  also  anonymous.  It  is  an 
excellent  record  of  what  passed  each  day,  and  of  the  changing  con 
ditions,  moral  and  physical,  of  the  besieged.  These  four  Journals, 
though  clearly  independent  of  each  other,  agree  in  nearly  all  essen 
tial  particulars.  I  have  also  numerous  letters  from  the  principal 
officers,  military,  naval,  and  civil,  engaged  in  the  defence,  — 
Drucour,  Desgouttes,  Houlliere,  Beaussier,  Marolles,  Tourville, 
Courserac,  Franquet,  Villejouin,  Prevost,  and  Querdisien.  These, 
with  various  other  documents  relating  to  the  siege,  were  copied 
from  the  originals  in  the  Archives  de  la  Marine.  Among  printed 
authorities  on  the  French  side  may  be  mentioned  Pichon,  Lettres  et 
J\Jemoires  pour  servir  a  I'Histoire  du  Cap-Breton,  and  the  Campaign  of 
Louisbourg,  by  the  Chevalier  Johnstone,  a  Scotch  Jacobite  serving 
under  Drucour. 

The  chief  authorities  on  the  English  side  are  the  official  Journal 
of  Amherst,  printed  in  the  London  Magazine  and  in  other  contem 
porary  periodicals,  and  also  in  Mante,  History  of  the  Late  War  ;  five 
letters  from  Amherst  to  Pitt,  written  during  the  siege  (Public 
Record  Office) ;  an  excellent  private  Journal  called  An  Authentic 
Account  of  the  Reduction  of  Louisbourg ,  by  a  Spectator,  parts  of  which 
have  been  copied  verbatim  by  Entick  without  acknowledgment ; 

1  "Les  Anglais  ont  tres-bien  traites  les  prisonniers  qu'ils  ontfaits 
dans  cette  partie  "  [Gaspe',  etc.].  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  4  Novembre, 
1758. 


86  LOU1SBOURG.  [1758. 

the  admirable  Journal  of  Captain  John  Knox,  which  contains  numer 
ous  letters  and  orders  relating  to  the  siege ;  and  the  correspondence 
of  Wolfe  contained  in  his  Life  by  Wright.  Before  me  is  the  Diary 
of  a  captain  or  subaltern  in  the  army  of  Amherst  at  Louisbourg, 
found  in  the  garret  of  an  old  house  at  Windsor,  Nova  Scotia,  on  an 
estate  belonging  in  1760  to  Chief  Justice  Deschamps.  I  owe  the 
use  of  it  to  the  kindness  of  George  Wiggins,  Esq.,  of  Windsor, 
N.  S.  Mante  gives  an  excellent  plan  of  the  siege  operations,  and 
another  will  be  found  in  Jefferys,  Natural  and  Civil  History  of 
French  Dominions  in  North  America. 


CHAPTER  XX. 
1758. 

TICONDEROGA. 

ACTIVITY  OF  THE  PROVINCES.  —  SACRIFICES  OF  MASSACHUSETTS. — 
THE  AKMY  AT  LAKE  GEORGE.  — PROPOSED  INCURSION  OF  LEVIS. 

—  PERPLEXITIES  OF  MONTCALM  :    HIS    PLAN    OF    DEFENCE. — 
CAMP  OF  ABERCROMBIE:  HIS  CHARACTER.  —  LORD  HOWE:   HIS 
POPULARITY.  —  EMBARKATION    OF    ABERCROMBIE.  —  ADVANCE 
DOWN  LAKE  GEORGE.  —  LANDING.  —  FOREST  SKIRMISH.  — DEATH 
OF   HOWE  :    ITS   EFFECTS.  —  POSITION   OF   THE  FRENCH.  —  THE 
LINKS  OF  TICONDEROGA. — BLUNDERS   OF  ABERCROMBIE. — THE 
ASSAULT. — A  FRIGHTFUL  SCENE.  —  INCIDENTS  OF  THE  BATTLE. 

—  BRITISH  REPULSE.  —  PANIC.  —  RETREAT.  —  TRIUMPH  OF  MONT- 
CALM. 

IN  the  last  year  London  called  on  the  colonists  for 
four  thousand  men.  This  year  Pitt  asked  them  for 
twenty  thousand,  and  promised  that  the  King  wouid 
supply  arms,  ammunition,  tents,  and  provisions, 
leaving  to  the  provinces  only  the  raising,  clothing, 
and  pay  of  their  soldiers ;  and  he  added  the  assurance 
that  Parliament  would  be  asked  to  make  some  com 
pensation  even  for  these.1  Thus  encouraged,  cheered 
by  the  removal  of  London,  arid  animated  by  the 
unwonted  vigor  of  British  military  preparation,  the 
several  provincial  assemblies  voted  men  in  abundance, 

1  Pitt  to  the  Colonial  Governors,  30  December,  1757. 


88  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

though   the   usual    vexatious   delays   took   place   in 
raising,  equipping,  and  sending  them  to  the  field. 

In  this  connection,  an  able  English  writer  has 
brought  against  the  colonies,  and  especially  against 
Massachusetts,  charges  which  deserve  attention. 
Viscount  Bury  says :  "  Of  all  the  colonies,  Massachu 
setts  was  the  first  which  discovered  the  designs  of 
the  French  and  remonstrated  against  their  aggres 
sions  ;  of  all  the  colonies  she  most  zealously  promoted 
measures  of  union  for  the  common  defence,  and 
made  the  greatest  exertions  in  furtherance  of  her 
views."  But  he  adds  that  there  is  a  reverse  to  the 
picture,  and  that  "this  colony,  so  high-spirited,  so 
warlike,  and  apparently  so  loyal,  would  never  move 
hand  or  foot  in  her  own  defence  till  certain  of  repay 
ment  by  the  mother  country."1  The  groundlessness 
of  this  charge  is  shown  by  abundant  proofs,  one  of 
which  will  be  enough.  The  Englishman  Pownall, 
who  had  succeeded  Shirley  as  royal  governor  of  the 
province,  made  this  year  a  report  of  its  condition  to 
Pitt.  Massachusetts,  he  says,  "has  been  the  frontier 
and  advanced  guard  of  all  the  colonies  against  the 
enemy  in  Canada,"  and  has  always  taken  the  lead  in 
military  affairs.  In  the  three  past  years  she  has 
spent  on  the  expeditions  of  Johnson,  Winslow,  and 
London  £242,356,  besides  about  £45,000  a  year  to 
support  the  provincial  government,  at  the  same  time 
maintaining  a  number  of  forts  and  garrisons,  keeping 
up  scouting-parties,  and  building,  equipping,  and 

1  Bury,  Exodus  of  the  Western  Nations,  ii.  250,  251. 


1758.]  EFFORTS   OF  MASSACHUSETTS.  89 

manning  a  ship  of  twenty  guns  for  the  service  of  the 
King.  In  the  first  two  months  of  the  present  year, 
1758,  she  made  a  further  military  outlay  of  £172,239. 
Of  all  these  sums  she  has  received  from  Parliament 
a  reimbursement  of  only  £70,117,  and  hence  she  is 
deep  in  debt;  yet,  in  addition,  she  has  this  year 
raised,  paid,  maintained,  and  clothed  seven  thousand 
soldiers  placed  under  the  command  of  General 
Abercrombie,  besides  above  twenty-five  hundred  more 
serving  the  King  by  land  or  sea ;  amounting  in  all  to 
about  one  in  four  of  her  able-bodied  men. 

Massachusetts  was  extremely  poor  by  the  standards 
of  the  present  day,  living  by  fishing,  farming,  and  a 
trade  sorely  hampered  by  the  British  navigation  laws. 
Her  contributions  of  money  and  men  were  not 
ordained  by  an  absolute  king,  but  made  by  the  volun 
tary  act  of  a  free  people.  Pownall  goes  on  to  say 
that  her  present  war-debt,  due  within  three  years, 
is  £366,698  sterling,  and  that  to  meet  it  she  has 
imposed  on  herself  taxes  amounting,  in  the  town  of 
Boston,  to  thirteen  shillings  and  twopence  to  every 
pound  of  income  from  real  and  personal  estate ;  that 
her  people  are  in  distress,  that  she  is  anxious  to 
continue  her  efforts  in  the  public  cause,  but  that 
without  some  further  reimbursement  she  is  exhausted 
and  helpless.1  Yet  in  the  next  year  she  incurred  a 

1  Pownall  to  Pitt,  30  September,  1758  (Public  Record  Office,  Amer 
ica  and  West  Indies,  Ixxi.).  "  The  province  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
has  exerted  itself  with  great  zeal  and  at  vast  expense  for  the  public 
service."  Registers  of  Privy  Council,  26  July,  1757. 


90  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

new  and  heavy  debt.  In  1760  Parliament  repaid  her 
£59, 575. l  Far  from  being  fully  reimbursed,  the 
end  of  the  war  found  her  on  the  brink  of  bankruptcy. 
Connecticut  made  equal  sacrifices  in  the  common 
cause,  —  highly  to  her  honor,  for  she  was  little 
exposed  to  danger,  being  covered  by  the  neighboring 
provinces;  while  impoverished  New  Hampshire  put 
one  in  three  of  her  able-bodied  men  into  the  field.2 

In  June  the  combined  British  and  provincial  force 
which  Abercrombie,  was  to  lead  against  Ticonderoga 
was  gathered  at  the  head  of  Lake  George;  while 
Montcalm  lay  at  its  outlet  around  the  walls  of  the 
French  stronghold,  with  an  army  not  one-fourth  so 
numerous.  Vaudreuil  had  devised  a  plan  for  saving 
Ticonderoga  by  a  diversion  into  the  valley  of  the 
Mohawk  under  Le'vis,  Rigaud,  and  Longueuil,  with 
sixteen  hundred  men,  who  were  to  be  joined  by  as 
many  Indians.  The  English  forts  of  that  region 
were  to  be  attacked,  Schenectady  threatened,  and 
the  Five  Nations  compelled  to  declare  for  France.3 
Thus,  as  the  governor  gave  out,  the  English  would 
be  forced  to  cease  from  aggression,  leave  Montcalm 
in  peace,  and  think  only  of  defending  themselves.4 


1  Bollan,  Agent  of  Massachusetts,  to  Speaker  of  Assembly,  20  March, 
1760.    It  was  her  share  of  £200,000  granted  to  all  the  colonies  in  the 
proportion  of  their  respective  efforts. 

2  Address  to  His  Majesty  from  the  Governor,  Council,  and  Assembly 
of  New  Hampshire,  January,  1759. 

3  Le'vis  au  Ministre,  17  Juin,  1758.     Doreil  au  Ministre,  10  Juin, 
1758.     Montcalm  a  sa  Femme,  18  Avril,  1758. 

4  Correspondance  de  Vaudreuil,  1758.     Livred'Ordres,Juin,~tfb8. 


1758.]  POSITION   OF   MONTCALM.  91 

"  This, "  writes  Bougainville  on  the  fifteenth  of  June, 
"is  what  M.  de  Vaudreuil  thinks  will  happen, 
because  he  never  doubts  anything.  Ticonderoga, 
which  is  the  point  really  threatened,  is  abandoned 
without  support  to  the  troops  of  the  line  and  their 
general.  It  would  even  be  wished  that  they  might 
meet  a  reverse,  if  the  consequences  to  the  colony 
would  not  be  too  disastrous." 

The  proposed  movement  promised,  no  doubt,  great 
advantages;  but  it  was  not  destined  to  take  effect. 
Some  rangers  taken  on  Lake  George  by  a  partisan 
officer  named  Langy  declared  with  pardonable  exag 
geration  that  twenty-five  or  thirty  thousand  men 
would  attack  Ticonderoga  in  less  than  a  fortnight. 
Vaudreuil  saw  himself  forced  to  abandon  his  Mohawk 
expedition,  and  to  order  LeVis  and  his  followers, 
who  had  not  yet  left  Montreal,  to  reinforce  Montcalm.1 
Why  they  did  not  go  at  once  is  not  clear.  The 
governor  declares  that  there  were  not  boats  enough. 
From  whatever  cause,  there  was  a  long  delay,  and 
Montcalm  was  left  to  defend  himself  as  he  could. 

He  hesitated  whether  he  should  not  fall  back  to 
Crown  Point.  The  engineer,  Lotbiniere,  opposed  the 
plan,  as  did  also  Le  Mercier.2  It  was  but  a  choice 
of  difficulties,  and  he  stayed  at  Ticonderoga.  His 
troops  were  disposed  as  they  had  been  in  the  summer 

1  Bigot  au  Ministre,  21  Juillet,  1758. 

2  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  x.  893.     Lotbiniere's  relative,  Vaudreuil,  con 
firms  the  statement.      Montcalm  had  not,  as  has  been  said,  begun 
already  to  fall  back. 


92  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

before;  one  battalion,  that  of  Berry,  being  left  near 
the  fort,  while  the  main  body,  under  Montcalm 
himself,  was  encamped  by  the  saw-mill  at  the  Falls, 
and  the  rest,  under  Bourlamaque,  occupied  the  head 
of  the  portage,  with  a  small  advanced  force  at  the 
landing-place  on  Lake  George.  It  remained  to  deter 
mine  at  which  of  these  points  he  should  concentrate 
them  and  make  his  stand  against  the  English.  Ruin 
threatened  him  in  any  case;  each  position  had  its 
fatal  weakness  or  its  peculiar  danger,  and  his  best 
hope  was  in  the  ignorance  or  blundering  of  his  enemy. 
He  seems  to  have  been  several  days  in  a  state  of 
indecision. 

In  the  afternoon  of  the  fifth  of  July  the  partisan 
Langy,  who  had  again  gone  out  to  reconnoitre 
towards  the  head  of  Lake  George,  came  back  in  haste 
with  the  report  that  the  English  were  embarked  in 
great  force.  Montcalm  sent  a  canoe  down  Lake 
Champlain  to  hasten  LeVis  to  his  aid,  and  ordered 
the  battalion  of  Berry  to  begin  a  breastwork  and 
abattis  on  the  high  ground  in  front  of  the  fort.  That 
they  were  not  begun  before  shows  that  he  was  in 
doubt  as  to  his  plan  of  defence;  and  that  his  whole 
army  was  not  now  set  to  work  at  them  shows  that 
his  doubt  was  still  unsolved. 

It  was  nearly  a  month  since  Abercrombie  had  begun 
his  camp  at  the  head  of  Lake  George.  Here,  on  the 
ground  where  Johnson  had  beaten  Dieskau,  where 
Montcalm  had  planted  his  batteries,  and  Monro 
vainly  defended  the  wooden  ramparts  of  Fort  William 


1758.]  LORD   HOWE.  93 

Henry,  were  now  assembled  more  than  fifteen  thou 
sand  men ;  and  the  shores,  the  foot  of  the  mountains, 
and  the  broken  plains  between  them  were  studded 
thick  with  tents.  Of  regulars  there  were  six  thou 
sand  three  hundred  and  sixty-seven,  officers  and 
soldiers,  and  of  provincials  nine  thousand  and  thirty- 
four.1  To  the  New  England  levies,  or  at  least  to 
their  chaplains,  the  expedition  seemed  a  crusade 
against  the  abomination  of  Babylon;  and  they  dis 
coursed  in  their  sermons  of  Moses  sending  forth 
Joshua  against  Amalek.  Abercrombie,  raised  to  his 
place  by  political  influence,  was  little  but  the  nominal 
commander.  "A.  heavy  man,"  said  Wolfe  in  a  letter 
to  his  father;  "an  aged  gentleman,  infirm  in  body 
and  mind,"  wrote  William  Parkman,  a  boy  of  seven 
teen,  who  carried  a  musket  in  a  Massachusetts  regi 
ment,  and  kept  in  his  knapsack  a  dingy  little 
note-book,  in  which  he  jotted  down  what  passed  each 
day.2  The  age  of  the  aged  gentleman  was  fifty-two. 

Pitt  meant  that  the  actual  command  of  the  army 
should  be  in  the  hands  of  Brigadier  Lord  Howe,3  and 
he  was  in  fact  its  real  chief ;  "  the  noblest  Englishman 
that  has  appeared  in  my  time,  and  the  best  soldier  in 
the  British  army,"  says  Wolfe.4  And  he  elsewhere 
speaks  of  him  as  "that  great  man."  Abercrombie 
testifies  to  the  universal  respect  and  love  with  which 

1  Abercrombie  to  Pitt,  12  July,  1758. 

2  Great-uncle  of  the  writer,  and  son  of  the  Rev.  Ebenezer  Park 
man,  graduate  of  Harvard,  and  minister  of  Westborough,  Mass. 

8  Chesterfield,  Letters,  iv.  260  (ed.  Mahon). 

*   Wolfe  to  his  Father,  1  August,  1758,  in  Wright,  450. 


94  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

officers  and  men  regarded  him,  and  Pitt  calls  him  "  a 
character  of  ancient  times;  a  complete  model  of 
military  virtue."1  High  as  this  praise  is,  it  seems 
to  have  been  deserved.  The  young  nobleman,  who 
was  then  in  his  thirty-fourth  year,  had  the  qualities 
of  a  leader  of  men.  The  army  felt  him,  from  general 
to  drummer-boy.  He  was  its  soul ;  and  while  breath 
ing  into  it  his  own  energy  and  ardor,  and  bracing  it 
by  stringent  discipline,  he  broke  through  the  tradi 
tions  of  the  service  and  gave  it  new  shapes  to  suit 
the  time  and  place.  During  the  past  year  he  had 
studied  the  art  of  forest  warfare,  and  joined  Rogers 
and  his  rangers  in  their  scouting-parties,  sharing  all 
their  hardships  and  making  himself  one  of  them. 
Perhaps  the  reforms  that  he  introduced  were  fruits 
of  this  rough  self-imposed  schooling.  He  made 
officers  and  men  throw  off  all  useless  encumbrances, 
cut  their  hair  close,  wear  leggings  to  protect  them 
from  briers,  brown  the  barrels  of  their  muskets,  and 
carry  in  their  knapsacks  thirty  pounds  of  meal,  which 
they  cooked  for  themselves ;  so  that,  according  to  an 
admiring  Frenchman,  they  could  live  a  month  with 
out  their  supply- trains.2  "You  would  laugh  to  see 
the  droll  figure  we  all  make,"  writes  an  officer. 
"  Regulars  as  well  as  provincials  have  cut  their  coats 
so  as  scarcely  to  reach  their  waists.  No  officer  or 
private  is  allowed  to  carry  more  than  one  blanket  and 
a  bearskin.  A  small  portmanteau  is  allowed  each 

1  Pitt  to  Grenville,  22  August,  1758,  in  Grenville  Papers,  i.  262. 

2  Pouchot,  Derniere  Guerre  de  VAme'rique,  i.  140. 


1758.]  LORD  HOWE.  95 

officer.  No  women  follow  the  camp  to  wash  our 
linen.  Lord  Howe  has  already  shown  an  example 
by  going  to  the  brook  and  washing  his  own."1 

Here,  as  in  all  things,  he  shared  the  lot  of  the 
soldier,  and  required  his  officers  to  share  it.  A  story 
is  told  of  him  that  before  the  army  embarked  he 
invited  some  of  them  to  dinner  in  his  tent,  where 
they  found  no  seats  but  logs,  and  no  carpet  but  bear 
skins.  A  servant  presently  placed  on  the  ground  a 
large  dish  of  pork  and  peas,  on  which  his  lordship 
took  from  his  pocket  a  sheath  containing  a  knife  and 
fork  and  began  to  cut  the  meat.  The  guests  looked 
on  in  some  embarrassment ;  upon  which  he  said :  "  Is 
it  possible,  gentlemen,  that  you  have  come  on  this 
campaign  without  providing  yourselves  with  what  is 
necessary?"  And  he  gave  each  of  them  a  sheath, 
with  a  knife  and  fork,  like  his  own. 

Yet  this  Lycurgus  of  the  camp,  as  a  contemporary 
calls  him,  is  described  as  a  man  of  social  accomplish 
ments  rare  even  in  his  rank.  He  made  himself 
greatly  beloved  by  the  provincial  officers,  with  many 
of  whom  he  was  on  terms  of  intimacy,  and  he  did 
what  he  could  to  break  down  the  barriers  between 
the  colonial  soldiers  and  the  British  regulars.  When 
he  was  at  Albany,  sharing  with  other  high  officers 
the  kindly  hospitalities  of  Mrs.  Schuyler,  he  so  won 
the  heart  of  that  excellent  matron  that  she  loved 
him  like  a  son;  and,  though  not  given  to  such 

1  Letter  from  Camp,  12  June,  1758,  in  Boston  Evening  Post. 
Another,  in  Boston  News  Letter,  contains  similar  statements. 


96  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

effusion,  embraced  him  with  tears  on  the  morning 
when  he  left  her  to  lead  his  division  to  the  lake.1  In 
Westminster  Abbey  may  be  seen  the  tablet  on  which 
Massachusetts  pays  grateful  tribute  to  his  virtues, 
and  commemorates  "the  affection  her  officers  and 
soldiers  bore  to  his  command." 

On  the  evening  of  the  fourth  of  July,  baggage, 
stores,  and  ammunition  were  all  on  board  the  boats, 
and  the  whole  army  embarked  on  the  morning  of  the 
fifth.  The  arrangements  were  perfect.  Each  corps 
marched  without  confusion  to  its  appointed  station 
on  the  beach,  and  the  sun  was  scarcely  above  the 
ridge  of  French  Mountain  when  all  were  afloat.  A 
spectator  watching  them  from  the  shore  says  that 
when  the  fleet  was  three  miles  on  its  way,  the  surface 
of  the  lake  at  that  distance  was  completely  hidden 
from  sight.2  There  were  nine  hundred  bateaux,  a 
hundred  and  thirty-five  whaleboats,  and  a  large 
number  of  heavy  flatboats  carrying  the  artillery.  The 
whole  advanced  in  three  divisions,  the  regulars  in 
the  centre,  and  the  provincials  on  the  flanks.  Each 
corps  had  its  flags  and  its  music.  The  day  was  fair 
and  men  and  officers  were  in  the  highest  spirits. 

Before  ten  o'clock  they  began  to  enter  the  Narrows ; 
and  the  boats  of  the  three  divisions  extended  them 
selves  into  long  files  as  the  mountains  closed  on 
either  hand  upon  the  contracted  lake.  From  front 
to  rear  the  line  was  six  miles  long.  The  spectacle 

1  Mrs.  Grant,  Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady,  226  (ed.  1876). 

2  Letter  from  Lake  George,  in  Boston  News  Letter. 


1758.]  ADVANCE   OF   ABERCROMBIE.  97 

was  superb:  the  brightness  of  the  summer  day;  the 
romantic  beauty  of  the  scenery ;  the  sheen  and  sparkle 
of  those  crystal  waters;  the  countless  islets,  tufted 
with  pine,  birch,  and  fir;  the  bordering  mountains, 
with  their  green  summits  and  sunny  crags ;  the  flash 
of  oars  and  glitter  of  weapons;  the  banners,  the 
varied  uniforms,  and  the  notes  of  bugle,  trumpet, 
bagpipe,  and  drum,  answered  and  prolonged  by  a 
hundred  Avoodland  echoes.  "I  never  beheld  so 
delightful  a  prospect,"  wrote  a  wounded  officer  at 
Albany  a  fortnight  after. 

Rogers  with  the  rangers,  and  Gage  with  the  light 
infantry,  led  the  way  in  whaleboats,  followed  by 
Bradstreet  with  his  corps  of  boatmen,  armed  and 
drilled  as  soldiers.  Then  came  the  main  body.  The 
central  column  of  regulars  was  commanded  by  Lord 
Howe,  his  own  regiment,  the  fifty-fifth,  in  the  van, 
followed  by  the  Royal  Americans,  the  twenty- 
seventh,  forty -fourth,  forty-sixth,  and  eightieth 
infantry,  and  the  Highlanders  of  the  forty-second, 
with  their  major,  Duncan  Campbell  of  Inverawe, 
silent  and  gloomy  amid  the  general  cheer,  for  his  soul 
was  dark  with  foreshadowings  of  death.1  With  this 
central  column  came  what  are  described  as  two  float 
ing  castles,  which  were  no  doubt  batteries  to  cover 
the  landing  of  the  troops.  On  the  right  hand  and 
the  left  were  the  provincials,  uniformed  in  blue, 
regiment  after  regiment,  from  Massachusetts,  Con 
necticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and  Rhode  Island. 

1  See  Appendix  G. 

VOL.  II.  —  7 


98  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

Behind  them  all  came  the  bateaux,  loaded  with 
stores  and  baggage,  and  the  heavy  flatboats  that 
carried  the  artillery,  while  a  rear-guard  of  provin 
cials  and  regulars  closed  the  long  procession.1 

At  five  in  the  afternoon  they  reached  Sabbath- 
Day  Point,  twenty-five  miles  down  the  lake,  where 
they  stopped  till  late  in  the  evening,  waiting  for  the 
baggage  and  artillery,  which  had  lagged  behind;  and 
here  Lord  Howe,  lying  on  a  bearskin  by  the  side  of 
the  ranger,  John  Stark,  questioned  him  as  to  the 
position  of  Ticonderoga  and  its  best  points  of 
approach.  At  about  eleven  o'clock  they  set  out 
again,  and  at  daybreak  entered  what  was  then  called 
the  Second  Narrows ;  that  is  to  say,  the  contraction 
of  the  lake  where  it  approaches  its  outlet.  Close  on 
their  left,  ruddy  in  the  warm  sunrise,  rose  the  vast 
bare  face  of  Rogers  Rock,  whence  a  French  advance 
party,  under  Langy  and  an  officer  named  Trepezec, 
was  watching  their  movements.  Lord  Howe,  with 
Rogers  and  Brads  treet,  went  in  whaleboats  to  recon 
noitre  the  landing.  At  the  place  which  the  French 
called  the  Burned  Camp,  where  Montcalmhad  embarked 
the  summer  before,  they  saw  a  detachment  of  the 
enemy  too  weak  to  oppose  them.  Their  men  landed 
and  drove  them  off.  At  noon  the  whole  army  was 
on  shore.  Rogers,  with  a  party  of  rangers,  was 
ordered  forward  to  reconnoitre,  and  the  troops  were 
formed  for  the  march. 

1  Letter  from  Lake  George,  in  Boston  News  Letter.  Even  Rogers, 
the  ranger,  speaks  of  the  beauty  of  the  scene. 


SKETCH   OF  THE 

C  O  UNTRY  RO  UND 

TYCONDEROGA 


1758.]  LANGY   AND   TREPEZEC.  99 

From  this  part  of  the  shore 1  a  plain  covered  with 
forest  stretched  northwestward  half  a  mile  or  more 
to  the  mountains  behind  which  lay  the  valley  of 
Trout  Brook.  On  this  plain  the  army  began  its 
march  in  four  columns,  with  the  intention  of  passing 
round  the  western  bank  of  the  river  of  the  outlet, 
since  the  bridge  over  it  had  been  destroyed.  Rogers, 
with  the  provincial  regiments  of  Fitch  and  Lyman, 
led  the  way,  at  some  distance  before  the  rest.  The 
forest  was  extremely  dense  and  heavy,  and  so 
obstructed  with  undergrowth  that  it  was  impossible 
to  see  more  than  a  few  yards  in  any  direction,  while 
the  ground  was  encumbered  with  fallen  trees  in 
every  stage  of  decay.  The  ranks  were  broken,  and 
the  men  struggled  on  as  they  could  in  dampness  and 
shade,  under  a  canopy  of  boughs  that  the  sun  could 
scarcely  pierce.  The  difficulty  increased  when,  after 
advancing  about  a  mile,  they  came  upon  undulating 
and  broken  ground.  They  were  now  not  far  from 
the  upper  rapids  of  the  outlet.  The  guides  became 
bewildered  in  the  maze  of  trunks  and  boughs;  the 
marching  columns  were  confused,  and  fell  in  one 
upon  the  other.  "They  were  in  the  strange  situation 
of  an  army  lost  in  the  woods. 

The  advanced  party  of  French  under  Langy  and 
Trepezec,  about  three  hundred  and  fifty  in  all,  regu 
lars  and  Canadians,  had  tried  to  retreat ;  but  before 
they  could  do  so,  the  whole  English  army  had  passed 

1  Between  the  old  and  new  steamboat-landings,  and  parts 
adjacent. 


100  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

them,  landed,  and  placed  itself  between  them  and 
their  countrymen.  They  had  no  resource  but  to  take 
to  the  woods.  They  seem  to  have  climbed  the  steep 
gorge  at  the  side  of  Rogers  Rock  and  followed  the 
Indian  path  that  led  to  the  valley  of  Trout  Brook, 
thinking  to  descend  it,  and,  by  circling  along  the 
outskirts  of  the  valley  of  Ticonderoga,  reach  Mont- 
calm's  camp  at  the  saw-mill.  Langy  was  used  to 
bush-ranging;  but  he  too  became  perplexed  in  the 
blind  intricacies  of  the  forest.  Towards  the  close  of 
the  day  he  and  his  men  had  come  out  from  the  valley 
of  Trout  Brook,  and  were  near  the  junction  of  that 
stream  with  the  river  of  the  outlet,  in  a  state  of  some 
anxiety,  for  they  could  see  nothing  but  brown  trunks 
and  green  boughs.  Could  any  of  them  have  climbed 
one  of  the  great  pines  that  here  and  there  reared  their 
shaggy  spires  high  above  the  surrounding  forest, 
they  would  have  discovered  where  they  were,  but 
would  have  gained  not  the  faintest  knowledge  of  the 
enemy.  Out  of  the  woods  on  the  right  they  would 
have  seen  a  smoke  rising  from  the  burning  huts  of 
the  French  camp  at  the  head  of  the  portage,  which 
Bourlamaque  had  set  on  fire  and  abandoned.  At  a 
mile  or  more  in  front,  the  saw-mill  at  the  Falls  might 
perhaps  have  been  descried,  and,  by  glimpses  between 
the  trees,  the  tents  of  the  neighboring  camp  where 
Montcalm  still  lay  with  his  main  force.  All  the  rest 
seemed  lonely  as  the  grave ;  mountain  and  valley  lay 
wrapped  in  primeval  woods,  and  none  could  have 
dreamed  that,  not  far  distant,  an  army  was  groping 


1758.]  DEATH  OF  HOWE.  101 

its  way,  buried  in  foliage;  no  rumbling  of  wagons 
and  artillery  trains,  for  none  were  there;  all  silent 
but  the  cawing  of  some  crow  napping  his  black  wings 
over  the  sea  of  tree-tops. 

Lord  Howe,  with  Major  Israel  Putnam  and  two 
hundred  rangers,  was  at  the  head  of  the  principal 
column,  which  was  a  little  in  advance  of  the  three 
others.  Suddenly  the  challenge,  Qui  vive !  rang 
sharply  from  the  thickets  in  front.  Franpais  I  was 
the  reply.  Langy's  men  were  not  deceived:  they 
fired  out  of  the  bushes.  The  shots  were  returned;  a 
hot  skirmish  followed;  and  Lord  Howe  dropped 
dead,  shot  through  the  breast.  All  was  confusion. 
The  dull,  vicious  reports  of  musketry  in  thick  woods, 
at  first  few  and  scattering,  then  in  fierce  and  rapid 
volleys,  reached  the  troops  behind.  They  could 
hear,  but  see  nothing.  Already  harassed  and  per 
plexed,  they  became  perturbed.  For  all  they  knew, 
Montcalm's  whole  army  was  upon  them.  Nothing 
prevented  a  panic  but  the  steadiness  of  the  rangers, 
who  maintained  the  fight  alone  till  the  rest  came 
back  to  their  senses.  Rogers,  with  his  reconnoitring 
party,  and  the  regiments  of  Fitch  and  Lyman,  were 
at  no  great  distance  in  front.  They  all  turned  on 
hearing  the  musketry,  and  thus  the  French  were 
caught  between  two  fires.  They  fought  with  despera 
tion.  About  fifty  of  them  at  length  escaped;  a 
hundred  and  forty-eight  were  captured,  and  the  rest 
killed  or  drowned  in  trying  to  cross  the  rapids.  The 
loss  of  the  English  was  small  in  numbers,  but  im- 


102  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

measurable  in  the  death  of  Howe.  "  The  fall  of  this 
noble  and  brave  officer,"  says  Rogers,  "seemed  to 
produce  an  almost  general  languor  and  consternation 
through  the  whole  army."  "In  Lord  Howe,"  writes 
another  contemporary,  Major  Thomas  Mante,  "the 
soul  of  General  Abercrombie's  army  seemed  to  expire. 
From  the  unhappy  moment  the  General  was  deprived 
of  his  advice,  neither  order  nor  discipline  was 
observed,  and  a  strange  kind  of  infatuation  usurped 
the  place  of  resolution."  The  death  of  one  man  was 
the  ruin  of  fifteen  thousand. 

The  evil  news  was  despatched  to  Albany,  and  in 
two  or  three  days  the  messenger  who  bore  it  passed 
the  house  of  Mrs.  Schuyler  on  the  meadows  above 
the  town.  "In  the  afternoon,"  says  her  biographer, 
"a  man  was  seen  coming  from  the  north  galloping 
violently  without  his  hat.  Pedrom,  as  he  was  famil 
iarly  called,  Colonel  Schuyler's  only  surviving 
brother,  was  with  her,  and  ran  instantly  to  inquire, 
well  knowing  that  he  rode  express.  The  man  gal 
loped  on,  crying  out  that  Lord  Howe  was  killed. 
The  mind  of  our  good  aunt  had  been  so  engrossed  by 
her  anxiety  and  fears  for  the  event  impending,  and 
so  impressed  with  the  merit  and  magnanimity  of  her 
favorite  hero,  that  her  wonted  firmness  sank  under 
the  stroke,  and  she  broke  out  into  bitter  lamenta 
tions.  This  had  such  an  effect  on  her  friends  and 
domestics  that  shrieks  and  sobs  of  anguish  echoed 
through  every  part  of  the  house." 

The  effect  of  the  loss  was  seen  at  once.     The  army 


1758.]  MONTCALM   FALLS   BACK.  103 

was  needlessly  kept  under  arms  all  night  in  the 
forest,  and  in  the  morning  was  ordered  back  to  the 
landing  whence  it  came.1  Towards  noon,  however, 
Bradstreet  was  sent  with  a  detachment  of  regulars 
and  provincials  to  take  possession  of  the  saw-mill  at 
the  Falls,  which  Montcalm  had  abandoned  the  even 
ing  before.  Bradstreet  rebuilt  the  bridges  destroyed 
by  the  retiring  enemy,  and  sent  word  to  his  com 
mander  that  the  way  was  open ;  on  which  Abercrombie 
again  put  his  army  in  motion,  reached  the  Falls  late 
in  the  afternoon,  and  occupied  the  deserted  encamp 
ment  of  the  French. 

Montcalm  with  his  main  force  had  held  this  posi 
tion  at  the  Fails  through  most  of  the  preceding  day, 
doubtful,  it  seems,  to  the  last  whether  he  should  not 
make  his  final  stand  there.  Bourlamaque  was  for 
doing  so ;  but  two  old  officers,  Bern£s  and  Montguy, 
pointed  out  the  danger  that  the  English  would 
occupy  the  neighboring  heights;2  whereupon  Mont 
calm  at  length  resolved  to  fall  back.  The  camp  was 
broken  up  at  five  o'clock.  Some  of  the  troops 
embarked  in  bateaux,  while  others  marched  a  mile 
and  a  half  along  the  forest  road,  passed  the  place 
where  the  battalion  of  Berry  was  still  at  work  on  the 
breastwork  begun  in  the  morning,  and  made  their 
bivouac  a  little  farther  on,  upon  the  cleared  ground 
that  surrounded  the  fort. 

The  peninsula  of  Ticonderoga  consists  of  a  rocky 
plateau,  with  low  grounds  on  each  side,  bordering 

1  Abercrombie  to  Pitt,  12  July,  1758.  2  Pouchot,  i.  145. 


104  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

Lake  Champlain  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  outlet  of 
Lake  George  on  the  other.  The  fort  stood  near  the 
end  of  the  peninsula,  which  points  towards  the  south 
east.  Thence,  as  one  goes  westward,  the  ground 
declines  a  little,  and  then  slowly  rises,  till,  about  half 
a  mile  from  the  fort,  it  reaches  its  greatest  elevation, 
and  begins  still  more  gradually  to  decline  again. 
Thus  a  ridge  is  formed  across  the  plateau  between 
the  steep  declivities  that  sink  to  the  low  grounds  on 
right  and  left.  Some  weeks  before,  a  French  officer 
named  Hugues  had  suggested  the  defence  of  this  ridge 
by  means  of  an  abattis.1  Montcalm  approved  his 
plan;  and  now,  at  the  eleventh  hour,  he  resolved  to 
make  his  stand  here.  The  two  engineers,  Pontleroy 
and  Desandrouin,  had  already  traced  the  outline  of 
the  works,  and  the  soldiers  of  the  battalion  of  Berry 
had  made  some  progress  in  constructing  them.  At 
dawn  of  the  seventh,  while  Abercrombie,  fortunately 
for  his  enemy,  was  drawing  his  troops  back  to  the 
landing-place,  the  whole  French  army  fell  to  their 
task.  The  regimental  colors  were  planted  along  the 
line,  and  the  officers,  stripped  to  the  shirt,  took  axe 
in  hand  and  labored  with  their  men.  The  trees  that 
covered  the  ground  were  hewn  down  by  thousands, 
the  tops  lopped  off,  and  the  trunks  piled  one  upon 
another  to  form  a  massive  breastwork.  The  line 
followed  the  top  of  the  ridge,  along  which  it  zig 
zagged  in  such  a  manner  that  the  whole  front  could 
be  swept  by  flank-fires  of  musketry  and  grape, 
i  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  x.  708. 


1758.]  FRENCH  DEFENCES.  105 

Abercrombie  describes  the  wall  of  logs  as  between 
eight  and  nine  feet  high ; l  in  which  case  there  must 
have  been  a  rude  banquette,  or  platform  to  fire  from, 
on  the  inner  side.  It  was  certainly  so  high  that 
nothing  could  be  seen  over  it  but  the  crowns  of  the 
soldiers'  hats.  The  upper  tier  was  formed  of  single 
logs,  in  which  notches  were  cut  to  serve  as  loopholes ; 
and  in  some  places  sods  and  bags  of  sand  were  piled 
along  the  top,  with  narrow  spaces  to  fire  through.2 
From  the  central  part  of  the  line  the  ground  sloped 
away  like  a  natural  glacis;  while  at  the  sides,  and 
especially  on  the  left,  it  was  undulating  and  broken. 
Over  this  whole  space,  to  the  distance  of  a  musket- 
shot  from  the  works,  the  forest  was  cut  down,  and 
the  trees  left  lying  where  they  fell  among  the  stumps, 
with  tops  turned  outwards,  forming  one  vast  abattis, 
which,  as  a  Massachusetts  officer  says,  looked  like  a 
forest  laid  flat  by  a  hurricane.3  But  the  most  formi 
dable  obstruction  was  immediately  along  the  front 
of  the  breastwork,  where  the  ground  was  covered 
with  heavy  boughs,  overlapping  and  interlaced,  with 
sharpened  points  bristling  into  the  face  of  the  assail 
ant  like  the  quills  of  a  porcupine.  As  these  works 
were  all  of  wood,  no  vestige  of  them  remains.  The 
earthworks  now  shown  to  tourists  as  the  lines  of 

1  Abercrombie  to  Barrington,  12  July,  1758.     "  At  least  eight  feet 
high."     Rogers,  Journals,  116. 

2  A  Swiss  officer  of  the  Royal  Americans,  writing  on  the  four 
teenth,  says  that  there  were  two,  and  in  some  parts  three,  rows  of 
loopholes.     See  the  letter  in  Pennsylvania  Archives,  iii.  472. 

3  Colonel  Oliver  Partridge  to  his    Wife,  12  July,  1758. 


106  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

Montcalm  are  of  later  construction;  and  though  on 
the  same  ground,  are  not  on  the  same  plan.1 

Here,  then,  was  a  position  which,  if  attacked  in 
front  with  musketry  alone,  might  be  called  impreg 
nable.  But  would  Abercrombie  so  attack  it?  He 
had  several  alternatives.  He  might  attempt  the 
flank  and  rear  of  his  enemy  by  way  of  the  low 
grounds  on  the  right  and  left  of  the  plateau,  a  move 
ment  which  the  precautions  of  Montcalm  had  made 
difficult,  but  not  impossible.  Or,  instead  of  leaving 
his  artillery  idle  on  the  strand  of  Lake  George,  he 
might  bring  it  to  the  front  and  batter  the  breastwork, 
which,  though  impervious  to  musketry,  was  worth 
less  against  heavy  cannon.  Or  he  might  do  what 
Burgoyne  did  with  success  a  score  of  years  later,  and 
plant  a  battery  on  the  heights  of  Rattlesnake  Hill, 
now  called  Mount  Defiance,  which  commanded  the 
position  of  the  French,  and  whence  the  inside  of  their 
breastwork  could  be  scoured  with  round-shot  from 
end  to  end.  Or,  while  threatening  the  French  front 
with  a  part  of  his  army,  he  could  march  the  rest  a 
short  distance  through  the  woods  on  his  left  to  the 
road  which  led  from  Ticonderoga  to  Crown  Point, 
and  which  would  soon  have  brought  him  to  the  place 
called  Five-Mile  Point,  where  Lake  Champlain  nar 
rows  to  the  width  of  an  easy  rifle-shot,  and  where  a 
battery  of  field-pieces  would  have  cut  off  all  Mont- 

i  A  new  line  of  works  was  begun  four  days  after  the  battle,  to 
replace  the  log  breastwork.  Malartic,  Journal.  Travaux  faits  a 
Carillon,  1758. 


1758.]  EVE  OF   BATTLE.  107 

calm's  supplies  and  closed  his  only  way  of  retreat. 
As  the  French  were  provisioned  for  but  eight  days, 
their  position  would  thus  have  been  desperate.  They 
plainly  saw  the  danger;  and  Doreil  declares  that  had 
the  movement  been  made,  their  whole  army  must 
have  surrendered.1  Montcalm  had  done  what  he 
could ;  but  the  danger  of  his  position  was  inevitable 
and  extreme.  His  hope  lay  in  Abercrombie;  and  it 
was  a  hope  well  founded.  The  action  of  the  English 
general  answered  the  utmost  wishes  of  his  enemy. 

Abercrombie  had  been  told  by  his  prisoners  that 
Montcalm  had  six  thousand  men,  and  that  three 
thousand  more  were  expected  every  hour.  There 
fore  he  was  in  haste  to  attack  before  these  succors 
could  arrive.  As  was  the  general,  so  was  the  army. 
"I  believe,"  writes  an  officer,  "we  were  one  and  all 
infatuated  by  a  notion  of  carrying  every  obstacle  by 
a  mere  coup  de  mousqueterie. "  2  Leadership  perished 
with  Lord  Howe,  and  nothing  was  left  but  blind, 
headlong  valor. 

Clerk,  chief  engineer,  was  sent  to  reconnoitre  the 
French  works  from  Mount  Defiance ;  and  came  back 
with  the  report  that,  to  judge  from  what  he  could 
see,  they  might  be  carried  by  assault.  Then,  with 
out  waiting  to  bring  up  his  cannon,  Abercrombie  pre 
pared  to  storm  the  lines. 

1  Doreil  au  Ministre,  28  Juillet,  1758.     The  Chevalier  Johnstone 
thought  that  Montcalm  was  saved  by  Abercrombie's  ignorance  of 
the  ground.     A  Dialogue  in  Hades  (Quebec  Historical  Society). 

2  See  the  letter  in  Knox,  i.  148. 


108  ,  TICONDEKOGA.  [1758. 

The  French  finished  their  breastwork  and  abattis 
on  the  evening  of  the  seventh,  encamped  behind 
them,  slung  their  kettles,  and  rested  after  their  heavy 
toil.  Ldvis  had  not  yet  appeared;  but  at  twilight 
one  of  his  officers,  Captain  Pouchot,  arrived  with 
three  hundred  regulars,  and  announced  that  his  com 
mander  would  come  before  morning  with  a  hundred 
more.  The  reinforcement,  though  small,  was  wel 
come,  and  Ldvis  was  a  host  in  himself.  Pouchot  was 
told  that  the  army  was  half  a  mile  off.  Thither  he 
repaired,  made  his  report  to  Montcalm,  and  looked 
with  amazement  at  the  prodigious  amount  of  work 
accomplished  in  one  day.1  Levis  himself  arrived  in 
the  course  of  the  night,  and  approved  the  arrange 
ment  of  the  troops.  They  lay  behind  their  lines  till 
daybreak;  then  the  drums  beat,  and  they  formed  in 
order  of  battle.2  The  battalions  of  La  Sarre  and 
Languedoc  were  posted  on  the  left,  under  Bourla- 
maque,  the  first  battalion  of  Berry  with  that  of  Royal 
Roussillon  in  the  centre,  under  Montcalm,  and  those 
of  La  Reine,  Beam,  and  Guienne  on  the  right,  under 
LeVis.  A  detachment  of  volunteers  occupied  the 
low  grounds  between  the  breastwork  and  the  outlet 
of  Lake  George;  while,  at  the  foot  of  the  declivity 
on  the  side  towards  Lake  Champlain,  were  stationed 
four  hundred  and  fifty  colony  regulars  and  Canadians, 
behind  an  abattis  which  they  had  made  for  them- 

1  Pouchot,  i.  137. 

2  Livre  d'Ordres,  Disposition  de  Defense  des  Retranchements,  8  Juillet, 
1758. 


1758.]  THE   ASSAULT.  109 

selves ;  and  as  they  were  covered  by  the  cannon  of 
the  fort,  there  was  some  hope  that  they  would  check 
any  flank  movement  which  the  English  might  attempt 
on  that  side.  Their  posts  being  thus  assigned,  the 
men  fell  to  work  again  to  strengthen  their  defences. 
Including  those  who  came  with  LeVis,  the  total  force 
of  effective  soldiers  was  now  thirty-six  hundred.1 

Soon  after  nine  o'clock  a  distant  and  harmless  fire 
of  small-arms  began  on  the  slopes  of  Mount  Defiance. 
It  came  from  a  party  of  Indians  who  had  just  arrived 
with  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  who,  after  amusing 
themselves  in  this  manner  for  a  time,  remained  for 
the  rest  of  the  day  safe  spectators  of  the  fight.  The 
soldiers  worked  undisturbed  till  noon,  when  volleys 
of  musketry  were  heard  from  the  forest  in  front.  It 
was  the  English  light  troops  driving  in  the  French 
pickets.  A  cannon  was  fired  as  a  signal  to  drop  tools 
and  form  for  battle.  The  white  uniforms  lined  the 
breastwork  in  a  triple  row,  with  the  grenadiers  behind 
them  as  a  reserve,  and  the  second  battalion  of  Berry 
watching  the  flanks  and  rear. 

Meanwhile  the  English  army  had  moved  forward 
from  its  camp  by  the  saw-mill.  First  came  the 
rangers,  the  light  infantry,  and  Bradstreet's  armed 
boatmen,  who,  emerging  into  the  open  space,  began 
a  spattering  fire.  Some  of  the  provincial  troops  fol- 

1  Montcalm,  Relation  de  la  Victoire  remporte'e  a  Carillon,  8  Juillet, 
1758.  Vaudreuil  puts  the  number  at  4,760,  besides  officers,  which 
includes  the  garrison  and  laborers  at  the  fort.  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre, 
28  Juillet,  1758. 


110  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

lowed,  extending  from  left  to  right,  and  opening  fire 
in  turn;  then  the  regulars,  who  had  formed  in  col 
umns  of  attack  under  cover  of  the  forest,  advanced 
their  solid  red  masses  into  the  sunlight,  and  passing 
through  the  intervals  between  the  provincial  regi 
ments,  pushed  forward  to  the  assault.  Across  the 
rough  ground,  with  its  maze  of  fallen  trees  whose 
leaves  hung  withering  in  the  July  sun,  they  could 
see  the  top  of  the  breastwork,  but  not  the  men  behind 
it;  when,  in  an  instant,  all  the  line  was  obscured  by 
a  gush  of  smoke,  a  crash  of  exploding  fire-arms  tore 
the  air,  and  grapeshot  and  musket-balls  swept  the 
whole  space  like  a  tempest;  "a  damnable  fire,"  says 
an  officer  who  heard  them  screaming  about  his  ears. 
The  English  had  been  ordered  to  carry  the  works 
with  the  bayonet;  but  their  ranks  were  broken  by 
the  obstructions  through  which  they  struggled  in 
vain  to  force  their  way,  and  they  soon  began  to  fire 
in  turn.  The  storm  raged  in  full  fury  for  an  hour. 
The  assailants  pushed  close  to  the  breastwork;  but 
there  they  were  stopped  by  the  bristling  mass  of 
sharpened  branches,  which  they  could  not  pass  under 
the  murderous  cross-fires  that  swept  them  from  front 
and  flank.  At  length  they  fell  back,  exclaiming 
that  the  works  were  impregnable.  Abercrombie, 
who  was  at  the  saw-mill,  a  mile  and  a  half  in  the 
rear,  sent  orders  to  attack  again,  and  again  they 
came  on  as  before. 

The  scene  was  frightful :  masses  of  infuriated  men 
who  could  not  go  forward  and  would  not  go  back; 


1758.]  INCIDENTS  OF  THE  BATTLE.  Ill 

straining  for  an  enemy  they  could  not  reach,  and 
firing  on  an  enemy  they  could  not  see ;  caught  in  the 
entanglement  of  fallen  trees;  tripped  by  briers, 
stumbling  over  logs,  tearing  through  boughs ;  shout 
ing,  yelling,  cursing,  and  pelted  all  the  while  with 
bullets  that  killed  them  by  scores,  stretched  them  on 
the  ground,  or  hung  them  on  jagged  branches  in 
strange  attitudes  of  death.  The  provincials  sup 
ported  the  regulars  with  spirit,  and  some  of  them 
forced  their  way  to  the  foot  of  the  wooden  wall. 

The  French  fought  with  the  intrepid  gayety  of 
their  nation,  and  shouts  of  Vive  Ic  Roi  !  and  Vive 
noire  General  I  mingled  with  the  din  of  musketry. 
Montcalm,  with  his  coat  off,  for  the  day  was  hot, 
directed  the  defence  of  the  centre,  and  repaired  to 
any  part  of  the  line  where  the  danger  for  the  time 
seemed  greatest.  He  is  warm  in  praise  of  his  enemy, 
and  declares  that  between  one  and  seven  o'clock  they 
attacked  him  six  successive  times.  Early  in  the 
action  Abercrombie  tried  to  turn  the  French  left  by 
sending  twenty  bateaux,  filled  with  troops,  down  the 
outlet  of  Lake  George.  They  were  met  by  the  fire 
of  the  volunteers  stationed  to  defend  the  low  grounds 
on  that  side,  and,  still  advancing,  came  within  range 
of  the  cannon  of  the  fort,  which  sank  two  of  them 
and  drove  back  the  rest. 

A  curious  incident  happened  during  one  of  the 
attacks.  De  Bassignac,  a  captain  in  the  battalion 
of  Royal  Roussillon,  tied  his  handkerchief  to  the  end 
of  a  musket  and  waved  it  over  the  breastwork  in 


112  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

defiance.  The  English  mistook  it  for  a  sign  of 
surrender,  and  came  forward  with  all  possible  speed, 
holding  their  muskets  crossed  over  their  heads  in 
both  hands,  and  crying  Quarter.  The  French  made 
the  same  mistake;  and  thinking  that  their  enemies 
were  giving  themselves  up  as  prisoners,  ceased  firing, 
and  mounted  on  the  top  of  the  breastwork  to  receive 
them.  Captain  Pouchot,  astonished,  as  he  says,  to 
see  them  perched  there,  looked  out  to  learn  the 
cause,  and  saw  that  the  enemy  meant  anything  but 
surrender.  Whereupon  he  shouted  with  all  his 
might :  "  Tirez  !  Tirez !  Ne  voyez-vous  pas  que  ces 
gens-Id  vont  vous  enlevcr  ?  "  The  soldiers,  still  stand 
ing  on  the  breastwork,  instantly  gave  the  English  a 
volley,  which  killed  some  of  them,  and  sent  back  the 
rest  discomfited.1 

This  was  set  to  the  account  of  Gallic  treachery. 
"Another  deceit  the  enemy  put  upon  us,"  says  a 
military  letter- writer :  "  they  raised  their  hats  above 
the  breastwork,  which  our  people  fired  at;  they, 
having  loopholes  to  fire  through,  and  being  covered 
by  the  sods,  we  did  them  little  damage,  except 
shooting  their  hats  to  pieces."2  In  one  of  the  last 
assaults  a  soldier  of  the  Rhode  Island  regiment, 
William  Smith,  managed  to  get  through  all  obstruc 
tions  and  ensconce  himself  close  under  the  breast 
work,  where  in  the  confusion  he  remained  for  a  time 

1  Pouchot,  i.  153.    Both  Niles  and  Entick  mention  the  incident. 

2  Letter  from  Saratoga,  12  July,  1758,  in  New  Hampshire  Gazette. 
Compare  Pennsylvania  Archives,  iii.  474. 


1758.]  BRAVERY  OF   HIGHLANDERS.  113 

unnoticed,  improving  his  advantages  meanwhile  by 
shooting  several  Frenchmen.  Being  at  length  ob 
served,  a  soldier  fired  vertically  down  upon  him  and 
wounded  him  severely,  but  not  enough  to  prevent 
his  springing  up,  striking  at  one  of  his  enemies  over 
the  top  of  the  wall,  and  braining  him  with  his 
hatchet.  A  British  officer  who  saw  the  feat,  and 
was  struck  by  the  reckless  daring  of  the  man,  ordered 
two  regulars  to  bring  him  off;  which,  covered  by  a 
brisk  fire  of  musketry,  they  succeeded  in  doing.  A 
letter  from  the  camp  two  or  three  weeks  later  reports 
him  as  in  a  fair  way  to  recover,  being,  says  the 
writer,  much  braced  and  invigorated  by  his  anger 
against  the  French,  on  whom  he  was  swearing  to 
have  his  revenge.1 

Towards  five  o'clock  two  English  columns  joined 
in  a  most  determined  assault  on  the  extreme  right  of 
the  French,  defended  by  the  battalions  of  Guienne 
and  Bdarn.  The  danger  for  a  time  was  imminent. 
Montcalm  hastened  to  the  spot  with  the  reserves. 
The  assailants  hewed  their  way  to  the  foot  of  the 
breastwork;  and  though  again  and  again  repulsed, 
they  again  and  again  renewed  the  attack.  The 
Highlanders  fought  with  stubborn  and  unconquerable 
fury.  "Even  those  who  were  mortally  wounded," 
writes  one  of  their  lieutenants,  "cried  to  their  com 
panions  not  to  lose  a  thought  upon  them,  but  to  fol 
low  their  officers  and  mind  the  honor  of  their  country. 

1  Letter  from  Lake  George,  26  July,  1758,  in  Boston  Gazette.  The 
story  is  given,  without  much  variation,  in  several  other  letters. 

VOL.   II.  —  8 


114  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

Their  ardor  was  such  that  it  was  difficult  to  bring 
them  off."1  Their  major,  Campbell  of  Inverawe, 
found  his  foreboding  true.  He  received  a  mortal 
shot,  and  his  clansmen  bore  him  from  the  field. 
Twenty-five  of  their  officers  were  killed  or  wounded, 
and  half  the  men  fell  under  the  deadly  fire  that 
poured  from  the  loopholes.  Captain  John  Campbell 
and  a  few  followers  tore  their  way  through  the 
abattis,  climbed  the  breastwork,  leaped  down  among 
the  French,  and  were  bayoneted  there.2 

As  the  colony  troops  and  Canadians  on  the  low 
ground  were  left  undisturbed,  Levis  sent  them  an 
order  to  make  a  sortie  and  attack  the  left  flank  of 
the  charging  columns.  They  accordingly  posted 
themselves  among  the  trees  along  the  declivity,  and 
fired  upwards  at  the  enemy,  who  presently  shifted 
their  position  to  the  right,  out  of  the  line  of  shot. 
The  assault  still  continued,  but  in  vain ;  and  at  six 
there  was  another  effort,  equally  fruitless.  From 
this  time  till  half-past  seven  a  lingering  fight  was 
kept  up  by  the  rangers  and  other  provincials,  firing 
from  the  edge  of  the  woods  and  from  behind  the 
stumps,  bushes,  and  fallen  trees  in  front  of  the  lines. 
Its  only  objects  were  to  cover  their  comrades,  who 
were  collecting  and  bringing  off  the  wounded,  and 
to  protect  the  retreat  of  the  regulars,  who  fell  back 
in  disorder  to  the  Falls.  As  twilight  came  on,  the 

1  Letter  of  Lieutenant  William  Grant,  in  Maclachlan's  Highlands,  ii. 
340  (ed.  1875). 

2  Ibid.,  ii.  339. 


1758.]  RETREAT.  115 

last  combatant  withdrew,  and  none  were  left  but  the 
dead.  Abercrombie  had  lost  in  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing,  nineteen  hundred  and  forty-four  officers 
and  men.1  The  loss  of  the  French,  not  counting 
that  of  Langy's  detachment,  was  three  hundred 
and  seventy-seven.  Bourlamaque  was  dangerously 
wounded;  Bougainville  slightly;  and  the  hat  of 
Le'vis  was  twice  shot  through.2 

Montcalm,  with  a  mighty  load  lifted  from  his  soul, 
passed  along  the  lines,  and  gave  the  tired  soldiers 
the  thanks  they  nobly  deserved.  Beer,  wine,  and 
food  were  served  out  to  them,  and  they  bivouacked 
for  the  night  on  the  level  ground  between  the  breast 
work  and  the  fort.  The  enemy  had  met  a  terrible 
rebuff;  yet  the  danger  was  not  over.  Abercrombie 
still  had  more  than  thirteen  thousand  men,  and  he 
might  renew  the  attack  with  cannon.  But,  on  the 
morning  of  the  ninth,  a  band  of  volunteers  who  had 
gone  out  to  watch  him  brought  back  the  report  that 
he  was  in  full  retreat.  The  saw-mill  at  the  Falls 
was  on  fire,  and  the  last  English  soldier  was  gone. 
On  the  morning  of  the  tenth,  Le'vis,  with  a  strong 
detachment,  followed  the  road  to  the  landing-place, 
and  found  signs  that  a  panic  had  overtaken  the 
defeated  troops.  They  had  left  behind  several  hun 
dred  barrels  of  provisions  and  a  large  quantity  of 
baggage;  while  in  a  marshy  place  that  they  had 
crossed  was  found  a  considerable  number  of  their 

1  See  Appendix  G. 

2  Levis  au  Ministre,  13  Juillet,  1758. 


116  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

shoes,  which  had  stuck  in  the  mud,  and  which  they 
had  not  stopped  to  recover.  They  had  embarked  on 
the  morning  after  the  battle,  and  retreated  to  the 
head  of  the  lake  in  a  disorder  and  dejection  wofully 
contrasted  with  the  pomp  of  their  advance.  A  gal 
lant  army  was  sacrificed  by  the  blunders  of  its 
chief. 

Montcalm  announced  his  victory  to  his  wife  in  a 
strain  of  exaggeration  that  marks  the  exaltation  of 
his  mind.  "  Without  Indians,  almost  without  Cana 
dians  or  colony  troops,  —  I  had  only  four  hundred,  — 
alone  with  LeVis  and  Bourlamaque  and  the  troops  of 
the  line,  thirty-one  hundred  fighting  men,  I  have 
beaten  an  army  of  twenty-five  thousand.  They 
repassed  the  lake  precipitately,  with  a  loss  of  at  least 
five  thousand.  This  glorious  day  does  infinite  honor 
to  the  valor  of  our  battalions.  I  have  no  time  to 
write  more.  I  am  well,  my  dearest,  and  I  embrace 
you."  And  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Doreil:  "The 
army,  the  too-small  army  of  the  King,  has  beaten  the 
enemy.  What  a  day  for  France !  If  I  had  had  two 
hundred  Indians  to  send  out  at  the  head  of  a  thou 
sand  picked  men  under  the  Chevalier  de  LeVis,  not 
many  would  have  escaped.  Ah,  my  dear  Doreil, 
what  soldiers  are  ours !  I  never  saw  the  like.  Why 
were  they  not  at  Louisbourg  ?  " 

On  the  morrow  of  his  victory  he  caused  a  great 
cross  to  be  planted  on  the  battle-field,  inscribed  with 
these  lines,  composed  by  the  soldier-scholar  him 
self,  — 


1758.]  CHANSONS.  117 

"  Quid  dux  ?  quid  miles  ?  quid  strata  ingentia  ligna  ? 
En  signum  !  en  victor  !  Deus  hie,  Deus  ipse  triumphal." 

"  Soldier  and  chief  and  rampart's  strength  are  nought ; 
Behold  the  conquering  Cross  !    'T  is  God  the  triumph  wrought." l 


1  Along  with  the  above  paraphrase  I  may  give  that  of  Montcalm 
himself,  which  was  also  inscribed  on  the  cross  :  — 

"  Chretien !  ce  ne  fat  point  Montcalm  et  la  prudence, 

Ces  arbres  renverse's,  ces  heros,  leurs  exploits, 
Qui  des  Anglais  confus  ont  brise"  1'espdrance; 
C'est  le  bras  de  ton  Dieu,  vainqueur  stir  cette  croix." 

In  the  same  letter  in  which  Montcalm  sent  these  lines  to  his 
mother  he  says  :  "  Je  vous  envoie,  pour  vous  amuser,  deux  chansons 
sur  le  combat  du  8  Juillet,  dont  1'une  est  en  style  des  poissardes  de 
Paris."  One  of  these  songs,  which  were  written  by  soldiers  after 
the  battle,  begins,  — 

"  Je  chante  des  Fra^ois 
La  valeur  et  la  gloire, 
Qui  toujours  sur  PAnglois 
Remportent  la  victoire. 
Ce  sont  des  he"ros, 
Tous  nos  gtSneraux, 
Et  Montcalm  et  Levis, 
Et  Bourlamaque  aussi. 

"  Mars,  qui  les  engendra 
Pour  Phonneur  de  la  France, 
D'abord  les  anima 
De  sa  haute  vaillance, 
Et  les  transporta 
Dans  le  Canada, 
Ou  Ton  voit  les  Francois 
Culbuter  les  Anglois." 

The  other  effusion  of  the  military  muse  is  in  a  different  strain, 
"  en  style  des  poissardes  de  Paris."  The  following  is  a  specimen, 
given  literatim :  — 

"  L'aumonier  fit  1'exhortation, 
Puis  il  donnit  1'absolution ; 
Aisement  cela  se  peut  croire. 


118  TICONDEROGA.  [1758. 

Enfants,  dit-il,  animez-vous! 
L'bon  Dieu,  sa  mere,  tout  est  pour  vous. 
S  —  il  j'sommes  catholiques.     Les  Anglois  sont  des  heretiques. 

"  Ce  sont  des  chiens ;  a  coups  d'pieds,  a  coups  d'poings  faut  leur 
casser  la  gueule  et  la  machoire. 

"  Soldats,  officiers,  gdneraux, 
Chacun  en  ce  jour  fut  he"ros. 
Aisdment  cela  se  peut  croire. 
Montcalni,  comme  defunt  Annibal, 
S'montroit  soldat  et  gdn^ral. 
8 — ^  /  sil  y  avoit  quelqu'un  qui  ne  Vaimit point! 

"  Je  veux  etre  un  chien;  a  coups  d'pieds,  a  coups  d'poings,  j'lui 
cass'rai  la  gueule  et  la  machoire." 

This  is  an  allusion  to  Vaudreuil.  On  the  battle  of  Ticonderoga, 
see  Appendix  G. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 
1758. 

FORT  FRONTENAC. 

THE  ROUTED  AKMY.  —  INDIGNATION  AT  ABERCROMBIE. —  JOHN 
CLEAVELAND  AND  HIS  BROTHER  CHAPLAINS.  —  REGULARS  AND 
PROVINCIALS.  —  PROVINCIAL  SURGEONS.  —  FRENCH  RAIDS.  — 
ROGERS  DEFEATS  MARIN.  —  ADVENTURES  or  PUTNAM.  —  EXPE 
DITION  OF  BRADSTREET.  —  CAPTURE  OF  FORT  FRONTENAC. 

THE  rashness  of  Abercrombie  before  the  fight  was 
matched  by  his  poltroonery  after  it.  Such  was  his 
terror  that  on  the  evening  of  his  defeat  he  sent  an 
order  to  Colonel  Cummings,  commanding  at  Fort 
William  Henry,  to  send  all  the  sick  and  wounded 
and  all  the  heavy  artillery  to  New  York  without 
delay.1  He  himself  followed  so  closely  upon  this 
disgraceful  missive  that  Cummings  had  no  time  to 
obey  it. 

The  defeated  and  humbled  troops  proceeded  to 
reoccupy  the  ground  they  had  left  a  few  days  before 
in  the  flush  of  confidence  and  pride;  and  young 
Colonel  Williams,  of  Massachusetts,  lost  no  time  in 
sending  the  miserable  story  to  his  uncle  Israel.  His 
letter,  which  is  dated  "Lake  George  (sorrowful 

1  Cunningham,  aide-de-camp  of  Abercrombie,  to  Cummings,  8  July, 
1758. 


120  FORT   FRONTENAC.  [1758. 

situation),  July  yc  11th,"  ends  thus:  "I  have  told 
facts ;  you  may  put  the  epithets  upon  them.  In  one 
word,  what  with  fatigue,  want  of  sleep,  exercise  of 
mind,  and  leaving  the  place  we  went  to  capture, 
the  best  part  of  the  army  is  unhinged.  I  have  told 
enough  to  make  you  sick,  if  the  relation  acts  on 
you  as  the  facts  have  on  me." 

In  the  routed  army  was  the  sturdy  John  Cleave- 
land,  minister  of  Ipswich,  and  now  chaplain  of 
Bagley's  Massachusetts  regiment,  who  regarded  the 
retreat  with  a  disgust  that  was  shared  by  many 
others.  "This  day,"  he  writes  in  his  Diary,  at  the 
head  of  Lake  George,  two  days  after  the  battle, 
"wherever  I  went  I  found  people,  officers  and 
soldiers,  astonished  that  we  left  the  French  ground, 
and  commenting  on  the  strange  conduct  in  coming 
off."  From  this  time  forth  the  provincials  called 
their  commander  Mrs.  Nabbycrombie.1  He  thought 
of  nothing  but  fortifying  himself.  "Towards  even 
ing,"  continues  the  chaplain,  "the  General,  with  his 
Rehoboam  counsellors,  came  over  to  line  out  a  fort 
on  the  rocky  hill  where  our  breastwork  was  last  year. 
Now  we  begin  to  think  strongly  that  the  grand 
expedition  against  Canada  is  laid  aside,  and  a  founda 
tion  made  totally  to  impoverish  our  country."  The 
whole  army  was  soon  intrenched.  The  chaplain  of 
Bagley's,  with  his  brother  Ebenezer,  chaplain  of 
another  regiment,  one  day  walked  round  the  camp 

1  Trumbull,  Hist.  Connecticut,  ii.  392.  "  Nabby  "  (Abigail)  was 
then  a  common  female  name  in  New  England. 


1758.]  CALEB   REA.  121 

and  carefully  inspected  it.  The  tour  proved  satisfac 
tory  to  the  militant  divines,  and  John  Cleaveland 
reported  to  his  wife :  "  We  have  built  an  extraordi 
nary  good  breastwork,  sufficient  to  defend  ourselves 
against  twenty  thousand  of  the  enemy,  though  at 
present  we  have  not  above  a  third  part  of  that  num 
ber  fit  for  duty."  Many  of  the  troops  had  been  sent 
to  the  Mohawk,  and  others  to  the  Hudson. 

In  the  regiment  of  which  Cleaveland  was  chaplain 
there  was  a  young  surgeon  from  Danvers,  Dr.  Caleb 
Rea,  who  also  kept  a  copious  diary,  and,  being  of  a 
serious  turn,  listened  with  edification  to  the  prayers 
and  exhortations  to  which  the  yeoman  soldiery  were 
daily  summoned.  In  his  zeal,  he  made  an  inquest 
among  them  for  singers,  and  chose  the  most  melo 
dious  to  form  a  regimental  choir,  "  the  better  to  carry 
on  the  daily  service  of  singing  psalms ;  "  insomuch 
that  the  New  England  camp  was  vocal  with  rustic 
harmony,  sincere,  if  somewhat  nasal.  These  seemly 
observances  were  not  inconsistent  with  a  certain 
amount  of  disorder  among  the  more  turbulent  spirits, 
who,  removed  from  the  repressive  influence  of  tight- 
laced  village  communities,  sometimes  indulged  in 
conduct  which  grieved  the  conscientious  surgeon. 
The  rural  New  England  of  that  time,  with  its  narrow 
ness,  its  prejudices,  its  oddities,  its  combative 
energy,  and  rugged,  unconquerable  strength,  is 
among  the  things  of  the  past,  or  lingers  in  remote 
corners  where  the  whistle  of  the  locomotive  is  never 
heard.  It  has  spread  itself  in  swarming  millions 


122  FORT  FRONTENAC.  [1758. 

over  half  a  continent,  changing  with  changing  condi 
tions;  and  even  the  part  of  it  that  clings  to  the 
ancestral  hive  has  transformed  and  continues  to 
transform  itself. 

The  provincials  were  happy  in  their  chaplains, 
among  whom  there  reigned  a  marvellous  harmony, 
Episcopalians,  Presbyterians,  and  Congregationalists 
meeting  twice  a  week  to  hold  prayer-meetings  together. 
"A  rare  instance  indeed,"  says  Dr.  Rea,  "and  per 
haps  scarce  ever  was  an  army  blessed  with  such  a  set 
of  chaplains  before."  On  one  occasion,  just  before 
the  fatal  expedition,  nine  of  them,  after  prayers  and 
breakfast,  went  together  to  call  upon  the  general. 
"He  treated  us  very  kindly,"  says  the  chaplain  of 
Bagley's,  "  and  told  us  that  he  hoped  we  would  teach 
the  people  to  do  their  duty  and  be  courageous ;  and 
told  us  a  story  of  a  chaplain  in  Germany,  where  he 
was,  who  just  before  the  action  told  the  soldiers  he 
had  not  time  to  say  much,  and  therefore  should  only 
say :  4  Be  courageous  ;  for  no  cowards  go  to  heaven. ' 
The  General  treated  us  to  a  bowl  of  punch  and  a 
bottle  of  wine,  and  then  we  took  our  leave  of 
him."1 

When  Cleaveland  and  the  more  gifted  among  his 
brethren  preached  of  a  Sunday,  officers  and  men  of 
the  regulars,  no  less  than  the  provincials,  came  to 
listen;  yet  that  pious  Sabbatarian,  Dr.  Rea,  saw 

i  For  the  use  of  the  Diary  of  Chaplain  Cleaveland,  as  well  as  of 
his  letters  to  his  wife,  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  Miss  Abby 
E.  Cleaveland,  his  descendant. 


1758.]  REGULARS   AND  PROVINCIALS.  123 

much  to  afflict  his  conscience.  "Sad,  sad  it  is  to 
see  how  the  Sabbath  is  profaned  in  the  camp,"  above 
all  by  "  the  horrid  custom  of  swearing,  more  especially 
among  the  regulars ;  and  I  can't  but  charge  our 
defeat  on  this  sin." 

It  would  have  been  well  had  the  harmony  that  pre 
vailed  among   the   chaplains   found   its   counterpart 
among  the  men  of  the  sword ;  but  between  the  British 
regular  officers  and  those  of  the  provinces  there  was 
anything  but  an  equal  brotherhood.     It  is  true  that 
Pitt,    in  the  spirit  of  conciliation  which  he   always 
showed  towards  the  colonies,  had  procured  a  change 
in  the   regulations  concerning   the  relative  rank  of 
British  and  provincial  officers,  thus  putting  them  in 
a  position   much   nearer   equality;    but  this,    while 
appeasing  the  provincials,  seems  to  have  annoyed  the 
others.     Till  the  campaign  was   nearly  over,  not  a 
single  provincial  colonel  had  been  asked  to  join  in  a 
council   of  war;  and,   complains   Cleave  land,    "they 
know  no  more  of  what  is  to  be  done  than  a  sergeant, 
till  the  orders  come  out."     Of  the  British  officers, 
the  greater  part  had  seen  but  little  active  service. 
Most  of  them  were  men  of  family,  exceedingly  preju 
diced  and   insular,   whose  knowledge  of   the  world 
was  limited  to  certain  classes  of  their  own  country 
men,  and  who  looked  down  on  all  others,   whether 
domestic  or  foreign.     Towards  the  provincials  their 
attitude  was  one  of  tranquil  superiority,   though  its 
tranquillity  was  occasionally  disturbed  by  what  they 
regarded   as  absurd  pretension  on  the   part   of   the 


124  FOJL1T   FRONTENAC.  [1758. 

colony  officers.  One  of  them  gave  vent  to  his  feel 
ings  in  an  article  in  the  "London  Chronicle,"  in 
which  he  advanced  the  very  reasonable  proposition 
that  "a  farmer  is  not  to  be  taken  from  the  plough 
and  made  an  officer  in  a  day;  "  and  he  was  answered 
wrathf ully,  at  great  length,  in  the  "  Boston  Evening 
Post,"  by  a  writer  signing  himself  "A  New  England 
Man."  The  provincial  officers,  on  the  other  hand, 
and  especially  those  of  New  England,  being  no  less 
narrow  and  prejudiced,  filled  with  a  sensitive  pride 
and  a  jealous  local  patriotism,  and  bred  up  in  a  lofty 
appreciation  of  the  merits  and  importance  of  their 
country,  regarded  British  superciliousness  with  a 
resentment  which  their  strong  love  for  England  could 
not  overcome.  This  feeling  was  far  from  being 
confined  to  the  officers.  A  provincial  regiment  sta 
tioned  at  Half-Moon,  on  the  Hudson,  thought  itself 
affronted  by  Captain  Cruikshank,  a  regular  officer; 
and  the  men  were  so  incensed  that  nearly  half  of 
them  went  off  in  a  body.  The  deportment  of  British 
officers  in  the  Seven  Years'  War  no  doubt  had  some 
part  in  hastening  on  the  Revolution. 

What  with  levelling  Montcalm's  siege  works, 
planting  palisades,  and  grubbing  up  stumps  in  their 
bungling  and  laborious  way,  the  regulars  found 
abundant  occupation.  Discipline  was  stiff  and 
peremptory.  The  wooden  horse  and  the  whipping 
post  were  conspicuous  objects  in  the  camp,  and  often 
in  use.  Caleb  Rea,  being  tender-hearted,  never  went 
to  see  the  lash  laid  on ;  for,  as  he  quaintly  observes, 


1758.]  PROVINCIAL   SURGEONS.  125 

"  the  cries  were  satisfactory  to  me,  without  the  sight 
of  the  strokes."  He  and  the  rest  of  the  doctors 
found  active  exercise  for  such  skill  as  they  had,  since 
fever  and  dysentery  were  making  scarcely  less  havoc 
than  the  bullets  at  Ticonderoga.  This  came  from 
the  bad  state  of  the  camps  and  unwholesome  food. 
The  provincial  surgeons  seem  to  have  been  very  little 
impressed  with  the  importance  of  sanitary  regula 
tions,  and  to  have  thought  it  their  business  not  to 
prevent  disease,  but  only  to  cure  it.  The  one  grand 
essential  in  their  eyes  was  a  well-stocked  medicine- 
chest,  rich  in  exhaustless  stores  of  rhubarb,  ipe 
cacuanha,  and  calomel.  Even  this  sometimes  failed. 
Colonel  Williams  reports  "the  sick  destitute  of 
everything  proper  for  them;  medicine-chest  empty; 
nothing  but  their  dirty  blankets  for  beds ;  Dr.  Ashley 
dead,  Dr.  Wright  gone  home,  low  enough;  Bille 
worn  off  his  legs,  —  such  is  our  case.  I  have  near  a 
hundred  sick.  Lost  a  sergeant  and  a  private  last 
night."  1  Chaplain  Cleaveland  himself,  though  strong 
of  frame,  did  not  escape ;  but  he  found  solace  in  his 
trouble  from  the  congenial  society  of  a  brother 
chaplain,  Mr.  Emerson,  of  New  Hampshire,  "a 
right-down  hearty  Christian  minister,  of  savory  con 
versation,"  who  came  to  see  him  in  his  tent,  break 
fasted  with  him,  and  joined  him  in  prayer.  Being 
somewhat  better,  he  one  day  thought  to  recreate  him 
self  with  the  apostolic  occupation  of  fishing.  The 

1  Colonel  William  Williams  to  Colonel  Israel  Williams,  4  September, 
1758. 


126  FORT   FRONTENAC.  [1758. 

sport  was  poor;  the  fish  bit  slowly;  and  as  he  lay  in 
his  boat,  still  languid  with  his  malady,  he  had  leisure 
to  reflect  on  the  contrasted  works  of  Providence  and 
man,  —  the  bright  lake  basking  amid  its  mountains,  a 
dream  of  wilderness  beauty,  and  the  swarms  of  harsh 
humanity  on  the  shore  beside  him,  with  their  pas 
sions,  discords,  and  miseries.  But  it  was  with  the 
strong  meat  of  Calvinistic  theology,  and  not  with 
reveries  like  these,  that  he  was  accustomed  to  nourish 
his  military  flock. 

While  at  one  end  of  the  lake  the  force  of  Aber- 
crombie  was  diminished  by  detachments  and  disease, 
that  of  Montcalm  at  the  other  was  so  increased  by 
reinforcements  that  a  forward  movement  on  his  part 
seemed  possible.  He  contented  himself,  however, 
with  strengthening  the  fort,  reconstructing  the  lines 
that  he  had  defended  so  well,  and  sending  out  fre 
quent  war-parties  by  way  of  Wood  Creek  and  South 
Bay,  to  harass  Abercrombie's  communications  with 
Fort  Edward.  These  parties,  some  of  which  con 
sisted  of  several  hundred  men,  were  generally  more 
or  less  successful ;  and  one  of  them,  under  La  Corne, 
surprised  and  destroyed  a  large  wagon  train  escorted 
by  forty  soldiers.  When  Abercrombie  heard  of  it,  he 
ordered  Rogers,  with  a  strong  detachment  of  provin 
cials,  light  infantry,  and  rangers,  to  go  down  the 
lake  in  boats, ,  cross  the  mountains  to  the  narrow 
waters  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  cut  off  the  enemy. 
But  though  Rogers  set  out  at  two  in  the  morning, 
the  French  retreated  so  fast  that  he  arrived  too  late. 


1758.]  WAR-PARTIES.  127 

As  he  was  on  his  way  back,  he  was  met  by  a  mes 
senger  from  the  general  with  orders  to  intercept  other 
French  parties  reported  to  be  hovering  about  Fort 
Edward.  On  this  he  retraced  his  steps,  marched 
through  the  forest  to  where  Whitehall  now  stands, 
and  thence  made  his  way  up  Wood  Creek  to  old  Fort 
Anne,  a  relic  of  former  wars,  abandoned  and  falling 
to  decay.  Here,  on  the  neglected  "  clearing "  that 
surrounded  the  ruin,  his  followers  encamped.  They 
counted  seven  hundred  in  all,  and  consisted  of  about 
eighty  rangers,  a  body  of  Connecticut  men  under 
Major  Putnam,  and  a  small  regular  force,  chiefly 
light  infantry,  under  Captain  Dalzell,  the  brave 
officer  who  was  afterwards  killed  by  Pontiac's  war 
riors  at  Detroit. 

Up  to  this  time  Rogers  had  observed  his  usual 
caution,  commanding  silence  on  the  march,  and  for 
bidding  fires  at  night;  but,  seeing  no  signs  of  an 
enemy,  he  forgot  himself;  and  on  the  following 
morning,  the  eighth  of  August,  he  and  Lieutenant 
Irwin,  of  the  light  infantry,  amused  themselves  by 
firing  at  a  mark  on  a  wager.  The  shots  reached  the 
ears  of  four  hundred  and  fifty  French  and  Indians, 
under  the  famous  partisan  Marin,  who  at  once  took 
steps  to  reconnoitre  and  ambuscade  his  rash  enemy. 
For  nearly  a  mile  from  the  old  fort  the  forest  had 
formerly  been  cut  down  and  burned ;  and  Nature  had 
now  begun  to  reassert  herself,  covering  the  open  tract 
with  a  dense  growth  of  bushes  and  saplings  almost 
impervious  to  anything  but  a  wild-cat,  had  it  not 


128  FORT   FRONTENAC.  [1758. 

been  traversed  by  a  narrow  Indian  path.  Along  this 
path  the  men  were  forced  to  march  in  single  file.  At 
about  seven  o'clock,  when  the  two  marksmen  had 
decided  their  bet,  and  before  the  heavy  dew  of  the 
night  was  dried  upon  the  bushes,  the  party  slung 
their  packs  and  set  out.  Putnam  was  in  the  front 
with  his  Connecticut  men ;  Dalzell  followed  with  the 
regulars;  and  Rogers,  with  his  rangers,  brought  up 
the  rear  of  the  long  and  slender  line.  Putnam  him 
self  led  the  way,  shouldering  through  the  bushes, 
gun  in  hand ;  and  just  as  the  bluff  yeoman  emerged 
from  them  to  enter  the  forest-growth  beyond,  the 
air  was  rent  with  yells,  the  thickets  before  him  were 
filled  with  Indians,  and  one  of  them,  a  Caughnawaga 
chief,  sprang  upon  him,  hatchet  in  hand.  He  had 
time  to  cock  his  gun  and  snap  it  at  the  breast  of  his 
assailant;  but  it  missed  fire,  and  he  was  instantly 
seized  and  dragged  back  into  the  forest,  as  were  also 
a  lieutenant  named  Tracy  and  three  private  men. 
Then  the  firing  began.  The  French  and  Indians, 
lying  across  the  path  in  a  semi-circle,  had  the  advan 
tage  of  position  and  surprise.  The  Connecticut  men 
fell  back  among  the  bushes  in  disorder;  but  soon 
rallied,  and  held  the  enemy  in  check  while  Dalzell 
and  Rogers  —  the  latter  of  whom  was  nearly  a  mile 
behind  —  were  struggling  through  briers  and  thickets 
to  their  aid.  So  close  was  the  brushwood  that  it  was 
full  half  an  hour  before  they  could  get  their  followers 
ranged  in  some  kind  of  order  in  front  of  the  enemy ; 
and  even  then  each  man  was  forced  to  fight  for  him- 


1758.]  BATTLE  NEAR  FORT  ANNE.  129 

self  as  best  he  could.  Humphreys,  the  biographer  of 
Putnam,  blames  Rogers  severely  for  not  coming  at 
once  to  the  aid  of  the  Connecticut  men;  but  two  of 
their  captains  declare  that  he  came  with  all  possible 
speed ;  while  a  regular  officer  present  highly  praised 
him  to  Abercrombie  for  cool  and  officer-like  conduct. l 
As  a  man  his  deserts  were  small;  as  a  bush-fighter 
he  was  beyond  reproach. 

Another  officer  recounts  from  hearsay  the  remark 
able  conduct  of  an  Indian,  who  sprang  into  the  midst 
of  the  English  and  killed  two  of  them  with  his 
hatchet;  then  mounted  on  a  log  and  defied  them  all. 
One  of  the  regulars  tried  to  knock  him  down  with 
the  butt  of  his  musket ;  but  though  the  blow  made 
him  bleed,  he  did  not  fall,  and  would  have  killed  his 
assailant  if  Rogers  had  not  shot  him  dead.2  The  fir 
ing  lasted  about  two  hours.  At  length  some  of  the 
Canadians  gave  way,  and  the  rest  of  the  French  and 
Indians  followed.3  They  broke  into  small  parties  to 
elude  pursuit,  and  reuniting  towards  evening,  made 
their  bivouac  on  a  spot  surrounded  by  impervious 
swamps. 

Rogers  remained  on  the  field  and  buried  all  his 
own  dead,  forty-nine  in  number.  Then  he  resumed 
his  march  to  Fort  Edward,  carrying  the  wounded  on 

1  Letter  from  the  Camp  at  Lake  George,  5  September,  1758,  signed  by 
Captains  Maynard  and  Giddings,  and  printed  in  the  Boston  Weekly 
Advertiser.  "  Rogers  deserves  much  to  be  commended."  Abercrombie 
to  Pitt,  19  August,  1758. 

2  Thomas  Barnsley  to  Bouquet,  1  September,  1758. 
8  Dore.ll  au  Mimstre,  31  Aout,  1757. 

VOL.   II.  —  9 


130  PORT   FRONTENAC.  [1758. 

litters  of  branches  till  the  next  day,  when  he  met  a 
detachment  coming  with  wagons  to  his  relief.  A  party 
sent  out  soon  after  for  the  purpose  reported  that  they 
had  found  and  buried  more  than  a  hundred  French 
and  Indians.  From  this  time  forward  the  war-parties 
from  Ticonderoga  greatly  relented  in  their  activity. 

The  adventures  of  the  captured  Putnam  were 
sufficiently  remarkable.  The  Indians,  after  dragging 
him  to  the  rear,  lashed  him  fast  to  a  tree  so  that  he 
could  not  move  a  limb,  and  a  young  savage  amused 
himself  by  throwing  a  hatchet  at  his  head,  striking  it 
into  the  wood  as  close  as  possible  to  the  mark  with 
out  hitting  it.  A  French  petty  officer  then  thrust 
the  muzzle  of  his  gun  violently  against  the  prisoner's 
body,  pretended  to  fire  it  at  him,  and  at  last  struck 
him  in  the  face  with  the  butt;  after  which  dastardly 
proceeding  he  left  him.  The  French  and  Indians 
being  forced  after  a  time  to  fall  back,  Putnam  found 
himself  between  the  combatants  and  exposed  to 
bullets  from  both  sides;  but  the  enemy,  partially 
recovering  the  ground  they  had  lost,  unbound  him, 
and  led  him  to  a  safe  distance  from  the  fight.  When 
the  retreat  began,  the  Indians  hurried  him  along 
with  them,  stripped  of  coat,  waistcoat,  shoes,  and 
stockings,  his  back  burdened  with  as  many  packs  of 
the  wounded  as  could  be  piled  upon  it,  and  his  wrists 
bound  so  tightly  together  that  the  pain  became 
intense.  In  his  torment  he  begged  them  to  kill  him ; 
on  which  a  French  officer  who  was  near  persuaded 
them  to  untie  his  hands  and  take  off  some  of  the 


1758.]  ADVENTURES   OF   PUTNAM.  131 

packs,  and  the  chief  who  had  captured  him  gave  him 
a  pair  of  moccasons  to  protect  his  lacerated  feet. 
When  they  encamped  at  night,  they  prepared  to 
burn  him  alive,  stripped  him  naked,  tied  him  to  a 
tree,  and  gathered  dry  wood  to  pile  about  him.  A 
sudden  shower  of  rain  interrupted  their  pastime ;  but 
when  it  was  over  they  began  again,  and  surrounded 
him  with  a  circle  of  brushwood  which  they  set  on 
fire.  As  they  were  yelling  and  dancing  their  delight 
at  the  contortions  with  which  he  tried  to  avoid  the 
rising  flames,  Marin,  hearing  what  was  going  for 
ward,  broke  through  the  crowd,  and  with  a  courageous 
humanity  not  too  common  among  Canadian  officers, 
dashed  aside  the  burning  brush,  untied  the  prisoner, 
and  angrily  upbraided  his  tormentors.  He  then 
restored  him  to  the  chief  who  had  captured  him,  and 
whose  right  of  property  in  his  prize  the  others  had 
failed  to  respect.  The  Caughnawaga  treated  him  at 
first  with  kindness ;  but,  with  the  help  of  his  tribes 
men,  took  effectual  means  to  prevent  his  escape,  by 
laying  him  on  his  back,  stretching  his  arms  and  legs 
in  the  form  of  a  St.  Andrew's  cross,  and  binding  the 
wrists  and  ankles  fast  to  the  stems  of  young  trees. 
This  was  a  mode  of  securing  prisoners  in  vogue 
among  Indians  from  immemorial  time ;  but,  not  satis 
fied  with  it,  they  placed  brushwood  upon  his  body, 
and  then  laid  across  it  the  long  slender  stems  of 
saplings,  on  the  ends  of  which  several  warriors  lay 
down  to  sleep,  so  that  the  slightest  movement  on  his 
part  would  rouse  them.  Thus  he  passed  a  night  of 


132  FORT   FRONTENAC.  [1758. 

misery,  which  did  not  prevent  him  from  thinking  of 
the  ludicrous  figure  he  made  in  the  hands  of  the 
tawny  Philistines. 

On  the  next  night,  after  a  painful  march,  he 
reached  Ticonderoga,  where  he  was  questioned  by 
Montcalm,  and  afterwards  sent  to  Montreal  in  charge 
of  a  French  officer,  who  showed  him  the  utmost 
kindness.  On  arriving,  wofully  tattered,  bruised, 
scorched,  and  torn,  he  found  a  friend  in  Colonel 
Schuyler,  himself  a  prisoner  on  parole,  who  helped 
him  in  his  need,  and  through  whose  good  offices  the 
future  major-general  of  the  Continental  Army  was 
included  in  the  next  exchange  of  prisoners.1 

The  petty  victory  over  Marin  was  followed  by  a 
more  substantial  success.  Early  in  September  Aber- 
crombie's  melancholy  camp  was  cheered  with  the  tid 
ings  that  the  important  French  post  of  Fort  Frontenac, 
which  controlled  Lake  Ontario,  which  had  baffled 


1  On  Putnam's  adventures,  Humphrey's,  57  (1818).  He  had  the 
story  from  Putnam  himself,  and  seems  to  give  it  with  substantial 
correctness,  though  his  account  of  the  battle  is  at  several  points 
erroneous.  The  "  Molang  "  of  his  account  is  Marin.  On  the  battle, 
besides  authorities  already  cited,  Recollections  of  Thomson  Maxwell, 
a  soldier  present  (Essex  Institute,  vii.  97).  Rogers,  Journals,  117. 
Letter  from  Camp  in  Boston  Gazette,  no.  117.  Another  in  New 
Hampshire  Gazette,  no.  104.  Gentleman's  Magazine,  1758,  p.  498. 
Malartic,  Journal  du  Re'giment  de  Beam.  Levis,  Journal  de  la  Guerre 
en  Canada.  The  French  notices  of  the  affair  are  few  and  brief. 
They  admit  a  defeat,  but  exaggerate  the  force  and  the  losses  of  the 
English,  and  underrate  their  own.  Malartic,  however,  says  that 
Marin  set  out  with  four  hundred  men,  and  was  soon  after  joined  by 
an  additional  number  of  Indians  ;  which  nearly  answers  to  the  best 
English  accounts. 


1758.]  EXPEDITION  OF  BRADSTREET.  133 

Shirley  in  his  attempt  against  Niagara,  and  given 
Montcalm  the  means  of  conquering  Oswego,  had 
fallen  into  British  hands.  "  This  is  a  glorious  piece 
of  news,  and  may  God  have  all  the  glory  of  the 
same  I "  writes  Chaplain  Cleaveland  in  his  Diary. 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Bradstreet  had  planned  the  stroke 
long  before,  and  proposed  it  first  to  Loudon,  and 
then  to  Abercrombie.  Loudon  accepted  it;  but  his 
successor  received  it  coldly,  though  Lord  Howe  was 
warm  in  its  favor.  At  length,  under  the  pressure  of 
a  council  of  war,  Abercrombie  consented  that  the 
attempt  should  be  made,  and  gave  Bradstreet  three 
thousand  men,  nearly  all  provincials.  With  these  he 
made  his  way,  up  the  Mohawk  and  down  the  Onon- 
daga,  to  the  lonely  and  dismal  spot  where  Oswego 
had  once  stood.  By  dint  of  much  persuasion  a  few 
Oneidas  joined  him ;  though,  like  most  of  the  Five 
Nations,  they  had  been  nearly  lost  to  the  English 
through  the  effects  of  the  defeat  at  Ticonderoga.  On 
the  twenty-second  of  August  his  fleet  of  whale-boats 
and  bateaux  pushed  out  on  Lake  Ontario;  and, 
three  days  after,  landed  near  the  French  fort.  On 
the  night  of  the  twenty-sixth  Bradstreet  made  a 
lodgement  within  less  than  two  hundred  yards  of  it; 
and  early  in  the  morning  De  Noyan,  the  commandant, 
surrendered  himself  and  his  followers,  numbering  a 
hundred  and  ten  soldiers  and  laborers,  prisoners  of 
war.  With  them  were  taken  nine  armed  vessels, 
carrying  from  eight  to  eighteen  guns,  and  forming 
the  whole  French  naval  force  on  Lake  Ontario.  The 


134  FORT   FKONTENAC.  [1758. 

crews  escaped.  An  enormous  quantity  of  provisions, 
naval  stores,  munitions,  and  Indian  goods  intended 
for  the  supply  of  the  western  posts  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  English,  who  kept  what  they  could  carry  off, 
and  burned  the  rest.  In  the  fort  were  found  sixty 
cannon  and  sixteen  mortars,  which  the  victors  used 
to  batter  down  the  walls ;  and  then,  reserving  a  few 
of  the  best,  knocked  off  the  trunnions  of  the  others. 
The  Oneidas  were  bent  on  scalping  some  of  the 
prisoners.  Bradstreet  forbade  it.  They  begged  that 
he  would  do  as  the  French  did,  —  turn  his  back  and 
shut  his  eyes;  but  he  forced  them  to  abstain  from 
all  violence,  and  consoled  them  by  a  lion's  share  of 
the  plunder.  In  accordance  with  the  orders  of 
Abercrombie,  the  fort  was  dismantled,  and  all  the 
buildings  in  or  around  it  burned,  as  were  also  the 
vessels,  except  the  two  largest,  which  were  reserved 
to  carry  off  some  of  the  captured  goods.  Then,  with 
boats  deeply  laden,  the  detachment  returned  to 
Oswego;  where,  after  unloading  and  burning  the 
two  vessels,  they  proceeded  towards  Albany,  leaving 
a  thousand  of  their  number  at  the  new  fort  which 
Brigadier  Stanwix  was  building  at  the  Great  Carry 
ing  Place  of  the  Mohawk. 

Next  to  Louisbourg,  this  was  the  heaviest  blow 
that  the  French  had  yet  received.  Their  command 
of  Lake  Ontario  was  gone.  New  France  was  cut  in 
two;  and  unless  the  severed  parts  could  speedily 
reunite,  all  the  posts  of  the  interior  would  be  in 
imminent  jeopardy.  If  Bradstreet  had  been  followed 


1758.]  ITS  CAPTURE.  135 

by  another  body  of  men  to  reoccupy  and  rebuild 
Oswego,  thus  recovering  a  harbor  on  Lake  Ontario, 
all  the  captured  French  vessels  could  have  been 
brought  thither,  and  the  command  of  this  inland  sea 
assured  at  once.  Even  as  it  was,  the  advantages 
were  immense.  A  host  of  savage  warriors,  thus  far 
inclined  to  France  or  wavering  between  the  two 
belligerents,  stood  henceforth  neutral,  or  gave  them 
selves  to  England;  while  Fort  Duquesne,  deprived 
of  the  supplies  on  which  it  depended,  could  make 
but  faint  resistance  to  its  advancing  enemy. 

Amherst,  with  five  regiments  from  Louisbourg, 
came,  early  in  October,  to  join  Abercrombie  at  Lake 
George,  and  the  two  commanders  discussed  the  ques 
tion  of  again  attacking  Ticonderoga.  Both  thought 
the  season  too  late.  A  fortnight  after,  a  deserter 
brought  news  that  Montcalm  was  breaking  up  his 
camp.  Abercrombie  followed  his  example.  The 
opposing  armies  filed  off  each  to  its  winter-quarters, 
and  only  a  few  scouting  parties  kept  alive  the 
embers  of  war  on  the  waters  and  mountains  of  Lake 
George. 

Meanwhile  Brigadier  Forbes  was  climbing  the 
Alleghanies,  hewing  his  way  through  the  forests  of 
western  Pennsylvania,  and  toiling  inch  by  inch 
towards  his  goal  of  Fort  Duquesne.1 

1  On  the  capture  of  Fort  Frontenac,  Bradstreet  to  Abercrombie ,31 
August,  1758.  Impartial  Account  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bradstreet's 
Expedition,  by  a  Volunteer  in  the  Expedition  (London,  1759).  Letter 
from  a  New  York  officer  to  his  colonel,  in  Boston  Gazette,  no.  182. 


136  FORT  FRONTENAC. 


[1758. 


Several  letters  from  persons  in  the  expedition,  in  Boston  Evening 
Post,  no.  1,203,  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  no.  104,  and  Boston  News 
Letter,  no.  2,932.  Abercrombie  to  Pitt,  25  November,  1768.  Lieutenant 
Macauley  to  Horatio  Gates,  30  August,  1758.  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre, 
30  Octobre,  1758.  Pouchot,  i.  162.  Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749- 
1760. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

1758. 
FORT  DUQUESNE. 

DlNWIDDIE   AND    WASHINGTON.  —  BRIGADIER  FORBES  :   HIS  ARMY. 

—  CONFLICTING  VIEWS.  —  DIFFICULTIES.  —  ILLNESS  OF  FORBES: 
HIS    SUFFERINGS  ;    HIS    FORTITUDE  ;    HIS    DIFFERENCE    WITH 
WASHINGTON.  —  SIR   JOHN  SINCLAIR.  —  TROUBLESOME  ALLIES. 

—  SCOUTING  PARTIES.  —  BOASTS  OF  VAUDREUIL.  —  FORBES  AND 
THE     INDIANS.  —  MISSION    OF    CHRISTIAN    FREDERIC    POST.  — 
COUNCIL  OF  PEACE.  —  SECOND  MISSION  OF  POST.  —  DEFEAT  OF 
GRANT.  —  DISTRESS  OF  FORBES.  —  DARK  PROSPECTS.  —  ADVANCE 
OF    THE    ARMY.  —  CAPTURE    OF    THE    FRENCH    FORT.  —  THE 
SLAIN  OF  BRADDOCK'S  FIELD. — DEATH  OF  FORBES. 

DURING  the  last  year  London,  filled  with  vain 
schemes  against  Louisbourg,  had  left  the  French 
scalping-parties  to  their  work  of  havoc  on  the  western 
borders.  In  Virginia  Washington  still  toiled  at  his 
hopeless  task  of  defending  with  a  single  regiment  a 
forest  frontier  of  more  than  three  hundred  miles ;  and 
in  Pennsylvania  the  Assembly  thought  more  of  quar 
relling  with  their  governor  than  of  protecting  the 
tormented  settlers.  Fort  Duquesne,  the  source  of  all 
the  evil,  was  left  undisturbed.  In  vain  Washington 
urged  the  futility  of  defensive  war,  and  the  necessity 
of  attacking  the  enemy  in  his  stronghold.  His  posi 
tion,  trying  at  the  best,  was  made  more  so  by  the 
behavior  of  Dinwiddie.  That  crusty  Scotchman  had 


138  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

conceived  a  dislike  to  him,  and  sometimes  treated 
him  in  a  manner  that  must  have  been  unspeakably 
galling  to  the  proud  and  passionate  young  man,  who, 
nevertheless,  unconquerable  in  his  sense  of  public 
duty,  curbed  himself  to  patience,  or  the  semblance 
of  it. 

Dinwiddie  was  now  gone,  and  a  new  governor  had 
taken  his  place.  The  conduct  of  the  war,  too,  had 
changed,  and  in  the  plans  of  Pitt  the  capture  of  Fort 
Duquesne  held  an  important  place.  Brigadier  John 
Forbes  was  charged  with  it.  He  was  a  Scotch 
veteran,  forty-eight  years  of  age,  who  had  begun  life 
as  a  student  of  medicine,  and  who  ended  it  as  an  able 
and  faithful  soldier.  Though  a  well-bred  man  of  the 
world,  his  tastes  were  simple ;  he  detested  ceremony, 
and  dealt  frankly  and  plainly  with  the  colonists,  who 
both  respected  and  liked  him.  In  April  he  was  in 
Philadelphia  waiting  for  his  army,  which  as  yet  had 
no  existence;  for  the  provincials  were  not  enlisted, 
and  an  expected  battalion  of  Highlanders  had  not 
arrived.  It  was  the  end  of  June  before  they  were  all 
on  the  march ;  and  meanwhile  the  general  was  attacked 
with  a  painful  and  dangerous  malady,  which  would 
have  totally  disabled  a  less  resolute  man. 

His  force  consisted  of  provincials  from  Pennsyl 
vania,  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  North  Carolina,  with 
twelve  hundred  Highlanders  of  Montgomery's  regi 
ment  and  a  detachment  of  Royal  Americans,  amount 
ing  in  all,  with  wagoners  and  camp  followers,  to 
between  six  and  seven  thousand  men.  The  Royal 


1758.]  OPPOSING  PLANS.  139 

American  regiment  was  a  new  corps  raised,  in  the 
colonies,  largely  from  among  the  Germans  of  Penn 
sylvania.  Its  officers  were  from  Europe;  and  con 
spicuous  among  them  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  Henry- 
Bouquet,  a  brave  and  accomplished  Swiss,  who 
commanded  one  of  the  four  battalions  of  which  the 
regiment  was  composed.  Early  in  July  he  was 
encamped  with  the  advance-guard  at  the  hamlet  of 
Rays  town,  now  the  town  of  Bedford,  among  the 
eastern  heights  of  the  Alleghanies.  Here  his  tents 
were  pitched  in  an  opening  of  the  forest  by  the  banks 
of  a  small  stream ;  and  Virginians  in  hunting-shirts, 
Highlanders  in  kilt  and  plaid,  and  Royal  Americans 
in  regulation  scarlet,  labored  at  throwing  up  intrench- 
ments  and  palisades,  while  around  stood  the  silent 
mountains  in  their  mantles  of  green. 

Now  rose  the  question  whether  the  army  should 
proceed  in  a  direct  course  to  Fort  Duquesne,  hewing 
a  new  road  through  the  forest,  or  march  thirty-four 
miles  to  Fort  Cumberland,  and  thence  follow  the 
road  made  by  Braddock.  It  was  the  interest  of 
Pennsylvania  that  Forbes  should  choose  the  former 
route,  and  of  Virginia  that  he  should  choose  the 
latter.  The  Old  Dominion  did  not  wish  to  see  a 
highway  cut  for  her  rival  to  those  rich  lands  of  the 
Ohio  which  she  called  her  own.  Washington,  who 
was  then  at  Fort  Cumberland  with  a  part  of  his 
regiment,  was  earnest  for  the  old  road;  and  in  an 
interview  with  Bouquet  midway  between  that  place 
and  Raystown,  he  spared  no  effort  to  bring  him  to 


140  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

the  same  opinion.  But  the  quartermaster-general, 
Sir  John  Sinclair,  who  was  supposed  to  know  the 
country,  had  advised  the  Pennsylvania  route;  and 
both  Bouquet  and  Forbes  were  resolved  to  take  it. 
It  was  shorter,  and  when  once  made  would  furnish 
readier  and  more  abundant  supplies  of  food  and 
forage ;  but  to  make  it  would  consume  a  vast  amount 
of  time  and  labor.  Washington  foretold  the  ruin  of 
the  expedition  unless  it  took  Braddock's  road.  Ardent 
Virginian  as  he  was,  there  is  no  cause  to  believe  that 
his  decision  was  based  on  any  but  military  reasons ; 
but  Forbes  thought  otherwise,  and  found  great  fault 
with  him.  Bouquet  did  him  more  justice.  "  Colonel 
Washington,"  he  writes  to  the  general,  "is  filled 
with  a  sincere  zeal  to  aid  the  expedition,  and  is  ready 
to  march  with  equal  activity  by  whatever  way  you 
choose." 

The  fate  of  Braddock  had  impressed  itself  on  all 
the  army,  and  inspired  a  caution  that  was  but  too 
much  needed;  since,  except  Washington's  men  and 
a  few  others  among  the  provincials,  the  whole,  from 
general  to  drummer-boy,  were  total  strangers  to  that 
insidious  warfare  of  the  forest  in  which  their  enemies, 
red  and  white,  had  no  rival.  Instead  of  marching, 
like  Braddock,  at  one  stretch  for  Fort  Duquesne, 
burdened  with  a  long  and  cumbrous  baggage-train,  it 
was  the  plan  of  Forbes  to  push  on  by  slow  stages, 
establishing  fortified  magazines  as  he  went,  and  at 
last,  when  within  easy  distance  of  the  fort,  to  advance 
upon  it  with  all  his  force,  as  little  impeded  as  possible 


1758.]  PROVINCIAL   TROOPS.  141 

with  wagons  and  pack-horses.  He  bore  no  likeness 
to  his  predecessor,  except  in  determined  resolution, 
and  he  did  not  hesitate  to  embrace  military  heresies 
which  would  have  driven  Braddock  to  fury.  To 
Bouquet,  in  whom  he  placed  a  well-merited  trust, 
he  wrote,  "  I  have  been  long  in  your  opinion  of  equip 
ping  numbers  of  our  men  like  the  savages,  and  I 
fancy  Colonel  Burd,  of  Virginia,  has  most  of  his  best 
people  equipped  in  that  manner.  In  this  country  we 
must  learn  the  art  of  war  from  enemy  Indians,  or 
anybody  else  who  has  seen  jt  carried  on  here." 

His  provincials  displeased  him,  not  without  reason ; 
for  the  greater  part  were  but  the  crudest  material  for 
an  army,  unruly,  and  recalcitrant  to  discipline. 
Some  of  them  came  to  the  rendevzous  at  Carlisle 
with  old  province  muskets,  the  locks  tied  on  with  a 
string;  others  brought  fowling-pieces  of  their  own, 
and  others  carried  nothing  but  walking-sticks ;  while 
many  had  never  fired  a  gun  in  their  lives.1  Forbes 
reported  to  Pitt  that  their  officers,  except  a  few  in 
the  higher  ranks,  were  "an  extremely  bad  collection 
of  broken  innkeepers,  horse-jockeys,  and  Indian 
traders ; "  nor  is  he  more  flattering  towards  the  men, 
though  as  to  some  of  them  he  afterwards  changed 
his  mind.2 

While  Bouquet  was  with  the  advance  at  Raystown, 
Forbes  was  still  in  Philadelphia,  trying  to  bring  the 
army  into  shape,  and  collecting  provisions,  horses, 

1  Correspondence  of  Forbes  and  Bouquet,  July,  August,  1758. 

2  Forbes  to  Pitt,  6  September,  1758. 


142  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

and  wagons ;  much  vexed  meantime  by  the  Assembly, 
whose  tedious  disputes  about  taxing  the  proprietaries 
greatly  obstructed  the  service.  "No  sergeant  or 
quartermaster  of  a  regiment,"  he  says,  "is  obliged  to 
look  into  more  details  than  I  am;  and  if  I  did  not 
see  to  everything  myself,  we  should  never  get  out  of 
this  town."  July  had  begun  before  he  could  reach 
the  frontier  village  of  Carlisle,  where  he  found  every 
thing  in  confusion.  After  restoring  some  order,  he 
wrote  to  Bouquet:  "I  have  been  and  still  am  but 
poorly,  with  a  cursed  flux,  but  shall  move  day  after 
to-morrow."  He  was  doomed  to  disappointment; 
and  it  was  not  till  the  ninth  of  August  that  he  sent 
another  letter  from  the  same  place  to  the  same  mili 
tary  friend.  "I  am  now  able  to  write  after  three 
weeks  of  a  most  violent  and  tormenting  distemper, 
which,  thank  God,  seems  now  much  abated  as  to 
pain,  but  has  left  me  as  weak  as  a  new-born  infant. 
However,  I  hope  to  have  strength  enough  to  set  out 
from  this  place  on  Friday  next."  The  disease  was 
an  inflammation  of  the  stomach  and  other  vital 
organs ;  and  when  he  should  have  been  in  bed,  with 
complete  repose  of  body  and  mind,  he  was  racked 
continually  with  the  toils  and  worries  of  a  most 
arduous  campaign. 

He  left  Carlisle  on  the  eleventh,  carried  on  a  kind 
of  litter  made  of  a  hurdle  slung  between  two  horses ; 
and  two  days  later  he  wrote  from  Shippensburg : 
"My  journey  here  from  Carlyle  raised  my  disorder 
and  pains  to  so  intolerable  a  degree  that  I  was  obliged 


1758.]  FORBES   AND   WASHINGTON.  143 

to  stop,  and  may  not  get  away  for  a  day  or  two." 
Again,  on  the  eighteenth :  "  I  am  better,  and  partly 
free  from  the  excruciating  pain  I  suffered ;  but  still 
so  weak  that  I  can  scarce  bear  motion."  He  lay 
helpless  at  Shippensburg  till  September  was  well 
advanced.  On  the  second  he  says :  "  I  really  cannot 
describe  how  I  have  suffered  both  in  body  and  mind 
of  late,  and  the  relapses  have  been  worse  as  the  dis 
appointment  was  greater;  "  arid  on  the  fourth,  still 
writing  to  Bouquet,  who  in  the  camp  at  Raystown 
was  struggling  with  many  tribulations :  "  I  am  sorry 
you  have  met  with  so  many  cross  accidents  to  vex 
you,  and  have  such  a  parcel  of  scoundrels  as  the 
provincials  to  work  with ;  mats  le  vin  est  tire,  and  you 
must  drop  a  little  of  the  gentleman  and  treat  them 
as  they  deserve.  Seal  and  send  off  the  enclosed 
despatch  to  Sir  John  by  some  sure  hand.  He  is  a 
very  odd  man,  and  I  am  sorry  it  has  been  my  fate  to 
have  any  concern  with  him.  I  am  afraid  our  army 
will  not  admit  of  division,  lest  one  half  meet  with  a 
check;  therefore  I  would  consult  Colonel  Washing 
ton,  though  perhaps  not  follow  his  advice,  as  his 
behavior  about  the  roads  was  noways  like  a  soldier. 
I  thank  my  good  cousin  for  his  letter,  and  have  only 
to  say  that  I  have  all  my  life  been  subject  to  err;  but 
I  now  reform,  as  I  go  to  bed  at  eight  at  night,  if  able 
to  sit  up  so  late." 

Nobody  can  read  the  letters  of  Washington  at  this 
time  without  feeling  that  the  imputations  of  Forbes 
were  unjust,  and  that  here,  as  elsewhere,  his  ruling 


144  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

motive  was  the  public  good.1  Forbes  himself,  seeing 
the  rugged  and  difficult  nature  of  the  country,  began 
to  doubt  whether  after  all  he  had  not  better  have 
chosen  the  old  road  of  Braddock.  He  soon  had  an 
interview  with  its  chief  advocates,  the  two  Virginia 
colonels,  Washington  and  Burd,  and  reported  the 
result  to  Bouquet,  adding:  "I  told  them  that,  what 
ever  they  thought,  I  had  acted  on  the  best  informa 
tion  to  be  had,  and  could  safely  say  for  myself,  and 
believed  I  might  answer  for  you,  that  the  good  of 
the  service  was  all  we  had  at  heart,  not  valuing 
provincial  interests,  jealousies,  or  suspicions  one 
single  twopence."  It  must  be  owned  that,  consider 
ing  the  slow  and  sure  mode  of  advance  which  he  had 
wisely  adopted,  the  old  soldier  was  probably  right  in 
his  choice;  since  before  the  army  could  reach  Fort 
Duquesne,  the  autumnal  floods  would  have  made  the 
Youghiogany  and  the  Monongahela  impassable. 

The  Sir  John  mentioned  by  Forbes  was  the  quar 
termaster-general,  Sir  John  Sinclair,  who  had  gone 
forward  with  Virginians  and  other  troops  from  the 
camp  of  Bouquet  to  make  the  road  over  the  main 
range  of  the  Alleghanies,  whence  he  sent  back  the 
following  memorandum  of  his  requirements :  "  Pick 
axes,  crows,  and  shovels;  likewise  more  whiskey. 
Send  me  the  newspapers,  and  tell  my  black  to  send 


1  Besides  the  printed  letters,  there  is  an  autograph  collection  of 
his  correspondence  with  Bouquet  in  1758  (forming  vol.  21,641, 
Additional  Manuscripts,  British  Museum).  Copies  of  the  whole  are 
before  me. 


1758.]  FORBES   AND  THE  INDIANS.  145 

me  a  candlestick  and  half  a  loaf  of  sugar."  He  was 
extremely  inefficient;  and  Forbes,  out  of  all  patience 
with  him,  wrote  confidentially  to  Bouquet  that  his 
only  talent  was  for  throwing  everything  into  confu 
sion.  Yet  he  found  fault  with  everybody  else,  and 
would  discharge  volleys  of  oaths  at  all  who  met  his 
disapproval.  From  this  cause  or  some  other,  Lieu 
tenant-Colonel  Stephen,  of  the  Virginians,  told  him 
that  he  would  break  his  sword  rather  than  be  longer 
under  his  orders.  "  As  I  had  not  sufficient  strength," 
says  Sinclair,  "  to  take  him  by  the  neck  from  among 
his  own  men,  I  was  obliged  to  let  him  have  his  own 
way,  that  I  might  not  be  the  occasion  of  bloodshed." 
He  succeeded  at  last  in  arresting  him,  and  Major 
Lewis,  of  the  same  regiment,  took  his  place. 

The  aid  of  Indians  as  scouts  and  skirmishers  was 
of  the  last  importance  to  an  army  so  weak  in  the  arts 
of  woodcraft,  and  efforts  were  made  to  engage  the 
services  of  the  friendly  Cherokees  and  Catawbas, 
many  of  whom  came  to  the  camp,  where  their  caprice, 
insolence,  and  rapacity  tried  to  the  utmost  the  patience 
of  the  commanders.  That  of  Sir  John  Sinclair  had 
already  been  overcome  by  his  dealings  with  the  pro 
vincial  authorities ;  and  he  wrote  in  good  French,  at 
the  tail  of  a  letter  to  the  Swiss  colonel:  "Adieu, 
my  dear  Bouquet.  The  greatest  curse  that  our  Lord 
can  pronounce  against  the  worst  of  sinners  is  to  give 
them  business  to  do  with  provincial  commissioners 
and  friendly  Indians."  A  band  of  sixty  warriors 
told  Colonel  Burd  that  they  would  join  the  army  on 

VOL.  II.  —  10 


146  FORT  DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

condition  that  it  went  by  Braddock's  road.  "This,'* 
wrote  Forbes,  on  hearing  of  the  proposal,  "is  a  new 
system  of  military  discipline  truly,  and  shows  that 
my  good  friend  Burd  is  either  made  a  cat's-foot  of 
himself,  or  little  knows  me  if  he  imagines  that  sixty 
scoundrels  are  to  direct  me  in  my  measures."1 
Bouquet,  with  a  pliant  tact  rarely  seen  in  the  born 
Briton,  took  great  pains  to  please  these  troublesome 
allies,  and  went  so  far  as  to  adopt  one  of  them  as  his 
son.2  A  considerable  number  joined  the  army;  but 
they  nearly  all  went  off  when  the  stock  of  presents 
provided  for  them  was  exhausted. 

Forbes  was  in  total  ignorance  of  the  strength  and 
movements  of  the  enemy.  The  Indians  reported 
their  numbers  to  be  at  least  equal  to  his  own;  but 
nothing  could  be  learned  from  them  with  certainty, 
by  reason  of  their  inveterate  habit  of  lying.  Several 
scou  ting-parties  of  whites  were  therefore  sent  for 
ward,  of  which  the  most  successful  was  that  of  a 
young  Virginian  officer,  accompanied  by  a  sergeant 
and  five  Indians.  At  a  little  distance  from  the 
French  fort,  the  Indians  stopped  to  paint  themselves 
and  practise  incantations.  The  chief  warrior  of  the 
party  then  took  certain  charms  from  an  otter-skin 
bag  and  tied  them  about  the  necks  of  the  other 
Indians.  On  that  of  the  officer  he  hung  the  otter- 
skin  itself;  while  to  the  sergeant  he  gave  a  small 

1  The  above  extracts  are  from  the  Bouquet  and  Haldimand  Papers, 
British  Museum. 

2  Bouquet  to  Forbes,  3  June,  1758. 


1758.]  ADVANCE   OF   FORBES.  147 

packet  of  paint  from  the  same  mystic  receptacle. 
"He  told  us,"  reports  the  officer,  "that  none  of  us 
could  be  shot,  for  those  things  would  turn  the  balls 
from  us ;  and  then  shook  hands  with  us,  and  told  us 
to  go  and  fight  like  men."  Thus  armed  against 
fate,  they  mounted  the  high  ground  afterwards  called 
Grant's  Hill,  where,  covered  by  trees  and  bushes, 
they  had  a  good  view  of  the  fort,  and  saw  plainly 
that  the  reports  of  the  French  force  were  greatly 
exaggerated.1 

Meanwhile  Bouquet's  men  pushed  on  the  heavy 
work  of  road-making  up  the  main  range  of  the  Alle- 
ghanies,  and,  what  proved  far  worse,  the  parallel 
mountain  ridge  of  Laurel  Hill,  hewing,  digging, 
blasting,  laying  fascines  and  gabions  to  support  the 
track  along  the  sides  of  steep  declivities,  or  worming 
their  way  like  moles  through  the  jungle  of  swamp 
and  forest.  Forbes  described  the  country  to  Pitt  as 
an  "immense  uninhabited  wilderness,  overgrown 
everywhere  with  trees  and  brushwood,  so  that  no 
where  can  one  see  twenty  yards."  In  truth,  as  far 
as  eye  or  mind  could  reach,  a  prodigious  forest  vege 
tation  spread  its  impervious  canopy  over  hill,  valley, 
and  plain,  and  wrapped  the  stern  and  awful  waste  in 
the  shadows  of  the  tomb. 

Having  secured  his  magazines  at  Raystown,  and 
built  a  fort  there  named  Fort  Bedford,  Bouquet  made 
a  forward  movement  of  some  forty  miles,  crossed  the 

1  Journal  of  a  Reconnoitring  Party,  August,  1758.  The  writer  seems 
to  have  been  Ensign  Chew,  of  Washington's  regiment. 


148  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

main  Alleghany  and  Laurel  Hill,  and,  taking  post  on 
a  stream  called  Loyalhannon  Creek,  began  another 
depot  of  supplies  as  a  base  for  the  final  advance  on 
Fort  Duquesne,  which  was  scarcely  fifty  miles  distant. 

Vaudreuil  had  learned  from  prisoners  the  march 
of  Forbes,  and,  with  his  usual  egotism,  announced 
to  the  colonial  minister  what  he  had  done  in  conse 
quence.  "I  have  provided  for  the  safety  of  Fort 
Duquesne."  "I  have  sent  reinforcements  to  M.  de 
Ligneris,  who  commands  there."  "I  have  done  the 
impossible  to  supply  him  with  provisions,  and  I  am 
now  sending  them  in  abundance,  in  order  that  the 
troops  I  may  perhaps  have  occasion  to  send  to  drive 
off  the  English  may  not  be  delayed."  "A  stronger 
fort  is  needed  on  the  Ohio;  but  I  cannot  build  one 
till  after  the  peace ;  then  I  will  take  care  to  build 
such  a  one  as  will  thenceforth  keep  the  English  out 
of  that  country."  Some  weeks  later  he  was  less  con 
fident,  and  very  anxious  for  news  from  Ligneris. 

He  says  that  he  has  sent  him  all  the  succors  he 
could,  and  ordered  troops  to  go  to  his  aid  from 
Niagara,  Detroit,  and  Illinois,  as  well  as  the  militia 
of  Detroit,  with  the  Indians  there  and  elsewhere 
in  the  West,  —  Hurons,  Ottawas,  Pottawattamies, 
Miamis,  and  other  tribes.  What  he  fears  is  that  the 
English  will  not  attack  the  fort  till  all  these  Indians 
have  grown  tired  of  waiting,  and  have  gone  home 
again.1  This  was  precisely  the  intention  of  Forbes, 
and  the  chief  object  of  his  long  delays. 

1   Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  Juillet,  Aout,  Octobre,  1758. 


1758.]  WAVERING    ALLIES.  149 

He  had  another  good  reason  for  making  no  haste. 
There  was  hope  that  the  Dela wares  and  Shawanoes, 
who  lived  within  easy  reach  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and 
who  for  the  past  three  years  had  spread  havoc 
throughout  the  English  border,  might  now  be  won 
over  from  the  French  alliance.  Forbes  wrote  to 
Bouquet  from  Shippensburg :  "  After  many  intrigues 
with  Quakers,  the  Provincial  Commissioners,  the 
Governor,  etc.,  and  by  the  downright  bullying  of  Sir 
William  Johnson,  I  hope  I  have  now  brought  about 
a  general  convention  of  the  Indians."  1  The  conven 
tion  was  to  include  the  Five  Nations,  the  Delawares, 
the  Shawanoes,  and  other  tribes,  who  had  accepted 
wampum  belts  of  invitation,  and  promised  to  meet 
the  governor  and  commissioners  of  the  various 
provinces  at  the  town  of  Easton,  before  the  middle 
of  September.  This  seeming  miracle  was  wrought 
by  several  causes.  The  Indians  in  the  French  inter 
est,  always  greedy  for  presents,  had  not  of  late  got 
enough  to  satisfy  them.  Many  of  those  destined  for 
them  had  been  taken  on  the  way  from  France  by 
British  cruisers,  and  the  rest  had  passed  through  the 
hands  of  official  knaves,  who  sold  the  greater  part  for 
their  OAvn  profit.  Again,  the  goods  supplied  by 
French  fur-traders  were  few  and  dear ;  and  the  Indians 
remembered  with  regret  the  abundance  and  compara 
tive  cheapness  of  those  they  had  from  the  English 
before  the  war.  At  the  same  time  it  was  reported 
among  them  that  a  British  army  was  marching  to  the 

1  Forbes  to  Bouquet,  18  August,  1758. 


150  FORT  DUQUESNE.  [1758 

Ohio  strong  enough  to  drive  out  the  French  from  all 
that  country;  and  the  Delawares  and  Shawanoes  of 
the  West  began  to  waver  in  their  attachment  to 
the  falling  cause.  The  eastern  Delawares,  living  at 
Wyoming  and  elsewhere  on  the  upper  Susquehanna, 
had  made  their  peace  with  the  English  in  the  summer 
before ;  and  their  great  chief,  Teedyuscung,  thinking 
it  for  his  interest  that  the  tribes  of  the  Ohio  should 
follow  his  example,  sent  them  wampum  belts,  inviting 
them  to  lay  down  the  hatchet.  The  Five  Nations, 
with  Johnson  at  one  end  of  the  Confederacy  and 
Joncaire  at  the  other,  —  the  one  cajoling  them  in 
behalf  of  England,  and  the  other  in  behalf  of  France, 
—  were  still  divided  in  counsel ;  but  even  among  the 
Senecas,  the  tribe  most  under  Joncaire 's  influence, 
there  was  a  party  so  far  inclined  to  England  that, 
like  the  Delaware  chief,  they  sent  wampum  to  the 
Ohio,  inviting  peace.  But  the  influence  most  potent 
in  reclaiming  the  warriors  of  the  West  was  of  a 
different  kind.  Christian  Frederic  Post,  a  member 
of  the  Moravian  brotherhood,  had  been  sent  at  the 
instance  of  Forbes  as  an  envoy  to  the  hostile  tribes 
from  the  governor  and  Council  of  Pennsylvania.  He 
spoke  the  Delaware  language,  knew  the  Indians 
well,  had  lived  among  them,  had  married  a  converted 
squaw,  and  by  his  simplicity  of  character,  directness, 
and  perfect  honesty,  gained  their  full  confidence. 
He  now  accepted  his  terrible  mission,  and  calmly 
prepared  to  place  himself  in  the  clutches  of  the 
tiger.  He  was  a  plain  German,  upheld  by  a  sense 


1758.]  MISSION  OF  POST.  151 

of  duty  and  a  single-hearted  trust  in  God;  alone, 
with  no  great  disciplined  organization  to  impel  and 
support  him,  and  no  visions  and  illusions  such  as 
kindled  and  sustained  the  splendid  heroism  of  the 
early  Jesuit  martyrs.  Yet  his  errand  was  no  whit 
less  perilous.  And  here  we  may  notice  the  contrast 
between  the  mission  settlements  of  the  Moravians  in 
Pennsylvania  and  those  which  the  later  Jesuits  and 
the  Sulpitians  had  established  at  Caughnawaga,  St. 
Francis,  La  Presentation,  and  other  places.  The 
Moravians  were  apostles  of  peace,  and  they  succeeded 
to  a  surprising  degree  in  weaning  their  converts  from 
their  ferocious  instincts  and  warlike  habits;  while 
the  Mission  Indians  of  Canada  retained  all  their 
native  fierceness,  and  were  systematically  impelled 
to  use  their  tomahawks  against  the  enemies  of  the 
Church.  Their  wigwams  were  hung  with  scalps, 
male  and  female,  adult  and  infant;  and  these  so- 
called  missions  were  but  nests  of  baptized  savages, 
who  wore  the  crucifix  instead  of  the  medicine-bag, 
and  were  encouraged  by  the  government  for  purposes 
of  war.1 

The  Moravian  envoy  made  his  way  to  the  Delaware 
town  of  Kushkushkee,  on  Beaver  Creek,  northwest 
of  Fort  Duquesne,  where  the  three  chiefs  known  as 
King  Beaver,  Shingas,  and  Delaware  George  received 

1  Of  the  Hurons  of  the  mission  of  Lorette,  Bougainville  says  : 
"Us  sont  toujours  sauvages  autant  que  ceux  qui  sont  les  moins 
apprivoiscs."  And  yet  they  had  been  converts  under  Jesuit  con 
trol  for  more  than  four  generations.  The  case  was  no  better  at  the 
other  missions  ;  and  at  St.  Francis  it  seems  to  have  been  worse. 


152  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

him  kindly,  and  conducted  him  to  another  town  on 
the  same  stream.  Here  his  reception  was  different. 
A  crowd  of  Avarriors,  their  faces  distorted  with  rage, 
surrounded  him,  brandishing  knives  and  threatening 
to  kill  him ;  but  others  took  his  part,  and,  order  being 
at  last  restored,  he  read  them  his  message  from 
the  governor,  which  seemed  to  please  them.  They 
insisted,  however,  that  he  should  go  with  them  to 
Fort  Duquesne,  in  order  that  the  Indians  assembled 
there  might  hear  it  also.  Against  this  dangerous 
proposal  he  protested  in  vain.  On  arriving  near  the 
fort,  the  French  demanded  that  he  should  be  given 
up  to  them,  and,  being  refused,  offered  a  great 
reward  for  his  scalp;  on  which  his  friends  advised 
him  to  keep  close  by  the  camp-fire,  as  parties  were 
out  with  intent  to  kill  him.  "Accordingly,"  says 
Post,  "  I  stuck  to  the  fire  as  if  I  had  been  chained 
there.  On  the  next  day  the  Indians,  with  a  great 
many  French  officers,  came  out  to  hear  what  I  had 
to  say.  The  officers  brought  with  them  a  table, 
pens,  ink,  and  paper.  I  spoke  in  the  midst  of  them 
with  a  free  conscience,  and  perceived  by  their  looks 
that  they  were  not  pleased  with  what  I  said."  The 
substance  of  his  message  was  an  invitation  to  the 
Indians  to  renew  the  old  chain  of  friendship,  joined 
with  a  warning  that  an  English  army  was  on  its  way 
to  drive  off  the  French,  and  that  they  would  do  well 
to  stand  neutral. 

He  addressed  an  audience  filled  with  an  inordinate 
sense  of  their  own  power  and  importance,  believing 


1758.]  COUNCIL   OF  PEACE.  153 

themselves  greater  and  braver  than  either  of  the 
European  nations,  and  yet  deeply  jealous  of  both. 
"We  have  heard,"  they  said,  "that  the  French  and 
English  mean  to  kill  all  the  Indians  and  divide  the 
land  among  themselves."  And  on  this  string  they 
harped  continually.  If  they  had  known  their  true 
interest,  they  would  have  made  no  peace  with  the 
English,  but  would  have  united  as  one  man  to  form 
a  barrier  of  fire  against  their  farther  progress ;  for  the 
West  in  English  hands  meant  farms,  villages,  cities, 
the  ruin  of  the  forest,  the  extermination  of  the  game, 
and  the  expulsion  of  those  who  lived  on  it ;  while  the 
West  in  French  hands  meant  but  scattered  posts  of 
war  and  trade,  with  the  native  tribes  cherished  as 
indispensable  allies. 

After  waiting  some  days,  the  three  tribes  of  the 
Delawares  met  in  council,  and  made  their  answer  to 
the  message  brought  by  Post.  It  was  worthy  of  a 
proud  and  warlike  race,  and  was  to  the  effect  that 
since  their  brothers  of  Pennsylvania  wished  to  renew 
the  old  peace-chain,  they  on  their  part  were  willing 
to  do  so,  provided  that  the  wampum  belt  should  be 
sent  them  in  the  name,  not  of  Pennsylvania  alone, 
but  of  the  rest  of  the  provinces  also. 

Having  now  accomplished  his  errand,  Post  wished 
to  return  home ;  but  the  Indians  were  seized  with  an 
access  of  distrust,  and  would  not  let  him  go.  This 
jealousy  redoubled  when  they  saw  him  writing  in  his 
notebook.  "It  is  a  troublesome  cross  and  heavy 
yoke  to  draw  this  people,"  he  says;  "they  can  punish 


154  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

and  squeeze  a  body's  heart  to  the  utmost.  There 
came  some  together  and  examined  me  about  what  I 
had  wrote  yesterday.  I  told  them  I  writ  what  was 
my  duty.  '  Brothers,  I  tell  you  I  am  not  afraid  of 
you.  I  have  a  good  conscience  before  God  and  man. 
I  tell  you,  brothers,  there  is  a  bad  spirit  in  your 
hearts,  which  breeds  jealousy,  and  will  keep  you  ever 
in  fear. ' '  At  last  they  let  him  go ;  and,  eluding  a 
party  that  lay  in  wait  for  his  scalp,  he  journeyed 
twelve  days  through  the  forest,  and  reached  Fort 
Augusta  with  the  report  of  his  mission.1 

As  the  result  of  it,  a  great  convention  of  white 
men  and  red  was  held  at  Easton  in  October.  The 
neighboring  provinces  had  been  asked  to  send  their 
delegates,  and  some  of  them  did  so;  while  belts  of 
invitation  were  sent  to  the  Indians  far  and  near.  Sir 
William  Johnson,  for  reasons  best  known  to  himself, 
at  first  opposed  the  plan ;  but  was  afterwards  led  to 
favor  it  and  to  induce  tribes  under  his  influence  to 
join  in  the  grand  pacification.  The  Five  Nations, 
with  the  smaller  tribes  lately  admitted  into  their 
confederacy,  the  Delawares  of  the  Susquehanna,  the 
Mohegans,  and  several  kindred  bands,  all  had  their 
representatives  at  the  meeting.  The  conferences 
lasted  nineteen  days,  with  the  inevitable  formalities 
of  such  occasions,  and  the  weary  repetition  of  con 
ventional  metaphors  and  long-winded  speeches.  At 
length,  every  difficulty  being  settled,  the  governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  behalf  of  all  the  English,  rose  with 

1  Journal  of  Christian  Frederic  Post,  July,  August,  September,  1768. 


1758.  SECOND  MISSION  OF   POST.  155 

a  wampum  belt  in  his  hand,  and  addressed  the  tawny 
congregation  thus:  "By  this  belt  we  heal  your 
wounds ;  we  remove  your  grief ;  we  take  the  hatchet 
out  of  your  heads ;  we  make  a  hole  in  the  earth,  and 
bury  it  so  deep  that  nobody  can  dig  it  up  again." 
Then,  laying  the  first  belt  before  them,  he  took 
another,  very  large,  made  of  white  wampum  beads, 
in  token  of  peace :  "  By  this  belt  we  renew  all  our 
treaties;  we  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship;  we 
put  fresh  earth  to  the  roots  of  the  tree  of  peace,  that 
it  may  bear  up  against  every  storm,  and  live  and 
flourish  while  the  sun  shines  and  the  rivers  run." 
And  he  gave  them  the  belt  with  the  request  that 
they  would  send  it  to  their  friends  and  allies,  and 
invite  them  to  take  hold  also  of  the  chain  of  friend 
ship.  Accordingly  all  present  agreed  on  a  joint  mes 
sage  of  peace  to  the  tribes  of  the  Ohio.1 

Frederic  Post,  with  several  white  and  Indian 
companions,  was  chosen  to  bear  it.  A  small  escort 
of  soldiers  that  attended  him  as  far  as  the  Alleghany 
was  cut  to  pieces  on  its  return  by  a  band  of  the  very 
warriors  to  whom  he  was  carrying  his  offers  of  friend 
ship;  and  other  tenants  of  the  grim  and  frowning 
wilderness  met  the  invaders  of  their  domain  with 
inhospitable  greetings.  "  The  wolves  made  a  terrible 
music  this  night,"  he  writes  at  his  first  bivouac  after 
leaving  Loyalhannon.  When  he  reached  the  Delaware 
towns  his  Deception  was  ominous.  The  young  war 
riors  said :  "  Anybody  can  see  with  half  an  eye  that 

1  Minutes  of  Conferences  at  Easton,  October,  1758. 


156  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

the  English  only  mean  to  cheat  us.  Let  us  knock 
the  messengers  in  the  head."  Some  of  them  had 
attacked  an  English  outpost,  and  had  been  repulsed; 
hence,  in  the  words  of  Post,  "They  were  possessed 
with  a  murdering  spirit,  and  with  bloody  vengeance 
were  thirsty  and  drunk.  I  said:  'As  God  has  stopped 
the  mouths  of  the  lions  that  they  could  not  devour 
Daniel,  so  he  will  preserve  us  from  their  fury.'  ' 
The  chiefs  and  elders  were  of  a  different  mind  from 
their  fierce  and  capricious  young  men.  They  met 
during  the  evening  in  the  log-house  where  Post  and 
his  party  lodged ;  and  here  a  French  officer  presently 
arrived  with  a  string  of  wampum  from  the  command 
ant,  inviting  them  to  help  him  drive  back  the  army 
of  Forbes.  The  string  was  scornfully  rejected. 
"  They  kicked  it  from  one  to  another  as  if  it  were  a 
snake.  Captain  Peter  took  a  stick,  and  with  it  flung 
the  string  from  one  end  of  the  room  to  the  other, 
and  said :  '  Give  it  to  the  French  captain ;  he  boasted 
of  his  fighting,  now  let  us  see  him  fight.  We  have 
often  ventured  our  lives  for  him,  and  got  hardly  a 
loaf  of  bread  in  return ;  and  now  he  thinks  we  shall 
jump  to  serve  him. '  Then  we  saw  the  French  cap 
tain  mortified  to  the  uttermost.  He  looked  as  pale 
as  death.  The  Indians  discoursed  and  joked  till 
midnight,  and  the  French  captain  sent  messengers 
at  midnight  to  Fort  Duquesne." 

There  was  a  grand  council,  at  which  4;he  French 
officer  was  present;  and  Post  delivered  the  peace 
message  from  the  council  at  Easton,  along  with 


1758.]  GRANT'S  EXPEDITION.  157 

another  with  which  Forbes  had  charged  him.  "  The 
messages  pleased  all  the  hearers  except  the  French 
captain.  He  shook  his  head  in  bitter  grief,  and 
often  changed  countenance.  Isaac  Still  [an  Indian} 
ran  him  down  with  great  boldness,  and  pointed  at 
him,  saying,  4  There  he  sits ! '  They  all  said :  4  The 
French  always  deceived  us ! '  pointing  at  the  French 
captain;  who,  bowing  down  his  head,  turned  quite 
pale,  and  could  look  no  one  in  the  face.  All  the 
Indians  began  to  mock  and  laugh  at  him.  He  could 
hold  it  no  longer,  and  went  out."  1 

The  overtures  of  peace  were  accepted,  and  the 
Delawares,  Shawanoes,  and  Mingoes  were  no  longer 
enemies  of  the  English.  The  loss  was  the  more 
disheartening  to  the  French,  since,  some  weeks 
before,  they  had  gained  a  success  which  they  hoped 
would  confirm  the  adhesion  of  all  their  wavering 
allies.  Major  Grant,  of  the  Highlanders,  had  urged 
Bouquet  to  send  him  to  reconnoitre  Fort  Duquesne, 
capture  prisoners,  and  strike  a  blow  that  would 
animate  the  assailants  and  discourage  the  assailed. 
Bouquet,  forgetting  his  usual  prudence,  consented; 
and  Grant  set  out  from  the  camp  at  Loyalhannon 
with  about  eight  hundred  men,  Highlanders,  Royal 
Americans,  and  provincials.  On  the  fourteenth  of 
September,  at  two  in  the  morning,  he  reached  the 
top  of  the  rising  ground  thenceforth  called  Grant's 
Hill,  half  a  mile  or  more  from  the  French  fort.  The 
forest  and  the  darkness  of  the  night  hid  him  com- 

1  Journal  of  Christian  Frederic  Post,  October,  November,  1758. 


158  FORT  DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

pletely  from  the  enemy.  He  ordered  Major  Lewis, 
of  the  Virginians,  to  take  with  him  half  the  detach 
ment,  descend  to  the  open  plain  before  the  fort,  and 
attack  the  Indians  known  to  be  encamped  there; 
after  which  he  was  to  make  a  feigned  retreat  to 
the  hill,  where  the  rest  of  the  troops  were  to  lie  in 
ambush  and  receive  the  pursuers.  Lewis  set  out  on 
his  errand,  while  Grant  waited  anxiously  for  the 
result.  Dawn  was  near,  and  all  was  silent;  till  at 
length  Lewis  returned,  and  incensed  his  commander 
by  declaring  that  his  men  had  lost  their  way  in  the 
dark  woods,  and  fallen  into  such  confusion  that  the 
attempt  was  impracticable.  The  morning  twilight 
now  began,  but  the  country  was  wrapped  in  thick 
fog.  Grant  abandoned  his  first  plan,  and  sent  a  few 
Highlanders  into  the  cleared  ground  to  burn  a  ware 
house  that  had  been  seen  there.  He  was  convinced 
that  the  French  and  their  Indians  were  too  few  to 
attack  him,  though  their  numbers  in  fact  were  far 
greater  than  his  own.1  Infatuated  with  this  idea, 
and  bent  on  taking  prisoners,  he  had  the  incredible 
rashness  to  divide  his  force  in  such  a  way  that  the 
several  parts  could  not  support  each  other.  Lewis, 
with  two  hundred  men,  was  sent  to  guard  the  bag 
gage  two  miles  in  the  rear,  where  a  company  of 

1  Grant  to  Forbes,  no  date.  "  Les  rapports  sur  le  nombre  des 
Fran^ais  varient  de  3,000  a  1,200."  Bouquet  a  Forbes,  17  Scptembre, 
1758.  Bigot  says  that  3,500  daily  rations  were  delivered  at  Fort 
Duquesne  throughout  the  summer.  13igot  au  Rfinistre,  22  Novembre, 
1758.  In  October  the  number  had  fallen  to  1,180,  which  included 
Indians.  Ligneris  a  Vaudreuil,  18  Octobre,  1768. 


1758.]  THE  ATTACK.  159 

Virginians,  under  Captain  Bullitt,  was  already  sta 
tioned.  A  hundred  Pennsylvanians  were  posted  far 
off  on  the  right,  towards  the  Alleghany,  while  Cap 
tain  Mackenzie,  with  a  detachment  of  Highlanders, 
was  sent  to  the  left,  towards  the  Monongahela. 
Then,  the  fog  having  cleared  a  little,  Captain 
Macdonald,  with  another  company  of  Highlanders, 
was  ordered  into  the  open  plain  to  reconnoitre  the 
fort  and  make  a  plan  of  it,  Grant  himself  remaining 
on  the  hill  with  a  hundred  of  his  own  regiment  and  a 
company  of  Maryland  men.  "  In  order  to  put  on  a 
good  countenance,"  he  says,  "and  convince  our  men 
they  had  no  reason  to  be  afraid,  I  gave  directions  to 
our  drums  to  beat  the  reveille.  The  troops  were  in 
an  advantageous  post,  and  I  must  own  I  thought  we 
had  nothing  to  fear."  Macdonald  was  at  this  time 
on  the  plain,  midway  between  the  woods  and  the 
fort,  and  in  full  sight  of  it.  The  roll  of  the  drums 
from  the  hill  was  answered  by  a  burst  of  war-whoops, 
and  the  French  came  swarming  out  like  hornets, 
many  of  them  in  their  shirts,  having  just  leaped  from 
their  beds.  They  all  rushed  upon  Macdonald  and 
his  men,  who  met  them  with  a  volley  that  checked 
their  advance;  on  which  they  surrounded  him  at  a 
distance,  and  tried  to  cut  off  his  retreat.  The  High 
landers  broke  through,  and  gained  the  woods,  with 
the  loss  of  their  commander,  who  was  shot  dead.  A 
crowd  of  French  followed  close,  and  soon  put  them 
to  rout,  driving  them  and  Mackenzie's  party  back  to 
the  hill  where  Grant  was  posted.  Here  there  was  a 


160  FORT  DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

hot  fight  in  the  forest,  lasting  about  three  quarters  of 
an  hour.  At  length  the  force  of  numbers,  the 
novelty  of  the  situation,  and  the  appalling  yells  of 
the  Canadians  and  Indians,  completely  overcame  the 
Highlanders,  so  intrepid  in  the  ordinary  situations  of 
war.  They  broke  away  in  a  wild  and  disorderly 
retreat.  "Fear,"  says  Grant,  "got  the  better  of 
every  other  passion ;  and  I  trust  I  shall  never  again 
see  such  a  panic  among  troops." 

His  only  hope  was  in  the  detachment  he  had  sent 
to  the  rear  under  Lewis  to  guard  the  baggage.  But 
Lewis  and  his  men,  when  they  heard  the  firing  in 
front,  had  left  their  post  and  pushed  forward  to  help 
their  comrades,  taking  a  straight  course  through  the 
forest;  while  Grant  was  retreating  along  the  path 
by  which  he  had  advanced  the  night  before.  Thus 
they  missed  each  other;  and  when  Grant  reached  the 
spot  where  he  expected  to  find  Lewis,  he  saw  to  his 
dismay  that  nobody  was  there  but  Captain  Bullitt 
and  his  company.  He  cried  in  despair  that  he  was  a 
ruined  man ;  not  without  reason,  for  the  whole  body 
of  French  and  Indians  was  upon  him.  Such  of  his 
men  as  held  together  were  forced  towards  the  Alle- 
ghany,  and,  writes  Bouquet,  "would  probably  have 
been  cut  to  pieces ,  but  for  Captain  Bullitt  and  his 
Virginians,  who  kept  up  the  fight  against  the  whole 
French  force  till  two-thirds  of  them  were  killed." 
They  were  offered  quarter,  but  refused  it;  and  the 
survivors  were  driven  at  last  into  the  Alleghany, 
where  some  were  drowned,  and  others  swam  over  and 


1758.J  DEFEAT  OF  GRANT.  161 

escaped.  Grant  was  surrounded  and  captured,  and 
Lewis,  who  presently  came  up,  was  also  made 
prisoner,  along  with  some  of  his  men,  after  a  stiff 
resistance.  Thus  ended  this  mismanaged  affair, 
which  cost  the  English  two  hundred  and  seventy- 
three  killed,  wounded,  and  taken.  The  rest  got 
back  safe  to  Loyalhannon.1 

The  invalid  general  was  deeply  touched  by  this 
reverse,  yet  expressed  himself  with  a  moderation  that 
does  him  honor.  He  wrote  to  Bouquet  from  Rays- 
town;  "Your  letter  of  the  seventeenth  I  read  with 
no  less  surprise  than  concern,  as  I  could  not  believe 
that  such  an  attempt  would  have  been  made  without 
my  knowledge  and  concurrence.  The  breaking  in 
upon  our  fair  and  flattering  hopes  of  success  touches 
me  most  sensibly.  There  are  two  wounded  Highland 
officers  just  now  arrived,  who  give  so  lame  an  account 
of  the  matter  that  one  can  draw  nothing  from  them, 
only  that  my  friend  Grant  most  certainly  lost  his 
wits,  and  by  his  thirst  of  fame  brought  on  his  own 
perdition,  and  ran  great  risk  of  ours."2 

1  On  Grant's  defeat,  Grant  to  Forbes,  no  date,  a  long  and  minute 
report,  written  while  a  prisoner.     Bouquet  a  Forbes,  17  Septembre, 
1758.      Forbes   to   Pitt,  20    October,  1758.     Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  1 
Novembre,  1758.      Letters  from  camp  in  Boston  Evening  Post,  Boston 
Weekly  Advertiser,  Boston  News  Letter,  and  other  provincial  news 
papers  of   the  time.     List  of  Killed,    Wounded,  and  Missing  in  the 
Action  of  September  14.      Gentleman's  Magazine,  xxix.  173.     Hazard's 
Pennsylvania  Register,  viii.  141.    Olden  Time,  i.  179.    Vaudreuil,  with 
characteristic  exaggeration,  represents  all  Grant's  party  as  killed  or 
taken,  except  a  few  who  died  of  starvation.     The  returns  show  that 
540  came  back  safe,  out  of  813. 

2  Forbes  to  Bouquet,  23  September,  1758. 
VOL.   II.  —  11 


162  FORT  DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

The  French  pushed  their  advantage  with  spirit. 
Early  in  October  a  large  body  of  them  hovered  in  the 
woods  about  the  camp  at  Loyalhannon,  drove  back  a 
detachment  sent  against  them,  approached  under 
cover  of  the  trees,  and,  though  beaten  off,  withdrew 
deliberately,  after  burying  their  dead  and  killing 
great  numbers  of  horses  and  cattle.1  But,  with  all 
their  courageous  energy,  their  position  was  desperate. 
The  militia  of  Louisiana  and  the  Illinois  left  the  fort 
in  November  and  went  home ;  the  Indians  of  Detroit 
and  the  Wabash  would  stay  no  longer;  and,  worse 
yet,  the  supplies  destined  for  Fort  Duquesne  had 
been  destroyed  by  Bradstreet  at  Fort  Frontenac. 
Hence  Ligneris  was  compelled  by  prospective  star 
vation  to  dismiss  the  greater  part  of  his  force,  and 
await  the  approach  of  his  enemy  with  those  that 
remained. 

His  enemy  was  in  a  plight  hardly  better  than  his 
own.  Autumnal  rains,  uncommonly  heavy  and  per 
sistent,  had  ruined  the  newly  cut  road.  On  the 
mountains  the  torrents  tore  it  up,  and  in  the  valleys 
the  wheels  of  the  wagons  and  cannon  churned  it  into 
soft  mud.  The  horses,  overworked  and  underfed, 
were  fast  breaking  down.  The  forest  had  little  food 
for  them,  and  they  were  forced  to  drag  their  own 
oats  and  corn,  as  well  as  supplies  for  the  army, 

1  Burd  to  Bouquet,  12  October,  1758.  Bouquet  a  Forbes,  13  Octobre, 
1758.  Forbes  to  Pitt,  20  October,  1758.  Letter  from  Loyalhannon,  14 
October,  in  Olden  Time,  i.  180.  Letters  from  Camp,  in  Boston  News 
Letter.  Ligneris  a  Vaudreuil,  18  Octobre,  1758.  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre, 
20  Novembre,  1758. 


1758.]  DARK  PROSPECTS.  163 

through  two  hundred  miles  of  wilderness.  In  the 
wretched  condition  of  the  road  this  was  no  longer  pos 
sible.  The  magazines  of  provisions  formed  at  Rays- 
town  and  Loyalhannon  to  support  the  army  on  its 
forward  march  were  emptied  faster  than  they  could 
be  filled.  Early  in  October  the  elements  relented; 
the  clouds  broke,  the  sky  was  bright  again,  and  the 
sun  shone  out  in  splendor  on  mountains  radiant  in 
the  livery  of  autumn.  A  gleam  of  hope  revisited 
the  heart  of  Forbes.  It  was  but  a  flattering  illusion. 
The  sullen  clouds  returned,  and  a  chill,  impenetrable 
veil  of  mist  and  rain  hid  the  mountains  and  the 
trees.  Dejected  Nature  wept  and  would  not  be  com 
forted.  Above,  below,  around,  all  was  trickling, 
oozing,  pattering,  gushing.  In  the  miserable  encamp 
ments  the  starved  horses  stood  steaming  in  the  rain, 
and  the  men  crouched,  disgusted,  under  their  drip 
ping  tents,  while  the  drenched  picket-guard  in  the 
neighboring  forest  paced  dolefully  through  black 
mire  and  spongy  mosses.  The  rain  turned  to  snow; 
the  descending  flakes  clung  to  the  many-colored 
foliage,  or  melted  from  sight  in  the  trench  of  half- 
liquid  clay  that  was  called  a  road.  The  wheels  of 
the  wagons  sank  in  it  to  the  hub,  and  to  advance 
or  retreat  was  alike  impossible. 

Forbes  from  his  sick  bed  at  Raystown  wrote  to 
Bouquet:  "Your  description  of  the  road  pierces  me 
to  the  very  soul."  And  a  few  days  later  to  Pitt:  "I 
am  in  the  greatest  distress,  occasioned  by  rains 
unusual  at  this  season,  which  have  rendered  the  clay 


164  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

roads  absolutely  impracticable.  If  the  weather  does 
not  favor,  I  shall  be  absolutely  locked  up  in  the 
mountains.  I  cannot  form  any  judgment  how  I  am 
to  extricate  myself,  as  everything  depends  on  the 
weather,  which  snows  and  rains  frightfully."  There 
was  no  improvement.  In  the  next  week  he  writes  to 
Bouquet:  "These  four  days  of  constant  rain  have 
completely  ruined  the  road.  The  wagons  would 
cut  it  up  more  in  an  hour  than  we  could  repair  in  a 
week.  I  have  written  to  General  Abercrombie,  but 
have  not  had  one  scrape  of  a  pen  from  him  since  the 
beginning  of  September;  so  it  looks  as  if  we  were 
either  forgot  or  left  to  our  fate."1  Wasted  and  tor 
tured  by  disease,  the  perplexed  commander  was 
forced  to  burden  himself  with  a  multitude  of  details 
which  would  else  have  been  neglected,  and  to  do  the 
work  of  commissary  and  quartermaster  as  well  as 
general.  "My  time,"  he  writes,  "is  disagreeably 
spent  between  business  and  medicine." 

In  the  beginning  of  November  he  was  carried  to 
Loyalhannon,  where  the  whole  army  was  then  gath 
ered.  There  was  a  council  of  officers,  and  they 
resolved  to  attempt  nothing  more  that  season;  but, 
a  few  days  later,  three  prisoners  were  brought  in  who 
reported  the  defenceless  condition  of  the  French,  on 
which  Forbes  gave  orders  to  advance  again.  The 
wagons  and  all  the  artillery,  except  a  few  light 
pieces,  were  left  behind;  and  on  the  eighteenth  of 

1  Forbes  to  Bouquet,  15  October,  1758.  Ibid.,  25  October,  1758. 
Forbes  to  Pitt,  20  October,  1758. 


1758.]  ADVANCE  OF   THE  ARMY.  165 

November  twenty-five  hundred  picked  men  marched 
for  Fort  Duquesne,  without  tents  or  baggage,  and 
burdened  only  with  knapsacks  and  blankets.  Wash 
ington  and  Colonel  Armstrong,  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vanians,  had  opened  a  way  for  them  by  cutting  a 
road  to  within  a  day's  march  of  the  French  fort.  On 
the  evening  of  the  twenty-fourth,  the  detachment 
encamped  among  the  hills  of  Turkey  Creek;  and  the 
men  on  guard  heard  at  midnight  a  dull  and  heavy 
sound  booming  over  the  western  woods.  Was  it  a 
magazine  exploded  by  accident,  or  were  the  French 
blowing  up  their  works  ?  In  the  morning  the  march 
was  resumed,  a  strong  advance-guard  leading  the 
way.  Forbes  came  next,  carried  in  his  litter;  and 
the  troops  followed  in  three  parallel  columns,  the 
Highlanders  in  the  centre  under  Montgomery,  their 
colonel,  and  the  Royal  Americans  and  provincials  on 
the  right  and  left,  under  Bouquet  and  Washington.1 
Thus,  guided  by  the  tap  of  the  drum  at  the  head  of 
each  column,  they  moved  slowly  through  the  forest, 
over  damp,  fallen  leaves,  crisp  with  frost,  beneath  an 
endless  entanglement  of  bare  gray  twigs  that  sighed 
and  moaned  in  the  bleak  November  wind.  It  was 
dusk  when  they  emerged  upon  the  open  plain  and 
saw  Fort  Duquesne  before  them,  with  its  background 
of  wintry  hills  beyond  the  Monongahela  and  the 
Alleghany.  During  the  last  three  miles  they  had 
passed  the  scattered  bodies  of  those  slain  two  months 

1  Letter  from  a  British  Officer  in  the  Expedition,  25  February,  1759, 
Gentleman's  Magazine,  xxix.  171. 


166  FORT  DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

before  at  the  defeat  of  Grant;  and  it  is  said  that,  as 
they  neared  the  fort,  the  Highlanders  were  goaded 
to  fury  at  seeing  the  heads  of  their  slaughtered  com 
rades  stuck  on  poles,  round  which  the  kilts  were 
hung  derisively,  in  imitation  of  petticoats.  Their 
rage  was  vain;  the  enemy  was  gone.  Only  a  few 
Indians  lingered  about  the  place,  who  reported  that 
the  garrison,  to  the  number  of  four  or  five  hundred, 
had  retreated,  some  down  the  Ohio,  some  overland 
towards  Presq'isle,  and  the  rest,  with  their  com 
mander,  up  the  Alleghany  to  Venango,  called  by  the 
French,  Fort  Machault.  They  had  burned  the 
barracks  and  storehouses,  and  blown  up  the  forti 
fications. 

The  first  care  of  the  victors  was  to  provide  defence 
and  shelter  for  those  of  their  number  on  whom  the 
dangerous  task  was  to  fall  of  keeping  what  they  had 
won.  A  stockade  was  planted  around  a  cluster  of 
traders'  cabins  and  soldiers'  huts,  which  Forbes 
named  Pittsburg,  in  honor  of  the  great  minister.  It 
was  not  till  the  next  autumn  that  General  Stanwix 
built,  hard  by,  the  regular  fortified  work  called  Fort 
Pitt.1  Captain  West,  brother  of  Benjamin  West, 
the  painter,  led  a  detachment  of  Pennsylvanians, 
with  Indian  guides,  through  the  forests  of  the 
Monongahela,  to  search  for  the  bones  of  those  who 
had  fallen  under  Braddock.  In  the  heart  of  the 
savage  wood  they  found  them  in  abundance,  gnawed 
by  wolves  and  foxes,  and  covered  with  the  dead 

1  Stanwix  to  Pitt,  20  November,  1759. 


1758.]  THE   HOMEWARD   MARCH.  167 

leaves  of  four  successive  autumns.  Major  Halket,  of 
Forbes'  staff,  had  joined  the  party;  and,  with  the 
help  of  an  Indian  who  was  in  the  fight,  he  presently 
found  two  skeletons  lying  under  a  tree.  In  one  of 
them  he  recognized,  by  a  peculiarity  of  the  teeth, 
the  remains  of  his  father,  Sir  Peter  Halket,  and  in 
the  other  he  believed  that  he  saw  the  bones  of  a 
brother  who  had  fallen  at  his  father's  side.  The 
young  officer  fainted  at  the  sight.  The  two  skeletons 
were  buried  together,  covered  with  a  Highland  plaid, 
and  the  Pennsylvania!!  woodsmen  fired  a  volley  over 
the  grave.  The  rest  of  the  bones  were  undistinguish- 
able ;  and,  being  carefully  gathered  up,  they  were  all 
interred  in  a  deep  trench  dug  in  the  freezing  ground.1 

The  work  of  the  new  fort  was  pushed  on  apace, 
and  the  task  of  holding  it  for  the  winter  was  assigned 
to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Mercer,  of  the  Virginians, 
with  two  hundred  provincials.  The  number  was 
far  too  small.  It  was  certain  that,  unless  vigor 
ously  prevented  by  a  counter  attack,  the  French 
would  gather  in  early  spring  from  all  their  nearer 
western  posts,  Niagara,  Detroit,  Presq'isle,  Le 
Boeuf,  and  Venango,  to  retake  the  place;  but  there 
was  no  food  for  a  larger  garrison,  and  the  risk  must 
be  run. 

The  rest  of  the  troops,  with  steps  quickened  by 
hunger,  began  their  homeward  march  early  in  Decem 
ber.  "We  would  soon  make  M.  de  Ligneris  shift 
his  quarters  at  Venango,"  writes  Bouquet  just  after 

1  Gait,  Life  of  Benjamin  West,  i.  64  (ed.  1820). 


168  FORT  DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

the  fort  was  taken,  "  if  we  only  had  provisions ;  but 
we  are  scarcely  able  to  maintain  ourselves  a  few  days 
here.  After  God,  the  success  of  this  expedition  is 
entirely  due  to  the  General,  who,  by  bringing  about 
the  treaty  with  the  Indians  at  Easton,  struck  the 
French  a  stunning  blow,  wisely  delayed  our  advance 
to  wait  the  effects  of  that  treaty,  secured  all  our 
posts  and  left  nothing  to  chance,  and  resisted  the 
urgent  solicitation  to  take  Braddock's  road,  which 
would  have  been  our  destruction.  In  all  his  measures 
he  has  shown  the  greatest  prudence,  firmness,  and 
ability." 1  No  sooner  was  his  work  done,  than  Forbes 
fell  into  a  state  of  entire  prostration,  so  that  for  a 
time  he  could  neither  write  a  letter  nor  dictate  one. 
He  managed,  however,  two  days  after  reaching  Fort 
Duquesne,  to  send  Amherst  a  brief  notice  of  his  suc 
cess,  adding :  "  I  shall  leave  this  place  as  soon  as  I 
am  able  to  stand ;  but  God  knows  when  I  shall  reach 
Philadelphia,  if  I  ever  do."2  On  the  way  back,  a 
hut  with  a  chimney  was  built  for  him  at  each  stop 
ping-place,  and  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  December 
Major  Halket  writes  from  "Tomahawk  Camp": 
"How  great  was  our  disappointment,  on  coming  to 
this  ground  last  night,  to  find  that  the  chimney  was 
unlaid,  no  fire  made,  nor  any  wood  cut  that  would 
burn.  This  distressed  the  General  to  the  greatest 
degree,  by  obliging  him  after  his  long  journey  to  sit 
above  two  hours  without  any  fire,  exposed  to  a  snow- 

1  Bouquet  to  Chief  Justice  Allen,  25  November,  1758. 

2  Forbes  to  Amherst,  26  November,  1758. 


1758.]  PEKIL   OF   CANADA.  169 

storm,  which  had  very  near  destroyed  him  entirely; 
but  with  great  difficulty,  by  the  assistance  of  some 
cordials,  he  was  brought  to."  1  At  length,  carried 
all  the  way  in  his  litter,  he  reached  Philadelphia, 
where,  after  lingering  through  the  winter,  he  died  in 
March,  and  was  buried  with  military  honors  in  the 
chancel  of  Christ  Church. 

If  his  achievement  was  not  brilliant,  its  solid 
value  was  above  price.  It  opened  the  Great  West 
to  English  enterprise,  took  from  France  half  her 
savage  allies,  and  relieved  the  western  borders  from 
the  scourge  of  Indian  war.  From  southern  New 
York  to  North  Carolina,  the  frontier  populations  had 
cause  to  bless  the  memory  of  the  steadfast  and  all- 
enduring  soldier. 

So  ended  the  campaign  of  1758.  The  centre  of 
the  French  had  held  its  own  triumphantly  at  Ticon- 
deroga;  but  their  left  had  been  forced  back  by  the 
capture  of  Louisbourg,  and  their  right  by  that  of 
Fort  Duquesne,  while  their  entire  right  wing  had 
been  wellnigh  cut  off  by  the  destruction  of  Fort 
Frontenac.  The  outlook  was  dark.  Their  own 
Indians  were  turning  against  them.  "They  have 
struck  us,"  wrote  Doreil  to  the  minister  of  war; 
"  they  have  seized  three  canoes  loaded  with  furs  on 
Lake  Ontario,  and  murdered  the  men  in  them:  sad 
forerunner  of  what  we  have  to  fear!  Peace,  Mon- 
seigneur,  give  us  peace!  Pardon  me,  but  I  cannot 
repeat  that  word  too  often." 

1  Halket  to  Bouquet,  28  December,  1758. 


170  FORT   DUQUESNE.  [1758. 

NOTE.  —  The  Bouquet  and  Haldimand  Papers  in  the  British 
Museum  contain  a  mass  of  curious  correspondence  of  the  principal 
persons  engaged  in  the  expedition  under  Forbes ;  copies  of  it  all 
are  before  me.  The  Public  Kecord  Office,  America  and  West  Indies^ 
has  also  furnished  much  material,  including  the  official  letters 
of  Forbes.  The  Writings  of  Washington,  the  Archives  and  Colonial 
Records  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  magazines  and  newspapers  of  the 
time  may  be  mentioned  among  the  sources  of  information,  along 
with  a  variety  of  miscellaneous  contemporary  letters.  The  Journals 
of  Christian  Frederic  Post  are  printed  in  full  in  the  Olden  Time 
and  elsewhere. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

1758,  1759. 
THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN. 

JEALOUSY  OF  VAUDREUIL:  HE  ASKS  FOR  MONTCALM'S  RECALL;  HIS 
DISCOMFITURE.  —  SCENE  AT  THE  GOVERNOR'S  HOUSE. — DISGUST 
OF  MONTCALM. — THE  CANADIANS  DESPONDENT. — DEVICES  TO 

ENCOURAGE  THEM. GASCONADE  OF  THE  GOVERNOR. DEPLOR 
ABLE  STATE  OF  THE  COLONY.  —  MISSION  OF  BOUGAINVILLE. — 
DUPLICITY  OF  VAUDREUIL. — BOUGAINVILLE  AT  VERSAILLES. — 
SUBSTANTIAL  AID  REFUSED  TO  CANADA.  —  A  MATRIMONIAL 
TREATY.  —  RETURN  OF  BOUGAINVILLE.  —  MONTCALM  ABAN 
DONED  BY  THE  COURT;  HIS  PLANS  OF  DEFENCE.  —  SAD  NEWS 
FROM  CANDIAC.  —  BOASTS  OF  VAUDREUIL. 

"NEVER  was  general  in  a  more  critical  position 
than  I  was :  God  has  delivered  me ;  his  be  the  praise ! 
He  gives  me  health,  though  I  am  worn  out  with 
labor,  fatigue,  and  miserable  dissensions  that  have 
determined  me  to  ask  for  my  recall.  Heaven  grant 
that  I  may  get  it!  " 

Thus  wrote  Montcalm  to  his  mother  after  his 
triumph  at  Ticonderoga.  That  great  exploit  had 
entailed  a  train  of  vexations,  for  it  stirred  the  envy 
of  Vaudreuil,  more  especially  as  it  was  due  to  the 
troops  of  the  line,  with  no  help  from  Indians,  and 
very  little  from  Canadians.  The  governor  assured 
the  colonial  minister  that  the  victory  would  have  bad 


172  THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN.  [1758. 

results,  though  he  gives  no  hint  what  these  might 
be ;  that  Montcalm  had  mismanaged  the  whole  affair ; 
that  he  would  have  been  beaten  but  for  the  manifest 
interposition  of  Heaven;1  and,  finally,  that  he  had 
failed  to  follow  his  (Vaudreuil's)  directions,  and  had 
therefore  enabled  the  English  to  escape.  The  real 
directions  of  the  governor,  dictated,  perhaps,  by 
dread  lest  his  rival  should  reap  laurels,  were  to  avoid 
a  general  engagement;  and  it  was  only  by  setting 
them  at  nought  that  Abercrombie  had  been  routed. 
After  the  battle  a  sharp  correspondence  passed 
between  the  two  chiefs.  The  governor,  who  had 
left  Montcalm  to  his  own  resources  before  the  crisis, 
sent  him  Canadians  and  Indians  in  abundance  after 
it  was  over;  and  while  he  cautiously  refrained  from 
committing  himself  by  positive  orders,  repeated 
again  and  again  that  if  these  reinforcements  were 
used  to  harass  Abercrombie's  communications,  the 
whole  English  army  would  fall  back  to  the  Hudson, 
and  leave  baggage  and  artillery  a  prey  to  the  French. 
These  preposterous  assertions  and  tardy  succors  were 
thought  by  Montcalm  to  be  a  device  for  giving  color 
to  the  charge  that  he  had  not  only  failed  to  deserve 
victory,  but  had  failed  also  to  make  use  of  it.2  He 
did  what  was  possible,  and  sent  strong  detachments 
to  act  in  the  English  rear;  which,  though  they  did 
not,  and  could  not,  compel  the  enemy  to  fall  back, 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Aout,  1758. 

2  Much  of  the  voluminous  correspondence  on  these  matters  will 
be  found  in  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  x. 


1758,  1759.]    VAUDREUIL   AND  MONTCALM.  173 

caused  no  slight  annoyance,  till  Rogers  checked 
them  by  the  defeat  of  Marin.  Nevertheless  Vaudreuil 
pretended  on  one  hand  that  Montcalm  had  done  noth 
ing  with  the  Canadians  and  Indians  sent  him,  and 
on  the  other  that  these  same  Canadians  and  Indians 
had  triumphed  over  the  enemy  by  their  mere  presence 
at  Ticonderoga.  "It  was  my  activity  in  sending 
these  succors  to  Carillon  [Ticonderoga]  that  forced 
the  English  to  retreat.  The  Marquis  de  Montcalm 
might  have  made  their  retreat  difficult ;  but  it  was  in 
vain  that  I  wrote  to  him,  in  vain  that  the  colony 
troops,  Canadians  and  Indians,  begged  him  to  pursue 
the  enemy." 1  The  succors  he  speaks  of  were  sent  in 
July  and  August,  while  the  English  did  not  fall  back 
till  the  first  of  November.  Neither  army  left  its 
position  till  the  season  was  over,  and  Abercrombie 
did  so  only  when  he  learned  that  the  French  were 
setting  the  example.  Vaudreuil  grew  more  and 
more  bitter.  "  As  the  King  has  intrusted  this  colony 
to  me,  I  cannot  help  warning  you  of  the  unhappy 
consequences  that  would  follow  if  the  Marquis  de 
Montcalm  should  remain  here.  I  shall  keep  him  by 
me  till  I  receive  your  orders.  It  is  essential  that 
they  reach  me  early."  "I  pass  over  in  silence  all 
the  infamous  conduct  and  indecent  talk  he  has  held 
or  countenanced;  but  I  should  be  wanting  in  my 
duty  to  the  King  if  I  did  not  beg  you  to  ask  for  his 
recall."2 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Avril,  1759. 

2  Ibid. 


174  THE  BRINK  OF   RUIN.  [1758,  1759. 

He  does  not  say  what  is  meant  by  infamous  con 
duct  and  indecent  talk ;  but  the  allusion  is  probably 
to  irreverent  utterances  touching  the  governor  in 
which  the  officers  from  France  were  apt  to  indulge, 
not  always  without  the  knowledge  of  their  chief. 
Vaudreuil  complained  of  this  to  Montcalm,  adding, 
"I  am  greatly  above  it,  and  I  despise  it."1  To 
which  the  general  replied :  "  You  are  right  to  despise 
gossip,  supposing  that  there  has  been  any.  For  my 
part,  though  I  hear  that  I  have  been  torn  to  pieces 
without  mercy  in  your  presence,  I  do  not  believe  it."  2 
In  these  infelicities  Bigot  figures  as  peacemaker, 
though  with  no  perceptible  success.  Vaudreuil's 
cup  of  bitterness  was  full  when  letters  came  from 
Versailles  ordering  him  to  defer  to  Montcalm  on  all 
questions  of  war,  or  of  civil  administration  bearing 
upon  war.3  He  had  begged  hard  for  his  rival's 
recall,  and  in  reply  his  rival  was  set  over  his 
head. 

The  two  yokefellows  were  excellently  fitted  to 
exasperate  each  other:  Montcalm,  with  his  southern 
vivacity  of  emotion  and  an  impetuous,  impatient 
volubility  that  sometimes  forgot  prudence;  and 
Vaudreuil,  always  affable  towards  adherents,  but 
full  of  suspicious  egotism  and  restless  jealousy  that 
bristled  within  him  at  the  very  thought  of  his  col 
league.  Some  of  the  by-play  of  the  quarrel  may  be 

1  Vaudreuil  a  Montcalm,  1  Aout,  1758. 

2  Montcalm  a  Vaudreuil,  6  Aout,  1758. 

3  Ordres  du  Roy  et  De'peches  des  Ministres,  1758,  1769. 


1758,  1759.]  DISSENSIONS.  175 

seen  in  Montcalm 's  familiar  correspondence  with 
Bourlamaque.  One  day  the  governor,  in  his  own 
house,  brought  up  the  old  complaint  that  Montcalm, 
after  taking  Fort  William  Henry,  did  not  take  Fort 
Edward  also.  The  general,  for  the  twentieth  time, 
gave  good  reasons  for  not  making  the  attempt.  "  I 
ended,"  he  tells  Bourlamaque,  "by  saying  quietly 
that  when  I  went  to  war  I  did  the  best  I  could ;  and 
that  when  one  is  not  pleased  with  one's  lieutenants, 
one  had  better  take  the  field  in  person.  He  was 
very  much  moved,  and  muttered  between  his  teeth 
that  perhaps  he  would ;  at  which  I  said  that  I  should 
be  delighted  to  serve  under  him.  Madame  de 
Vaudreuil  wanted  to  put  in  her  word.  I  said: 
4  Madame,  saving  due  respect,  permit  me  to  have  the 
honor  to  say  that  ladies  ought  not  to  talk  war. '  She 
kept  on.  I  said :  '  Madame,  saving  due  respect,  per 
mit  me  to  have  the  honor  to  say  that  if  Madame  de 
Montcalm  were  here,  and  heard  me  talking  war  with 
Monsieur  le  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  she  would  remain 
silent. '  This  scene  was  in  presence  of  eight  officers, 
three  of  them  belonging  to  the  colony  troops;  and  a 
pretty  story  they  will  make  of  it." 

These  letters  to  Bourlamaque,  in  their  detestable 
handwriting,  small,  cramped,  confused,  without 
stops,  and  sometimes  almost  indecipherable,  betray 
the  writer's  state  of  mind.  "I  should  like  as  well 
as  anybody  to  be  Marshal  of  France ;  but  to  buy  the 
honor  with  the  life  I  am  leading  here  would  be  too 
much."  He  recounts  the  last  news  from  Fort 


176  THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN.          [1758,  1759. 

Duquesne,  just  before  its  fall.  "  Mutiny  among  the 
Canadians,  who  want  to  come  home;  the  officers 
busy  with  making  money,  and  stealing  like  manda 
rins.  Their  commander  sets  the  example,  and  will 
come  back  with  three  or  four  hundred  thousand 
francs;  the  pettiest  ensign,  who  does  not  gamble, 
will  have  ten,  twelve,  or  fifteen  thousand.  The 
Indians  don't  like  Ligneris,  who  is  drunk  every  day. 
Forgive  the  confusion  of  this  letter;  I  have  not 
slept  all  night  with  thinking  of  the  robberies  and  mis 
management  and  folly.  Pauvre  Roi,  pauvre  France, 
car  a  patria  /  "  "  Oh,  when  shall  we  get  out  of  this 
country!  I  think  I  would  give  half  that  I  have  to 
go  home.  Pardon  this  digression  to  a  melancholy 
man.  It  is  not  that  I  have  not  still  some  remnants 
of  gayety;  but  what  would  seem  such  in  anybody 
else  is  melancholy  for  a  Languedocian.  Burn  my 
letter,  and  never  doubt  my  attachment/'  "I  shall 
always  say,  Happy  he  who  is  free  from  the  proud 
yoke  to  which  I  am  bound.  When  shall  I  see  my 
chateau  of  Candiac,  my  plantations,  my  chestnut 
grove,  my  oil-mill,  my  mulberry-trees  ?  0  Ion  Dieu  ! 
Bon  soir ;  Irdlez  ma  lettre."1 

Never  was  dispute  more  untimely  than  that  between 
these  ill-matched  colleagues.  The  position  of  the 
colony  was  desperate.  Thus  far  the  Canadians  had 
never  lost  heart,  but  had  obeyed  with  admirable 
alacrity  the  governor's  call  to  arms,  borne  with 

*  The  above  extracts  are  from  letters  of  5  and  27  November 
and  9  December,  1758,  and  18  and  23  March,  1759. 


1758,  1759.]  THE  CANADIANS.  177 

patience  the  burdens  and  privations  of  the  war,  and 
submitted  without  revolt  to  the  exactions  and  oppres 
sions  of  Cadet  and  his  crew;  loyal  to  their  native 
soil,  loyal  to  their  Church,  loyal  to  the  wretched 
government  that  crushed  and  belittled  them.  When 
the  able-bodied  were  ordered  to  the  war,  where  four- 
fifths  of  them  were  employed  in  the  hard  and  tedious 
work  of  transportation,  the  women,  boys,  and  old 
men  tilled  the  fields  and  raised  a  scanty  harvest, 
which  always  might  be,  and  sometimes  was,  taken 
from  them  in  the  name  of  the  King.  Yet  the  least 
destitute  among  them  were  forced  every  winter 
to  lodge  soldiers  in  their  houses,  for  each  of  whom 
they  were  paid  fifteen  francs  a  month,  in  return 
for  substance  devoured  and  wives  and  daughters 
debauched.1 

No  pains  had  been  spared  to  keep  up  the  courage 
of  the  people  and  feed  them  with  flattering  illusions. 
When  the  partisan  officer  Boishe'bert  was  tried  for 
peculation,  his  counsel  met  the  charge  by  extolling 
the  manner  in  which  he  had  fulfilled  the  arduous 
duty  of  encouraging  the  Acadians,  "putting  on  an 
air  of  triumph  even  in  defeat ;  using  threats,  caresses, 
stratagems;  painting  our  victories  in  vivid  colors; 
hiding  the  strength  and  successes  of  the  enemy; 
promising  succors  that  did  not  and  could  not  come ; 
inventing  plausible  reasons  why  they  did  not  come, 
and  making  new  promises  to  set  off  the  failure  of  the 

1  Mffmoire  sur  le  moyen  d'entretenir  10,000  Homines  de  Troupes  dans 
les  Colonies,  1759. 

VOL.   II.  —  12 


178  THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN.          [1758,1759. 

old;  persuading  a  starved  people  to  forget  their 
misery;  taking  from  some  to  give  to  others;  and 
doing  all  this  continually  in  the  face  of  a  superior 
enemy,  that  this  country  might  be  snatched  from 
England  and  saved  to  France."  1  What  Boish^bert 
was  doing  in  Acadia,  Vaudreuil  was  doing  on  a 
larger  scale  in  Canada.  By  indefatigable  lying,  by 
exaggerating  every  success  and  covering  over  every 
reverse,  he  deceived  the  people  and  in  some  measure 
himself.  He  had  in  abundance  the  Canadian  gift  of 
gasconade,  and  boasted  to  the  colonial  minister  that 
one  of  his  countrymen  was  a  match  for  from  three 
to  ten  Englishmen.  It  is  possible  that  he  almost 
believed  it;  for  the  midnight  surprise  of  defenceless 
families  and  the  spreading  of  panics  among  scattered 
border  settlements  were  inseparable  from  his  idea  of 
war.  Hence  the  high  value  he  set  on  Indians,  who 
in  such  work  outdid  the  Canadians  themselves. 
Sustained  by  the  intoxication  of  flattering  falsehoods, 
and  not  doubting  that  the  blunders  and  weakness  of 
the  first  years  of  the  war  gave  the  measure  of  Eng 
lish  efficiency,  the  colonists  had  never  suspected  that 
they  could  be  subdued. 

But  now  there  was  a  change.  The  reverses  of  the 
last  campaign,  hunger,  weariness,  and  possibly  some 
incipient  sense  of  atrocious  misgovernment,  began  to 
produce  their  effect;  and  some,  especially  in  the 
towns,  were  heard  to  murmur  that  further  resistance 

1  Proces  de  Bigot,  Cadet,  et  autres,  Memoir e  pour  le  Sieur  de  Bois- 
hebert. 


1758,1759.]    THE  PEOPLE   DISCOURAGED.  1T9 

was  useless.  The  Canadians,  though  brave  and 
patient,  needed,  like  Frenchmen,  the  stimulus  of 
success.  "The  people  are  alarmed,"  said  the  mod 
est  governor,  "and  would  lose  courage  if  my  firm 
ness  did  not  rekindle  their  zeal  to  serve  the 
King."1 

"Rapacity,  folly,  intrigue,  falsehood,  will  soon 
ruin  this  colony  which  has  cost  the  King  so  dear," 
wrote  Doreil  to  the  minister  of  war.  "  We  must  not 
flatter  ourselves  with  vain  hope;  Canada  is  lost  if 
we  do  not  have  peace  this  winter."  "It  has  been 
saved  by  miracle  in  these  past  three  years ;  nothing 
but  peace  can  save  it  now,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts 
and  the  talents  of  M.  de  Montcalm."2  Vaudreuil 
himself  became  thoroughly  alarmed,  and  told  the 
court  in  the  autumn  of  1758  that  food,  arms,  muni 
tions,  and  everything  else  were  fast  failing,  and  that 
without  immediate  peace  or  heavy  reinforcements  all 
was  lost. 

The  condition  of  Canada  was  indeed  deplorable. 
The  St.  Lawrence  was  watched  by  British  ships ;  the 
harvest  was  meagre ;  a  barrel  of  flour  cost  two  hun 
dred  francs;  most  of  the  cattle  and  many  of  the 
horses  had  been  killed  for  food.  The  people  lived 
chiefly  on  a  pittance  of  salt  cod  or  on  rations  furnished 
by  the  King ;  all  prices  were  inordinate ;  the  officers 
from  France  were  starving  on  their  pay;  while  a 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  10  Avril,  1759. 

2  Doreil  au  Ministre,  31  Juillet,  1768.    Ibid.,  12  Aout,  1758.    Ibid., 
31  Aout,  1758.     Ibid.,  1  Septembre,  1758. 


180  THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN.  [1759. 

legion  of  indigenous  and  imported  scoundrels  fattened 
on  the  general  distress.  "  What  a  country !  "  exclaims 
Montcalm.  "  Here  all  the  knaves  grow  rich,  and  the 
honest  men  are  ruined."  Yet  he  was  resolved  to 
stand  by  it  to  the  last,  and  wrote  to  the  minister  of 
war  that  he  would  bury  himself  under  its  ruins.  "  I 
asked  for  my  recall  after  the  glorious  affair  of  the 
eighth  of  July ;  but  since  the  state  of  the  colony  is 
so  bad,  I  must  do  what  I  can  to  help  it  and  retard 
its  fall."  The  only  hope  was  in  a  strong  appeal  to 
the  court;  and  he  thought  himself  fortunate  in  per 
suading  Vaudreuil  to  consent  that  Bougainville  should 
be  commissioned  to  make  it,  seconded  by  Doreil. 
They  were  to  sail  in  different  ships,  in  order  that 
at  least  one  of  them  might  arrive  safe. 

Vaudreuil  gave  Bougainville  a  letter  introducing 
him  to  the  colonial  minister  in  high  terms  of  praise : 
"  He  is  in  all  respects  better  fitted  than  anybody  else 
to  inform  you  of  the  state  of  the  colony.  I  have 
given  him  my  instructions,  and  you  can  trust  entirely 
in  what  he  tells  you."1  Concerning  Doreil  he  wrote 
to  the  minister  of  war:  "I  have  full  confidence  in 
him,  and  he  may  be  entirely  trusted.  Everybody 
here  likes  him."2  While  thus  extolling  the  friends 
of  his  rival,  the  governor  took  care  to  provide  against 
the  effects  of  his  politic  commendations,  and  wrote 
thus  to  his  patron,  the  colonial  minister :  "  In  order 
to  condescend  to  the  wishes  of  M.  de  Montcalm,  and 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre  de  la  Marine,  4  Novembre,  1758. 

2  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre  de  la  Guerre,  11  Octobre,  1758. 


1758,  1759.]  MISSION   OF   BOUGAINVILLE.  181 

leave  no  means  untried  to  keep  in  harmony  with 
him,  I  have  given  letters  to  MM.  Doreil  and  Bougain 
ville;  but  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  Mon- 
seigneur,  that  they  do  not  understand  the  colony, 
and  to  warn  you  that  they  are  creatures  of  M.  de 
Montcalm."1 

The  two  envoys  had  sailed  for  France.  Winter 
was  close  at  hand,  and  the  harbor  of  Quebec  was 
nearly  empty.  One  ship  still  lingered,  the  last  of 
the  season,  and  by  her  Montcalm  sent  a  letter  to  his 
mother :  "  You  will  be  glad  to  have  me  write  to  you 
up  to  the  last  moment  to  tell  you  for  the  hundredth 
time  that,  occupied  as  I  am  with  the  fate  of  New 
France,  the  preservation  of  the  troops,  the  interest 
of  the  state,  and  my  own  glory,  I  think  continually 
of  you  all.  We  did  our  best  in  1756,  1757,  and 
1758;  and  so,  God  helping,  we  will  do  in  1759, 
unless  you  make  peace  in  Europe."  Then,  shut 
from  the  outer  world  for  half  a  year  by  barriers  of 
ice,  he  waited  what  returning  spring  might  bring 
forth. 

Both  Bougainville  and  Doreil  escaped  the  British 
cruisers  and  safely  reached  Versailles,  where,  in  the 
slippery  precincts  of  the  court,  as  new  to  him  as  they 
were  treacherous,  the  young  aide-de-camp  justified 
all  the  confidence  of  his  chief.  He  had  interviews 
with  the  ministers,  the  King,  and,  more  important 
than  all,  with  Madame  de  Pompadour,  whom  he 
succeeded  in  propitiating,  though  not,  it  seems, 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre  de  la  Marine,  3  Novembre,  1758. 


182  THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN.  [1759. 

without  difficulty  and  delay.  France,  unfortunate 
by  land  and  sea,  with  finances  ruined  and  navy 
crippled,  had  gained  one  brilliant  victory,  and  she 
owed  it  to  Montcalm.  She  could  pay  for  it  in 
honors,  if  in  nothing  else.  Montcalm  was  made 
lieutenant-general,  LeVis  major-general,  Bourlamaque 
brigadier,  and  Bougainville  colonel  and  chevalier  of 
St.  Louis;  while  Vaudreuil  was  solaced  with  the 
grand  cross  of  that  order.1  But  when  the  two  envoys 
asked  substantial  aid  for  the  imperilled  colony, 
the  response  was  chilling.  The  colonial  minister, 
Berryer,  prepossessed  against  Bougainville  by  the 
secret  warning  of  Vaudreuil,  received  him  coldly, 
and  replied  to  his  appeal  for  help:  "Eh,  Monsieur, 
when  the  house  is  on  fire  one  cannot  occupy  one's 
self  with  the  stable."  "At  least,  Monsieur,  nobody 
will  say  that  you  talk  like  a  horse,"  was  the  irreverent 
answer. 

Bougainville  laid  four  memorials  before  the  court, 
in  which  he  showed  the  desperate  state  of  the  colony 
and  its  dire  need  of  help.  Thus  far,  he  said,  Canada 
has  been  saved  by  the  dissensions  of  the  English 
colonies ;  but  now,  for  the  first  time,  they  are  united 
against  her,  and  prepared  to  put  forth  their  strength. 
And  he  begged  for  troops,  arms,  munitions,  food, 
and  a  squadron  to  defend  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
Lawrence.2  The  reply,  couched  in  a  letter  to 


i 


Ordres  du  Roy  et  Depeches  des  Ministres,  Janvier,  Ftvrier,  1759. 
2  Mtmoire   remis  au  Ministre  par  M.  de  Bougainville,  De'cembre 
1758. 


1758,1759.]          A  MATRIMONIAL   TREATY.  183 

Montcalm,  was  to  the  effect  that  it  was  necessary  to 
concentrate  all  the  strength  of  the  kingdom  for  a 
decisive  operation  in  Europe ;  that,  therefore,  the  aid 
required  could  not  be  sent ;  and  that  the  King  trusted 
everything  to  his  zeal  and  generalship,  joined  with 
the  valor  of  the  victors  of  Ticonderoga.1  All  that 
could  be  obtained  was  between  three  and  four  hun 
dred  recruits  for  the  regulars,  sixty  engineers,  sap 
pers,  and  artillerymen,  and  gunpowder,  arms,  and 
provisions  sufficient,  along  with  the  supplies  brought 
over  by  the  contractor,  Cadet,  to  carry  the  colony 
through  the  next  campaign.2 

Montcalm  had  intrusted  Bougainville  with  another 
mission,  widely  different.  This  was  no  less  than  the 
negotiating  of  suitable  marriages  for  the  eldest  son 
and  daughter  of  his  commander,  with  whom,  in  the 
confidence  of  friendship,  he  had  had  many  conversa 
tions  on  the  matter.  "He  and  I,"  Montcalm  wrote 
to  his  mother,  Madame  de  Saint- V^ran,  "have  two 
ideas  touching  these  marriages,  —  the  first,  romantic 
and  chimerical;  the  second,  good,  practicable."8 
Bougainville,  invoking  the  aid  of  a  lady  of  rank,  a 
friend  of  the  family,  acquitted  himself  well  of  his 
delicate  task.  Before  he  embarked  for  Canada,  in 
early  spring,  a  treaty  was  on  foot  for  the  marriage  of 
the  young  Comte  de  Montcalm  to  an  heiress  of  six 
teen;  while  Mademoiselle  de  Montcalm  had  already 

1  Le  Ministre  a  Montcalm,  3  Fevrier,  1759. 

2  Ordres  du  Roy  et  Dfyeches  des  Ministres,  Fevrier,  1759. 

3  Montcalm  a  Madame  de  Saint-  Veran,  24  Septembre,  1768. 


184  THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN.  [1759. 

become  Madame  d'Espineuse.  "Her  father  will  be 
delighted,"  says  the  successful  negotiator.1 

Again  he  crossed  the  Atlantic  and  sailed  up  the 
St.  Lawrence  as  the  portentous  spring  of  1759  was 
lowering  over  the  dissolving  snows  of  Canada.  With 
him  came  a  squadron  bearing  the  supplies  and  the 
petty  reinforcement  which  the  court  had  vouchsafed. 
"A  little  is  precious  to  those  who  have  nothing," 
said  Montcalm  on  receiving  them.  Despatches  from 
the  ministers  gave  warning  of  a  great  armament 
fitted  out  in  English  ports  for  the  attack  of  Quebec, 
while  a  letter  to  the  general  from  the  Mare'chal  de 
Belleisle,  minister  of  war,  told  what  was  expected  of 
him,  and  why  he  and  the  colony  were  abandoned  to 
their  fate.  "If  we  sent  a  large  reinforcement  of 
troops,"  said  Belleisle,  "there  would  be  great  fear 
that  the  English  would  intercept  them  on  the  way; 
and  as  the  King  could  never  send  you  forces  equal 
to  those  which  the  English  are  prepared  to  oppose  to 
you,  the  attempt  would  have  no  other  effect  than  to 
excite  the  Cabinet  of  London  to  increased  efforts  for 
preserving  its  superiority  on  the  American  continent. 

"  As  we  must  expect  the  English  to  turn  all  their 
force  against  Canada,  and  attack  you  on  several  sides 
at  once,  it  is  necessary  that  you  limit  your  plans  of 
defence  to  the  most  essential  points  and  those  most 
closely  connected,  so  that,  being  concentrated  within 
a  smaller  space,  each  part  may  be  within  reach  of 
support  and  succor  from  the  rest.  How  small  soever 

1  Lettres  de  Bougainville  a  Madame  de  Saint-Veran,  1758,  1759. 


1759.]  LETTER  OF  BELLEISLE.  185 

may  be  the  space  you  are  able  to  hold,  it  is  indispen 
sable  to  keep  a  footing  in  North  America ;  for  if  we 
once  lose  the  country  entirely,  its  recovery  will  be 
almost  impossible.  The  King  counts  on  your  zeal, 
courage,  and  persistency  to  accomplish  this  object, 
and  relies  on  you  to  spare  no  pains  and  no  exertions. 
Impart  this  resolution  to  your  chief  officers,  and  join 
with  them  to  inspire  your  soldiers  with  it.  I  have 
answered  for  you  to  the  King ;  I  am  confident  that 
you  will  not  disappoint  me,  and  that  for  the  glory  of 
the  nation,  the  good  of  the  state,  and  your  own 
preservation,  you  will  go  to  the  utmost  extremity 
rather  than  submit  to  conditions  as  shameful  as  those 
imposed  at  Louisbourg,  the  memory  of  which  you 
will  wipe  out. " 1  "  We  will  save  this  unhappy  colony, 
or  perish,"  was  the  answer  of  Montcalm. 

It  was  believed  that  Canada  would  be  attacked 
with  at  least  fifty  thousand  men.  Vaudreuil  had 
caused  a  census  to  be  made  of  the  governments  of 
Montreal,  Three  Rivers,  and  Quebec.  It  showed  a 
little  more  than  thirteen  thousand  effective  men.2 
To  these  were  to  be  added  thirty-five  hundred  troops 
of  the  line,  including  the  late  reinforcement,  fifteen 
hundred  colony  troops,  a  body  of  irregulars  in  Acadia, 
and  the  militia  and  coureurs  de  bois  of  Detroit  and 
the  other  upper  posts,  along  with  from  one  to  two 
thousand  Indians  who  could  still  be  counted  on. 

1  Belleisle  a  Montcalm,  19  Ftvrier,  1759. 

2  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Avril,  1759.    The  Memoires  sur  le  Can 
ada,  1749-1760,  says  15,229  effective  men. 


186  THE  BRINK  OF  RUIN.  [1759. 

Great  as  was  the  disparity  of  numbers,  there  was 
good  hope  that  the  centre  of  the  colony  could  be 
defended;  for  the  only  avenues  by  which  an  enemy 
could  approach  were  barred  by  the  rock  of  Quebec, 
the  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  the  strong  posi 
tion  of  Isle-aux-Noix,  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  Montcalm  had  long  inclined  to  the  plan  of 
concentration  enjoined  on  him  by  the  minister  of 
war.  Vaudreuil  was  of  another  mind ;  he  insisted 
on  still  occupying  Acadia  and  the  forts  of  the  upper 
country:  matters  on  which  he  and  the  general 
exchanged  a  correspondence  that  widened  the  breach 
between  them. 

Should  every  effort  of  resistance  fail,  and  the 
invaders  force  their  way  into  the  heart  of  Canada, 
Montcalm  proposed  the  desperate  resort  of  abandon 
ing  the  valley  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  descending  the 
Mississippi  with  his  troops  and  as  many  as  possible 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  making  a  last  stand  for 
France  among  the  swamps  of  Louisiana.1 

In  April,  before  Bougainville's  return,  he  wrote  to 
his  wife :  "  Can  we  hope  for  another  miracle  to  save 
us  ?  I  trust  in  God ;  he  fought  for  us  on  the  eighth 
of  July.  Come  what  may,  his  will  be  done !  I  wait 
the  news  from  France  with  impatience  and  dread. 
We  have  had  none  for  eight  months ;  and  who  knows 
if  much  can  reach  us  at  all  this  year?  How  dearly 
I  have  to  pay  for  the  dismal  privilege  of  figuring  two 
or  three  times  in  the  gazettes !  "  A  month  later, 

1  Memoire  sur  le  Canada  remis  au  Ministre,  27  D&embre,  1768. 


1759.]  NEWS   FROM  CANDIAC.  187 

after  Bougainville  had  come :  "  Our  daughter  is  well 
married.  I  think  I  would  renounce  every  honor  to 
join  you  again ;  but  the  King  must  be  obeyed.  The 
moment  when  I  see  you  once  more  will  be  the 
brightest  of  my  life.  Adieu,  my  heart!  I  believe 
that  I  love  you  more  than  ever." 

Bougainville  had  brought  sad  news.  He  had 
heard  before  sailing  from  France  that  one  of  Mont- 
calm's  daughters  was  dead,  but  could  not  learn  which 
of  them.  "I  think,"  says  the  father,  "that  it  must 
be  poor  Mirete,  who  was  like  me,  and  whom  I  loved 
very  much."  He  was  never  to  know  if  this  conjec 
ture  was  true. 

To  Vaudreuil  came  a  repetition  of  the  detested 
order  that  he  should  defer  to  Montcalm  on  all  ques 
tions  of  war;  and  moreover  that  he  should  not  take 
command  in  person  except  when  the  whole  body  of 
the  militia  was  called  out;  nor,  even  then,  without 
consulting  his  rival.1  His  ire  and  vexation  produced 
an  access  of  jealous  self-assertion,  and  drove  him 
into  something  like  revolt  against  the  ministerial 
command.  "If  the  English  attack  Quebec,  I  shall 
always  hold  myself  free  to  go  thither  myself  with 
most  of  the  troops  and  all  the  militia  and  Indians  I 
can  assemble.  On  arriving  I  shall  give  battle  to  the 
enemy ;  and  I  shall  do  so  again  and  again,  till  I  have 
forced  him  to  retire,  or  till  he  has  entirely  crushed 
me  by  excessive  superiority  of  numbers.  My  obsti- 

1  Or dres  du  Roy  et  D&peches  des  Ministres,  Lettre  a  Vaudreuil,  3 
Fevrier,  1759. 


188  THE   BRINK  OF  RUIN.  [1759. 

nacy  in  opposing  his  landing  will  be  the  more  d 
propos,  as  I  have  not  the  means  of  sustaining  a  siege. 
If  I  succeed  as  I  wish,  I  shall  next  march  to  Carillon 
to  arrest  him  there.  You  see,  Monseigneur,  that 
the  slightest  change  in  my  arrangements  would 
have  the  most  unfortunate  consequences."1 

Whether  he  made  good  this  valorous  declaration 
will  presently  be  seen. 

NOTE.  —  The  Archives  de  la  Guerre  and  the  Archives  de  la  Ma 
rine  contain  a  mass  of  letters  and  documents  on  the  subjects  treated 
in  the  ^above  chapter ;  these  I  have  carefully  read  and  collated. 
The  other  principal  authorities  are  the  correspondence  of  Montcalm 
with  Bourlamaque  and  with  his  own  family ;  the  letters  of  Vaudreuil 
preserved  in  the  Archives  Nationales ;  and  the  letters  of  Bougain 
ville  and  Doreil  to  Montcalm  and  Madame  de  Saint- Veran  while  on 
their  mission  to  France.  For  copies  of  these  last  I  am  indebted  to 
the  present  Marquis  de  Montcalm. 

l   Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Avril,  1769. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

1758,  1759. 
WOLFE. 

THE    EXILES    OF  FORT  CUMBERLAND.  —  RELIEF. —  THE    VOYAGE 

TO  LOUISBOURG. THE  BRITISH  FLEET. — EXPEDITION  AGAINST 

QUEBEC. — EARLY  LIFE  OF  WOLFE:  HIS  CHARACTER;  HIS  LET 
TERS  TO  HIS  PARENTS  ;  HIS  DOMESTIC  QUALITIES.  —  APPOINTED 
TO  COMMAND  THE  EXPEDITION.  —  SAILS  FOR  AMERICA. 

CAPTAIN  JOHN  KNOX,  of  the  forty-third  regiment, 
had  spent  the  winter  in  garrison  at  Fort  Cumberland, 
on  the  hill  of  Beause*jour.  For  nearly  two  years  he 
and  his  comrades  had  been  exiles  amid  the  wilds 
of  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  monotonous  inaction  was 
becoming  insupportable.  The  great  marsh  of  Tante- 
mar  on  the  one  side,  and  that  of  Missaguash  on  the 
other,  two  vast  flat  tracts  of  glaring  snow,  bounded 
by  dark  hills  of  spruce  and  fir,  were  hateful  to  their 
sight.  Shooting,  fishing,  or  skating  were  a  dangerous 
relief ;  for  the  neighborhood  was  infested  by  "  vermin, " 
as  they  called  the  Acadians  and  their  Micmac  allies. 
In  January  four  soldiers  and  a  ranger  were  waylaid 
not  far  from  the  fort,  disabled  by  bullets,  and  then 
scalped  alive.  They  were  found  the  next  morning 
on  the  snow,  contorted  in  the  agonies  of  death,  and 


190  WOLFE.  [1759. 

frozen  like  marble  statues.  St.  Patrick's  Day 
brought  more  cheerful  excitements.  The  Irish 
officers  of  the  garrison  gave  their  comrades  a  feast, 
having  laid  in  during  the  autumn  a  stock  of  frozen 
provisions,  that  the  festival  of  their  saint  might  be 
duly  honored.  All  was  hilarity  at  Fort  Cumberland, 
where  it  is  recorded  that  punch  to  the  value  of  twelve 
pounds  sterling,  with  a  corresponding  supply  of  wine 
and  beer,  was  consumed  on  this  joyous  occasion.1 

About  the  middle  of  April  a  schooner  came  up  the 
bay,  bringing  letters  that  filled  men  and  officers  with 
delight.  The  regiment  was  ordered  to  hold  itself 
ready  to  embark  for  Louisbourg  and  join  an  expedi 
tion  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  under  command  of  Major- 
General  Wolfe.  All  that  afternoon  the  soldiers  were 
shouting  and  cheering  in  their  barracks;  and  when 
they  mustered  for  the  evening  roll-call,  there  was 
another  burst  of  huzzas.  They  waited  in  expectancy 
nearly  three  weeks,  and  then  the  transports  which 
were  to  carry  them  arrived,  bringing  the  provincials 
who  had  been  hastily  raised  in  New  England  to  take 
their  place.  These  Knox  describes  as  a  mean-looking 
set  of  fellows,  of  all  ages  and  sizes,  and  without  any 
kind  of  discipline;  adding  that  their  officers  are 
sober,  modest  men,  who,  though  of  confined  ideas, 
talk  very  clearly  and  sensibly,  and  make  a  decent 
appearance  in  blue,  faced  with  scarlet,  though  the 
privates  have  no  uniform  at  all. 

At  last  the  forty-third  set  sail,  the  cannon  of  the 

1  Knox,  Historical  Journal,  \.  228. 


1759.]  THE  FLEET   AT  LOUISBOURG.  191 

fort  saluting  them,  and  the  soldiers  cheering  lustily, 
overjoyed  to  escape  from  their  long  imprisonment. 
A  gale  soon  began ;  the  transports  became  separated ; 
Knox's  vessel  sheltered  herself  for  a  time  in  Passa- 
maquoddy  Bay;  then  passed  the  Grand  Menan,  and 
steered  southward  and  eastward  along  the  coast  of 
Nova  Scotia.  A  calm  followed  the  gale;  and  they 
moved  so  slowly  that  Knox  beguiled  the  time  by 
fishing  over  the  stern,  and  caught  a  halibut  so  large 
that  he  was  forced  to  call  for  help  to  pull  it  in. 
Then  they  steered  northeastward,  now  lost  in  fogs, 
and  now  tossed  mercilessly  on  those  boisterous 
waves ;  till,  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  May,  they  saw  a 
rocky  and  surf-lashed  shore,  with  a  forest  of  masts 
rising  to  all  appearance  out  of  it.  It  was  the  British 
fleet  in  the  land-locked  harbor  of  Louisbourg. 

On  the  left,  as  they  sailed  through  the  narrow 
passage,  lay  the  town,  scarred  with  shot  and  shell, 
the  red  cross  floating  over  its  battered  ramparts; 
and  around  in  a  wide  semi-circle  rose  the  bristling 
backs  of  rugged  hills,  set  thick  with  dismal  ever 
greens.  They  passed  the  great  ships  of  the  fleet, 
and  anchored  among  the  other  transports  towards  the 
head  of  the  harbor.  It  was  not  yet  free  from  ice ; 
and  the  floating  masses  lay  so  thick  in  some  parts 
that  the  reckless  sailors,  returning  from  leave  on 
shore,  jumped  from  one  to  another  to  regain  their 
ships.  There  was  a  review  of  troops,  and  Knox 
went  to  see  it;  but  it  was  over  before  he  reached  the 
place,  where  he  was  presently  told  of  a  characteristic 


192  WOLFE.  [1727-1759. 

reply  just  made  by  Wolfe  to  some  officers  who  had 
apologized  for  not  having  taught  their  men  the  new 
exercise.  "  Poh,  poh !  —  new  exercise  —  new  fiddle 
stick.  If  they  are  otherwise  well  disciplined,  and 
will  fight,  that's  all  I  shall  require  of  them." 

Knox  does  not  record  his  impressions  of  his  new 
commander,  which  must  have  been  disappointing. 
He  called  him  afterwards  a  British  Achilles;  but  in 
person  at  least  Wolfe  bore  no  likeness  to  the  son  of 
Peleus,  for  never  was  the  soul  of  a  hero  cased  in  a 
frame  so  incongruous.  His  face,  when  seen  in  pro 
file,  was  singular  as  that  of  the  Great  Conde'.  The 
forehead  and  chin  receded;  the  nose,  slightly  up 
turned,  formed  with  the  other  features  the  point  of 
an  obtuse  triangle;  the  mouth  was  by  no  means 
shaped  to  express  resolution;  and  nothing  but  the 
clear,  bright,  and  piercing  eye  bespoke  the  spirit 
within.  On  his  head  he  wore  a  black  three-cornered 
hat;  his  red  hair  was  tied  in  a  queue  behind;  his 
narrow  shoulders,  slender  body,  and  long,  thin  limbs 
were  cased  in  a  scarlet  frock,  with  broad  cuffs  and 
ample  skirts  that  reached  the  knee;  while  on  his 
left  arm  he  wore  a  band  of  crape  in  mourning  for  his 
father,  of  whose  death  he  had  heard  a  few  days  before. 

James  Wolfe  was  in  his  thirty-third  year.  His 
father  was  an  officer  of  distinction,  Major-General 
Edward  Wolfe,  and  he  himself,  a  delicate  and  sensi 
tive  child,  but  an  impetuous  and  somewhat  head 
strong  youth,  had  served  the  King  since  the  age  of 
fifteen.  From  childhood  he  had  dreamed  of  the  army 


1727-1759.]  HIS  EARLY  LIFE.  193 

and  the  wars.  At  sixteen  he  was  in  Flanders,  adju 
tant  of  his  regiment,  discharging  the  duties  of  the  post 
in  a  way  that  gained  him  early  promotion  and,  along 
with  a  painstaking  assiduity,  showing  a  precocious 
faculty  for  commanding  men.  He  passed  with  credit 
through  several  campaigns,  took  part  in  the  victory 
of  Dettingen,  and  then  went  to  Scotland  to  fight  at 
Culloden.  Next  we  find  him  at  Stirling,  Perth,  and 
Glasgow,  always  ardent  and  always  diligent,  con 
stant  in  military  duty,  and  giving  his  spare  hours  to 
mathematics  and  Latin.  He  presently  fell  in  love ; 
and  being  disappointed,  plunged  into  a  variety  of 
dissipations,  contrary  to  his  usual  hahits,  which 
were  far  above  the  standard  of  that  profligate  time. 

At  twenty-three  he  was  a  lieutenant-colonel,  com 
manding  his  regiment  in  the  then  dirty  and  barbarous 
town  of  Inverness,  amid  a  disaffected  and  turbulent 
population  whom  it  was  his  duty  to  keep  in  order :  a 
difficult  task,  which  he  accomplished  so  well  as  to 
gain  the  special  commendation  of  the  King,  and  even 
the  goodwill  of  the  Highlanders  themselves.  He 
was  five  years  among  these  northern  hills,  battling 
with  ill-health,  and  restless  under  the  intellectual 
barrenness  of  his  surroundings.  He  felt  his  position 
to  be  in  no  way  salutary,  and  wrote  to  his  mother: 
"  The  fear  of  becoming  a  mere  ruffian  and  of  imbibing 
the  tyrannical  principles  of  an  absolute  commander, 
or  giving  way  insensibly  to  the  temptations  of  power 
till  I  became  proud,  insolent,  and  intolerable,  —  these 
considerations  will  make  me  wish  to  leave  the  regi- 

VOL.   II.  —  13 


194  WOLFE.  [1750-1759. 

merit  before  next  winter;  that  by  frequenting  men 
above  myself  I  may  know  my  true  condition,  and  by 
discoursing  with  the  other  sex  may  learn  some  civil 
ity  and  mildness  of  carriage."  He  got  leave  of 
absence,  and  spent  six  months  in  Paris,  where  he 
was  presented  at  court  and  saw  much  of  the  best 
society.  This  did  not  prevent  him  from  working 
hard  to  perfect  himself  in  French,  as  well  as  in  horse 
manship,  fencing,  dancing,  and  other  accomplish 
ments,  and  from  earnestly  seeking  an  opportunity  to 
study  the  various  armies  of  Europe.  In  this  he  was 
thwarted  by  the  stupidity  and  prejudice  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief ;  and  he  made  what  amends  he  could 
by  extensive  reading  in  all  that  bore  on  military 
matters. 

His  martial  instincts  were  balanced  by  strong 
domestic  inclinations.  He  was  fond  of  children ;  and 
after  his  disappointment  in  love  used  to  say  that 
they  were  the  only  true  inducement  to  marriage.  He 
was  a  most  dutiful  son,  and  wrote  continually  to  both 
his  parents.  Sometimes  he  would  philosophize  on 
the  good  and  ill  of  life ;  sometimes  he  held  question 
ings  with  his  conscience ;  and  once  he  wrote  to  his 
mother  in  a  strain  of  self-accusation  not  to  be  expected 
from  a  bold  and  determined  soldier.  His  nature  was 
a  compound  of  tenderness  and  fire,  which  last  some 
times  showed  itself  in  sharp  and  unpleasant  flashes. 
His  excitable  temper  was  capable  almost  of  fierce 
ness,  and  he  could  now  and  then  be  needlessly  stern ; 
but  towards  his  father,  mother,  and  friends  he  was  a 


1750-1759.]  HIS   CHARACTER.  195 

model  of  steady  affection.  He  made  friends  readily, 
and  kept  them,  and  was  usually  a  pleasant  compan 
ion,  though  subject  to  sallies  of  imperious  irritability 
which  occasionally  broke  through  his  strong  sense  of 
good  breeding.  For  this  his  susceptible  constitution 
was  largely  answerable,  for  he  was  a  living  barometer, 
and  his  spirits  rose  and  fell  with  every  change  of 
weather.  In  spite  of  his  impatient  outbursts,  the 
officers  whom  he  had  commanded  remained  attached 
to  him  for  life;  and,  in  spite  of  his  rigorous  disci 
pline,  he  was  beloved  by  his  soldiers,  to  whose  com 
fort  he  was  always  attentive.  Frankness,  directness, 
essential  good  feeling,  and  a  high  integrity  atoned 
for  all  his  faults. 

In  his  own  view,  as  expressed  to  his  mother,  he 
was  a  person  of  very  moderate  abilities,  aided  by 
more  than  usual  diligence;  but  this  modest  judg 
ment  of  himself  by  no  means  deprived  him  of  self- 
confidence,  nor,  in  time  of  need,  of  self-assertion. 
He  delighted  in  every  kind  of  hardihood ;  and,  in  his 
contempt  for  effeminacy,  once  said  to  his  mother: 
"Better  be  a  savage  of  some  use  than  a  gentle, 
amorous  puppy,  obnoxious  to  all  the  world."  He 
was  far  from  despising  fame;  but  the  controlling 
principles  of  his  life  were  duty  to  his  country  and 
his  profession,  loyalty  to  the  King,  and  fidelity  to 
his  own  ideal  of  the  perfect  soldier.  To  the  parent 
who  was  the  confidant  of  his  most  intimate  thoughts 
he  said :  "  All  that  I  wish  for  myself  is  that  I  may  at 
all  times  be  ready  and  firm  to  meet  that  fate  we  can- 


196  WOLFE.  [1750-1759. 

not  shun,  and  to  die  gracefully  and  properly  when 
the  hour  comes."  Never  was  wish  more  signally 
fulfilled.  Again  he  tells  her:  "My  utmost  desire 
and  ambition  is  to  look  steadily  upon  danger;"  and 
his  desire  was  accomplished.  His  intrepidity  was 
complete.  No  form  of  death  had  power  to  daunt 
him.  Once  and  again,  when  bound  on  some  deadly 
enterprise  of  war,  he  calmly  counts  the  chances 
whether  or  not  he  can  compel  his  feeble  body  to 
bear  him  on  till  the  work  is  done.  A  frame  so 
delicately  strung  could  not  have  been  insensible  to 
danger;  but  forgetfulness  of  self,  and  the  absorption 
of  every  faculty  in  the  object  before  him,  shut  out 
the  sense  of  fear.  He  seems  always  to  have  been  at 
his  best  in  the  thick  of  battle ;  most  complete  in  his 
mastery  over  himself  and  over  others. 

But  it  is  in  the  intimacies  of  domestic  life  that  one 
sees  him  most  closely,  and  especially  in  his  letters  to 
his  mother,  from  whom  he  inherited  his  frail  con 
stitution,  without  the  beauty  that  distinguished  her. 
"The  greatest  happiness  that  I  wish  for  here  is  to 
see  you  happy."  "If  you  stay  much  at  home,  I  will 
come  and  shut  myself  up  with  you  for  three  weeks 
or  a  month,  and  play  at  piquet  from  morning  till 
night;  and  you  shall  laugh  at  my  short  red  hair  as 
much  as  you  please."  The  playing  at  piquet  was  a 
sacrifice  to  filial  attachment;  for  the  mother  loved 
cards,  and  the  son  did  not.  "Don't  trouble  yourself 
about  my  room  or  my  bedclothes ;  too  much  care  and 
delicacy  at  this  time  would  enervate  me  and  complete 


1750-1759.]  HIS   CHARACTER.  197 

the  destruction  of  a  tottering  constitution.  Such  as 
it  is,  it  must  serve  me  now,  and  I  '11  make  the  best 
of  it  while  it  holds."  At  the  beginning  of  the  war 
his  father  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  offering  his 
services  on  board  the  fleet;  and  he  replies  in  a  letter 
to  Mrs.  Wolfe:  "It  is  no  time  to  think  of  what  is 
convenient  or  agreeable;  that  service  is  certainly  the 
best  in  which  we  are  the  most  useful.  For  my  part, 
I  am  determined  never  to  give  myself  a  moment's 
concern  about  the  nature  of  the  duty  which  His 
Majesty  is  pleased  to  order  us  upon.  It  will  be  a 
sufficient  comfort  to  you  two,  as  far  as  my  person  is 
concerned,  —  at  least  it  will  be  a  reasonable  consola 
tion,  —  to  reflect  that  the  Power  which  has  hitherto 
preserved  me  may,  if  it  be  his  pleasure,  continue  to 
do  so ;  if  not,  that  it  is  but  a  few  days  or  a  few  years 
more  or  less,  and  that  those  who  perish  in  their  duty 
and  in  the  service  of  their  country  die  honorably." 
Then  he  proceeds  to  give  particular  directions  about 
his  numerous  dogs,  for  the  welfare  of  which  in  his 
absence  he  provides  with  anxious  solicitude,  especially 
for  "  my  friend  Csesar,  who  has  great  merit  and  much 
good-humor." 

After  the  unfortunate  expedition  against  Rochefort, 
when  the  board  of  general  officers  appointed  to 
inquire  into  the  affair  were  passing  the  highest 
encomiums  upon  his  conduct,  his  parents  were  at 
Bath,  and  he  took  possession  of  their  house  at 
Blackheath,  whence  he  wrote  to  his  mother :  "  I  lie  . 
in  your  chamber,  dress  in  the  General's  little  parlor, 


198  WOLFE.  [1750-1759. 

and  dine  where  you  did.  The  most  perceptible 
difference  and  change  of  affairs  (exclusive  of  the  bad 
table  I  keep)  is  the  number  of  dogs  in  the  yard;  but 
by  coaxing  Ball  \]iis  father's  dog]  and  rubbing  his 
back  with  my  stick,  I  have  reconciled  him  with  the 
new  ones,  and  put  them  in  some  measure  under  his 
protection." 

When  about  to  sail  on  the  expedition  against 
Louisbourg,  he  was  anxious  for  his  parents,  and 
wrote  to  his  uncle,  Major  Wolfe,  at  Dublin:  "I  trust 
you  will  give  the  best  advice  to  my  mother,  and  such 
assistance,  if  it  should  be  wanted,  as  the  distance 
between  you  will  permit.  I  mention  this  because  the 
General  seems  to  decline  apace,  and  narrowly  escaped 
being  carried  off  in  the  spring.  She,  poor  woman, 
is  in  a  bad  state  of  health,  and  needs  the  care  of  some 
friendly  hand.  She  has  long  and  painful  fits  of  ill 
ness,  which  by  succession  and  inheritance  are  likely 
to  devolve  on  me,  since  I  feel  the  early  symptoms  of 
them."  Of  his  friends  Guy  Carleton,  afterwards 
Lord  Dorchester,  and  George  Warde,  the  companion 
of  his  boyhood,  he  also  asks  help  for  his  mother  in 
his  absence. 

His  part  in  the  taking  of  Louisbourg  greatly 
increased  his  reputation.  After  his  return  he  went 
to  Bath  to  recruit  his  health ;  and  it  seems  to  have 
been  here  that  he  wooed  and  won  Miss  Katherine 
Lowther,  daughter  of  an  ex-governor  of  Barbadoes, 
and  sister  of  the  future  Lord  Lonsdale.  A  betrothal 
took  place,  and  Wolfe  wore  her  portrait  till  the 


1759.]  OKDERED   TO   QUEBEC.  199 

night  before  his  death.  It  was  a  little  before  this 
engagement  that  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Rickson :  "  I  have  this  day  signified  to  Mr. 
Pitt  that  he  may  dispose  of  my  slight  carcass  as  he 
pleases,  and  that  I  am  ready  for  any  undertaking 
within  the  compass  of  my  skill  and  cunning.  I  am 
in  a  very  bad  condition  both  with  the  gravel  and 
rheumatism ;  but  I  had  much  rather  die  than  decline 
any  kind  of  service  that  offers.  If  I  followed  my 
own  taste  it  would  lead  me  into  Germany.  How 
ever,  it  is  not  our  part  to  choose,  but  to  obey.  My 
opinion  is  that  I  shall  join  the  army  in  America." 

Pitt  chose  him  to  command  the  expedition  then 
fitting  out  against  Quebec ;  made  him  a  major-general, 
though,  to  avoid  giving  offence  to  older  officers,  he 
was  to  hold  that  rank  in  America  alone;  and  per 
mitted  him  to  choose  his  own  staff.  Appointments 
made  for  merit,  and  not  through  routine  and  patron 
age,  shocked  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  to  whom  a  man 
like  Wolfe  was  a  hopeless  enigma;  and  he  told 
George  II.  that  Pitt's  new  general  was  mad.  "  Mad 
is  he?"  returned  the  old  King;  "then  I  hope  he  will 
bite  some  others  of  my  generals." 

At  the  end  of  January  the  fleet  was  almost  ready, 
and  Wolfe  wrote  to  his  uncle  Walter :  "  I  am  to  act 
a  greater  part  in  this  business  than  I  wished.  The 
backwardness  of  some  of  the  older  officers  has  in 
some  measure  forced  the  Government  to  come  down 
so  low.  I  shall  do  my  best,  and  leave  the  rest  to 
fortune,  as  perforce  we  must  when  there  are  not  the 


200  WOLFE.  [1759. 

most  commanding  abilities.  We  expect  to  sail  in 
about  three  weeks.  A  London  life  and  little  exercise 
disagrees  entirely  with  me,  but  the  sea  still  more. 
If  I  have  health  and  constitution  enough  for  the  cam 
paign,  I  shall  think  myself  a  lucky  man;  what 
happens  afterwards  is  of  no  great  consequence."  He 
sent  to  his  mother  an  affectionate  letter  of  farewell, 
went  to  Spithead,  embarked  with  Admiral  Saunders 
in  the  ship  "Neptune,"  and  set  sail  on  the  seven 
teenth  of  February.  In  a  few  hours  the  whole 
squadron  was  at  sea,  the  transports,  the  frigates,  and 
the  great  line-of-battle  ships,  with  their  ponderous 
armament  and  their  freight  of  rude  humanity  armed 
and  trained  for  destruction;  while  on  the  heaving 
deck  of  the  "Neptune,"  wretched  with  seasickness 
and  racked  with  pain,  stood  the  gallant  invalid  who 
was  master  of  it  all. 

The  fleet  .consisted  of  twenty-two  ships-of-the-line, 
with  frigates,  sloops-of-war,  and  a  great  number  of 
transports.  When  Admiral  Saunders  arrived  with 
his  squadron  off  Louisbourg,  he  found  the  entrance 
blocked  by  ice,  and  was  forced  to  seek  harborage  at 
Halifax.  The  squadron  of  Admiral  Holmes,  which 
had  sailed  a  few  days  earlier,  proceeded  to  New 
York  to  take  on  board  troops  destined  for  the  expe 
dition,  while  the  squadron  of  Admiral  Durell  steered 
for  the  St.  Lawrence  to  intercept  the  expected  ships 
from  France. 

In  May  the  whole  fleet,  except  the  ten  ships  with 
Durell,  was  united  in  the  harbor  of  Louisbourg. 


1759.]  HIS  COLLEAGUES.  201 

Twelve  thousand  troops  were  to  have  been  employed 
for  the  expedition;  but  several  regiments  expected 
from  the  West  Indies  were  for  some  reason  counter 
manded,  while  the  accessions  from  New  York  and 
the  Nova  Scotia  garrisons  fell  far  short  of  the  looked- 
for  numbers.  Three  weeks  before  leaving  Louis- 
bourg,  Wolfe  writes  to  his  uncle  Walter  that  he  has 
an  army  of  nine  thousand  men.  The  actual  number 
seems  to  have  been  somewhat  less.1  "Our  troops 
are  good,"  he  informs  Pitt;  "and  if  valor  can  make 
amends  for  the  want  of  numbers,  we  shall  probably 
succeed." 

Three  brigadiers,  all  in  the  early  prime  of  life, 
held  command  under  him:  Monckton,  Townshend, 
and  Murray.  They  were  all  his  superiors  in  birth, 
and  one  of  them,  Townshend,  never  forgot  that  he 
was  so.  "George  Townshend,"  says  Walpole,  "has 
thrust  himself  again  into  the  service ;  and,  as  far  as 
wrongheadedness  will  go,  is  very  proper  for  a  hero."2 
The  same  caustic  writer  says  further  that  he  was  of 
"a  proud,  sullen,  and  contemptuous  temper,"  and 
that  he  "  saw  everything  in  an  ill-natured  and  ridicu 
lous  light."3  Though  his  perverse  and  envious  dis 
position  made  him  a  difficult  colleague,  Townshend 
had  both  talents  and  energy;  as  also  had  Monckton, 
the  same  officer  who  commanded  at  the  capture  of 
Beausdjour  in  1755.  Murray,  too,  was  well  matched 

1  See  Grenville  Correspondence,  i.  305. 

2  Horace  Walpole,  Letters,  iii.  207  (ed.  Cunningham,  1857). 
8  Ibid.,  George  II.,  ii.  345. 


202  WOLFE.  [1759. 

to   the  work   in  hand,   in   spite   of  some  lingering 
remains  of  youthful  rashness. 

On  the  sixth  of  June  the  last  ship  of  the  fleet  sailed 
out  of  Louisbourg  harbor,  the  troops  cheering  and 
the  officers  drinking  to  the  toast,  "  British  colors  on 
every  French  fort,  port,  and  garrison  in  America." 
The  ships  that  had  gone  before  lay  to  till  the  whole 
fleet  was  reunited,  and  then  all  steered  together  for 
the  St.  Lawrence.  From  the  headland  of  Cape 
Egmont,  the  Micmac  hunter,  gazing  far  out  over  the 
shimmering  sea,  saw  the  horizon  flecked  with  their 
canvas  wings,  as  they  bore  northward  on  their  errand 
of  havoc. 


NOTE.  —  For  the  material  of  the  foregoing  sketch  of  Wolfe  I  am 
indebted  to  Wright's  excellent  Life  of  him  and  the  numerous  let 
ters  contained  in  it.  Several  autograph  letters  which  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  Mr.  Wright  are  preserved  in  the  Public  Record  Office. 
The  following  is  a  characteristic  passage  from  one  of  these,  written 
on  board  the  "  Neptune,"  at  sea,  on  the  sixth  of  June,  the  day  when 
the  fleet  sailed  from  Louisbourg.  It  is  directed  to  a  nobleman  of 
high  rank  in  the  army,  whose  name  does  not  appear,  the  address 
being  lost  (War  Office  Records  :  North  America,  various,  1756-1763) : 
"  I  have  had  the  honour  to  receive  two  letters  from  your  Lordship, 
one  of  an  old  date,  concerning  my  stay  in  this  country  [after  the 
capture  of  Louisbourg},  in  answer  to  which  I  shall  only  say  that  the 
Marshal  told  me  I  was  to  return  at  the  end  of  the  campaign ;  and 
as  General  Amherst  had  no  other  commands  than  to  send  me  to 
winter  at  Halifax  under  the  orders  of  an  officer  [Brigadier  Lawrence} 
who  was  but  a  few  months  before  put  over  my  head,  I  thought  it 
was  much  better  to  get  into  the  way  of  service  and  out  of  the  way 
of  being  insulted;  and  as  the  style  of  your  Lordship's  letter  is 
pretty  strong,  I  must  take  the  liberty  to  inform  you  that  .  .  .  rather 
than  receive  orders  in  the  Government  [of  Nova  Scotia]  from  an 
officer  younger  than  myself  (though  a  very  worthy  man),  I  should 
certainly  have  desired  leave  to  resign  my  commission;  for  as  I 


1759.]  EVIDENCE.  203 

neither  ask  nor  expect  any  favour,  so  I  never  intend  to  submit  to 
any  ill-usage  whatsoever." 

Many  other  papers  in  the  Public  Record  Office  have  been  con 
sulted  in  preparing  the  above  chapter,  including  the  secret  instruc 
tions  of  the  King  to  Wolfe  and  to  Saunders,  and  the  letters  of 
Amherst  to  Wolfe  and  to  Pitt.  Other  correspondence  touching  the 
same  subjects  is  printed  in  Selections  from  the  Public  Documents  of 
Nova  Scotia,  441-450.  Knox,  Mante,  and  Entick  are  the  best  con 
temporary  printed  sources. 

A  story  has  gained  currency  respecting  the  last  interview  of 
Wolfe  with  Pitt,  in  which  he  is  said  to  have  flourished  his  sword 
and  boasted  of  what  he  would  achieve.  This  anecdote  was  told  by 
Lord  Temple,  who  was  present  at  the  interview,  to  Mr.  Grenville, 
who,  many  years  after,  told  it  to  Earl  Stanhope,  by  whom  it  was 
made  public.  That  the  incident  underwent  essential  changes  in 
the  course  of  these  transmissions,  —  which  extended  over  more 
than  half  a  century,  for  Earl  Stanhope  was  not  born  till  1805,  — 
can  never  be  doubted  by  one  who  considers  the  known  character 
of  Wolfe,  who  may  have  uttered  some  vehement  expression,  but 
who  can  never  be  suspected  of  gasconade. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

1759. 
WOLFE  AT  QUEBEC. 

FRENCH    PREPARATION.  —  MUSTER   OF    FORCES.  —  GASCONADE    OF 
VAUDREUIL.  —  PLAN  OF  DEFENCE.  —  STRENGTH  OF   MONTCALM. 

—  ADVANCE  OF  WOLFE.  —  BRITISH  SAILORS.  —  LANDING  OF  THE 
ENGLISH.  —  DIFFICULTIES  BEFORE  THEM.  —  STORM.  —  FIRESHIPS. 

—  CONFIDENCE  OF  FRENCH  COMMANDERS.  —  WOLFE  OCCUPIES 
POINT    LEVI.  —  A    FUTILE    NIGHT   ATTACK.  —  QUEBEC    BOM 
BARDED.  —  WOLFE  AT  THE  MONTMORENCI.  —  SKIRMISHES.  —  DAN 
GER  OF  THE  ENGLISH  POSITION.  —  EFFECTS  OF  THE  BOMBARD 
MENT.  —  DESERTION    OF    CANADIANS.  —  THE    ENGLISH    ABOVE 
QUEBEC.  —  SEVERITIES    OF    WOLFE.  —  ANOTHER    ATTEMPT   TO 
BURN  THE  FLEET.  —  DESPERATE  ENTERPRISE  OF  WOLFE.  —  THE 
HEIGHTS  OF  MONTMORENCI.  —  REPULSE  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 

IN  early  spring  the  chiefs  of  Canada  met  at  Mont 
real  to  settle  a  plan  of  defence.  What  at  first  they 
most  dreaded  was  an  advance  of  the  enemy  by  way 
of  Lake  Champlain.  Bourlamaque,  with  three  bat 
talions,  was  ordered  to  take  post  at  Ticonderoga, 
hold  it  if  he  could,  or,  if  overborne  by  numbers,  fall 
back  to  Isle-aux-Noix,  at  the  outlet  of  the  lake.  La 
Corne  was  sent  with  a  strong  detachment  to  intrench 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  rapids  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and  oppose  any  hostile  movement  from  Lake  Ontario. 
Every  able-bodied  man  in  the  colony,  and  every  boy 
who  could  fire  a  gun,  was  to  be  called  to  the  field. 


1759.]  MUSTER  OF  FORCES.  205 

Vaudreuil  sent  a  circular  letter  to  the  militia  captains 
of  all  the  parishes,  with  orders  to  read  it  to  the 
parishioners.  It  exhorted  them  to  defend  their 
religion,  their  wives,  their  children,  and  their  goods 
from  the  fury  of  the  heretics ;  declared  that  he,  the 
governor,  would  never  yield  up  Canada  on  any  terms 
whatever;  and  ordered  them  to  join  the  army  at 
once,  leaving  none  behind  but  the  old,  the  sick,  the 
women,  and  the  children.1  The  bishop  issued  a 
pastoral  mandate :  "  On  every  side,  dearest  brethren, 
the  enemy  is  making  immense  preparations.  His 
forces,  at  least  six  times  more  numerous  than  ours, 
are  already  in  motion.  Never  was  Canada  in  a  state 
so  critical  and  full  of  peril.  Never  were  we  so  des 
titute,  or  threatened  with  an  attack  so  fierce,  so 
general,  and  so  obstinate.  Now,  in  truth,  we  may 
say,  more  than  ever  before,  that  our  only  resource  is 
in  the  powerful  succor  of  our  Lord.  Then,  dearest 
brethren,  make  every  effort  to  deserve  it.  4  Seek  first 
the  kingdom  of  God;  and  all  these  things  shall  be 
added  unto  you.'  '  And  he  reproves  their  sins, 
exhorts  them  to  repentance,  and  ordains  processions, 
masses,  and  prayers.2 

Vaudreuil  bustled  and  boasted.  In  May  he  wrote 
to  the  minister :  "  The  zeal  with  which  I  am  animated 
for  the  service  of  the  King  will  always  make  me 


1  Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 

2  I  am  indebted  for  a  copy  of  this  mandate  to  the  kindness  of 
Abbe  Bois.     As  printed  by  Knox,  it  is  somewhat  different,  though 
the  spirit  is  the  same, 


206  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

surmount  the  greatest  obstacles.  I  am  taking  the 
most  proper  measures  to  give  the  enemy  a  good 
reception  whenever  he  may  attack  us.  I  keep  in 
view  the  defence  of  Quebec.  I  have  given  orders 
in  the  parishes  below  to  muster  the  inhabitants  who 
are  able  to  bear  arms,  and  place  women,  children, 
cattle,  and  even  hay  and  grain,  in  places  of  safety. 
Permit  me,  Monseigneur,  to  beg  you  to  have  the 
goodness  to  assure  His  Majesty  that,  to  whatever 
hard  extremity  I  may  be  reduced,  my  zeal  will  be 
equally  ardent  and  indefatigable,  and  that  I  shall  do 
the  impossible  to  prevent  our  enemies  from  making 
progress  in  any  direction,  or,  at  least,  to  make  them 
pay  extremely  dear  for  it."1  Then  he  writes  again 
to  say  that  Amherst  with  a  great  army  will,  as  he 
learns,  attack  Ticonderoga;  that  Bradstreet,  with 
six  thousand  men,  will  advance  to  Lake  Ontario; 
and  that  six  thousand  more  will  march  to  the  Ohio. 
"Whatever  progress  they  may  make,"  he  adds,  "I 
am  resolved  to  yield  them  nothing,  but  hold  my 
ground  even  to  annihilation."  He  promises  to  do 
his  best  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  Montcalm,  and 
ends  with  a  warm  eulogy  of  Bigot.2 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  all  these  preparations  that 
Bougainville  arrived  from  France  with  news  that  a 
great  fleet  was  on  its  way  to  attack  Quebec.  The 
town  was  filled  with  consternation  mixed  with  sur 
prise,  for  the  Canadians  had  believed  that  the 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Mai,  1759. 

2  Ibid.,  20  [?]  Mai,  1759. 


1759.]  ARRIVAL  OF   CADET.  207 

dangerous  navigation  of  the  St.  Lawrence  would 
deter  their  enemies  from  the  attempt.  "  Everybody/* 
writes  one  of  them,  "was  stupefied  at  an  enterprise 
that  seemed  so  bold."  In  a  few  days  a  crowd  of 
sails  was  seen  approaching.  They  were  not  enemies, 
but  friends.  It  was  the  fleet  of  the  contractor 
Cadet,  commanded  by  an  officer  named  Kanon,  and 
loaded  with  supplies  for  the  colony.  They  anchored 
in  the  harbor,  eighteen  sail  in  all,  and  their  arrival 
spread  universal  joy.  Admiral  Durell  had  come  too 
late  to  intercept  them,  catching  but  three  stragglers 
that  had  lagged  behind  the  rest.  Still  others  suc 
ceeded  in  eluding  him,  and  before  the  first  of  June 
five  more  ships  had  come  safely  into  port. 

When  the  news  brought  by  Bougainville  reached 
Montreal,  nearly  the  whole  force  of  the  colony, 
except  the  detachments  of  Bourlamaque  and  La 
Corne,  was  ordered  to  Quebec.  Montcalm  hastened 
thither,  and  Vaudreuil  followed.  The  governor- 
general  wrote  to  the  minister  in  his  usual  strain,  as 
if  all  the  hope  of  Canada  rested  in  him.  Such,  he 
says,  was  his  activity,  that,  though  very  busy,  he 
reached  Quebec  only  a  day  and  a  half  after  Montcalm ; 
and,  on  arriving,  learned  from  his  scouts  that  Eng 
lish  ships-of-war  had  already  appeared  at  Isle-aux- 
Coudres.  These  were  the  squadron  of  Durell.  "  I 
expect,"  Vaudreuil  goes  on,  "to  be  sharply  attacked, 
and  that  our  enemies  will  make  their  most  powerful 
efforts  to  conquer  this  colony;  but  there  is  no  ruse, 
no  resource,  no  means  which  my  zeal  does  not  sug- 


208  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

gest  to  lay  snares  for  them,  and  finally,  when  the 
exigency  demands  it,  to  fight  them  with  an  ardor, 
and  even  a  fury,  which  exceeds  the  range  of  their 
ambitious  designs.  The  troops,  the  Canadians,  and 
the  Indians  are  not  ignorant  of  the  resolution  I  have 
taken,  and  from  which  I  shall  not  recoil  under  any 
circumstance  whatever.  The  burghers  of  this  city 
have  already  put  their  goods  and  furniture  in  places 
of  safety.  The  old  men,  women,  and  children  hold 
themselves  ready  to  leave  town.  My  firmness  is 
generally  applauded.  It  has  penetrated  every  heart ; 
and  each  man  says  aloud:  4  Canada,  our  native  land, 
shall  bury  us  under  its  ruins  before  we  surrender  to 
the  English ! '  This  is  decidedly  my  own  determina 
tion,  and  I  shall  hold  to  it  inviolably."  He  launches 
into  high  praise  of  the  contractor  Cadet,  whose  zeal 
for  the  service  of  the  King  and  the  defence  of  the 
colony  he  declares  to  be  triumphant  over  every  diffi 
culty.  It  is  necessary,  he  adds,  that  ample  supplies 
of  all  kinds  should  be  sent  out  in  the  autumn,  with 
the  distribution  of  which  Cadet  offers  to  charge  him 
self,  and  to  account  for  them  at  their  first  cost ;  but 
he  does  not  say  what  prices  his  disinterested  friend 
will  compel  the  destitute  Canadians  to  pay  for  them.1 
Five  battalions  from  France,  nearly  all  the  colony 
troops,  and  the  militia  from  every  part  of  Canada 
poured  into  Quebec,  along  with  a  thousand  or  more 
Indians,  who,  at  the  call  of  Vaudreuil,  came  to  lend 
their  scalping-knives  to  the  defence.  Such  was  the 

1   Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  28  Mai,  1759. 


1759.]  MEASURES  OF  DEFENCE.  209 

ardor  of  the  people  that  boys  of  fifteen  and  men  of 
eighty  were  to  be  seen  in  the  camp.  Isle-aux-Coudres 
and  Isle  d' Orleans  were  ordered  to  be  evacuated,  and 
an  excited  crowd  on  the  rock  of  Quebec  watched 
hourly  for  the  approaching  fleet.  Days  passed  and 
weeks  passed,  yet  it  did  not  appear.  Meanwhile 
Vaudreuil  held  council  after  council  to  settle  a  plan 
of  defence.  They  were  strange  scenes:  a  crowd  of 
officers  of  every  rank,  mixed  pell-mell  in  a  small 
room,  pushing,  shouting,  elbowing  each  other,  inter 
rupting  each  other;  till  Montcalm,  in  despair,  took 
each  aside  after  the  meeting  was  over,  and  made  him 
give  his  opinion  in  writing.1 

He  himself  had  at  first  proposed  to  encamp  the 
army  on  the  plains  of  Abraham  and  the  meadows  of 
the  St.  Charles,  making  that  river  his  line  of  defence ; 2 
but  he  changed  his  plan,  and,  with  the  concurrence 
of  Vaudreuil,  resolved  to  post  his  whole  force  on  the 
St.  Lawrence  below  the  city,  with  his  right  resting 
on  the  St.  Charles,  and  his  left  on  the  Montmorenci. 
Here,  accordingly,  the  troops  and  militia  were  sta 
tioned  as  they  arrived.  Early  in  June,  standing  at 
the  northeastern  brink  of  the  rock  of  Quebec,  one 
could  have  seen  the  whole  position  at  a  glance.  On 
the  curving  shore  from  the  St.  Charles  to  the  rocky 
gorge  of  the  Montmorenci,  a  distance  of  seven  or 
eight  miles,  the  whitewashed  dwellings  of  the  parish 

1  Journal  du  Siege  de  Quebec  depose  a  la  Bibliotheque  de  Hartwell, 
en  Angleterre.     (Printed  at  Quebec,  1836.) 

2  Livre  d'Ordres,  Disposition  pour  s'opposer  a  la  Descente. 

VOL.   II.  — 14 


210  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

of  Beauport  stretched  down  the  road  in  a  double 
chain,  and  the  fields  on  both  sides  were  studded  with 
tents,  huts,  and  Indian  wigwams.  Along  the  borders 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  distin 
guish  them,  gangs  of  men  were  throwing  up  redoubts, 
batteries,  and  lines  of  intrenchment.  About  midway 
between  the  two  extremities  of  the  encampment  ran 
the  little  river  of  Beauport ;  and  on  the  rising  ground 
just  beyond  it  stood  a  large  stone  house,  round  which 
the  tents  were  thickly  clustered ;  for  here  Montcalm 
had  made  his  headquarters. 

A  boom  of  logs  chained  together  was  drawn  across 
the  mouth  of  the  St.  Charles,  which  was  further 
guarded  by  two  hulks  mounted  with  cannon.  The 
bridge  of  boats  that  crossed  the  stream  nearly  a  mile 
above  formed  the  chief  communication  between  the 
city  and  the  camp.  Its  head  towards  Beauport  was 
protected  by  a  strong  and  extensive  earthwork ;  and 
the  banks  of  the  stream  on  the  Quebec  side  were  also 
intrenched,  to  form  a  second  line  of  defence  in  case 
the  position  at  Beauport  should  be  forced. 

In  the  city  itself  every  gate,  except  the  Palace 
Gate,  which  gave  access  to  the  bridge,  was  closed 
and  barricaded.  A  hundred  and  six  cannon  were 
mounted  on  the  walls.1  A  floating  battery  of  twelve 
heavy  pieces,  a  number  of  gunboats,  eight  fireships, 
and  several  firerafts  formed  the  river  defences.  The 
largest  merchantmen  of  Kanon's  fleet  were  sacrificed 

1  This  number  was  found  after  the  siege.  Knox,  ii.  151.  Some 
French  writers  make  it  much  greater. 


1759.]  MEASURES  OF  DEFENCE.  211 

to  make  the  fireships;  and  the  rest,  along  with  the 
frigates  that  came  with  them,  were  sent  for  safety  up 
the  St.  Lawrence  beyond  the  river  Richelieu,  whence 
about  a  thousand  of  their  sailors  returned  to  man  the 
batteries  and  gunboats. 

In  the  camps  along  the  Beauport  shore  were  about 
fourteen  thousand  men,  besides  Indians.     The  regu 
lars  held  the  centre ;  the  militia  of  Quebec  and  Three 
Rivers  were  on  the  right,  and  those  of  Montreal  on 
the  left.     In  Quebec  itself  there  was  a  garrison  of 
between  one  and  two  thousand  men  under  the  Cheva 
lier  de  Ramesay.     Thus  the  whole  number,  includ 
ing  Indians,  amounted  to  more  than  sixteen  thousand ;  l 
and  though  the  Canadians  who  formed  the  greater 
part  of  it  were  of  little  use  in  the  open  field,  they 
could  be  trusted  to  fight  well  behind  intrenchments. 
Against  this   force,  posted  behind  defensive  works, 
on   positions  almost  impregnable   by  nature,   Wolfe 
brought  less  than  nine  thousand  men  available  for 
operations   on   land.2     The  steep  and  lofty  heights 
that  lined  the  river  made  the  cannon  of  the  ships  for 
the   most  part  useless,    while  the  exigencies  of  the 
naval  service  forbade  employing  the  sailors  on  shore. 
In  two  or  three  instances  only,  throughout  the  siege, 
small  squads  of  them  landed  to  aid  in  moving  and 
working  cannon ;  and  the  actual  fighting  fell  to  the 
troops  alone. 

Vaudreuil  and  Bigot  took  up  their  quarters  with 
the  army.     The  governor-general  had  delegated  the 
1  See  Appendix,  H.  2  Ibid. 


212  WOLFE  AT  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

command  of  the  land-forces  to  Montcalm,  whom,  in 
his  own  words,  he  authorized  "  to  give  orders  every 
where,  provisionally."  His  relations  with  him  were 
more  than  ever  anomalous  and  critical;  for  while 
Vaudreuil,  in  virtue  of  his  office,  had  a  right  to 
supreme  command,  Montcalm,  now  a  lieutenant- 
general,  held  a  military  grade  far  above  him;  and 
the  governor,  while  always  writing  himself  down  in 
his  despatches  as  the  head  and  front  of  every  move 
ment,  had  too  little  self-confidence  not  to  leave  the 
actual  command  in  the  hands  of  his  rival. 

Days  and  weeks  wore  on,  and  the  first  excitement 
gave  way  to  restless  impatience.  Why  did  not  the 
English  come  ?  Many  of  the  Canadians  thought  that 
Heaven  would  interpose  and  wreck  the  English  fleet, 
as  it  had  wrecked  that  of  Admiral  Walker  half  a 
century  before.  There  were  processions,  prayers, 
and  vows  towards  this  happy  consummation.  Food 
was  scarce.  Bigot  and  Cadet  lived  in  luxury ;  fowls 
by  thousands  were  fattened  with  wheat  for  their 
tables,  while  the  people  were  put  on  rations  of  two 
ounces  of  bread  a  day.1  Durell  and  his  ships  were 
reported  to  be  still  at  Isle-aux-Coudres.  Vaudreuil 
sent  thither  a  party  of  Canadians,  and  they  captured 
three  midshipmen,  who,  says  Montcalm,  had  gone 
ashore  pour  polissonner^  that  is,  on  a  lark.  These 
youths  were  brought  to  Quebec,  where  they  increased 
the  general  anxiety  by  grossly  exaggerating  the 
English  force. 

1  Mtmoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 


1759.]  ARRIVAL   OF   ENGLISH   FLEET.  213 

At  length  it  became  known  that  eight  English 
vessels  were  anchored  in  the  north  channel  of 
Orleans,  and  on  the  twenty-first  of  June  the  masts 
of  three  of  them  could  plainly  be  seen.  One  of  the 
fireships  was  consumed  in  a  vain  attempt  to  burn 
them,  and  several  firerafts  and  a  sort  of  infernal 
machine  were  tried  with  no  better  success;  the  un 
welcome  visitors  still  held  their  posts. 

Meanwhile  the  whole  English  fleet  had  slowly 
advanced,  piloted  by  Denis  de  Vitr^,  a  Canadian  of 
good  birth,  captured  at  sea  some  time  before,  and 
now  compelled  to  serve,  under  a  threat  of  being 
hanged  if  he  refused.1  Nor  was  he  alone;  for  when 
Durell  reached  the  place  where  the  river  pilots  were 
usually  taken  on  board,  he  raised  a  French  flag  to  his 
mast-head,  causing  great  rejoicings  among  the  Cana 
dians  on  shore,  who  thought  that  a  fleet  was  come 
to  their  rescue,  and  that  their  country  was  saved. 
The  pilots  launched  their  canoes  and  came  out  to 
the  ships,  where  they  were  all  made  prisoners ;  then 
the  French  flag  was  lowered,  and  the  red  cross  dis 
played  in  its  stead.  The  spectators  on  shore  turned 
from  joy  to  despair;  and  a  priest  who  stood  watching 
the  squadron  with  a  telescope  is  said  to  have  dropped 
dead  with  the  revulsion  of  feeling. 

Towards  the  end  of  June  the  main  fleet  was  near 
the  mountain  of  Cape  Tourmente.  The  passage  called 
the  Traverse,  between  the  Cape  and  the  lower  end 
of  the  Island  of  Orleans,  was  reputed  one  of  the  most 

1  Memorial  de  Jean-Denis  de  Vitre  au  Tres-honorable  William  Pitt. 


214  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

dangerous  parts  of  the  St.  Lawrence;  and  as  the 
ships  successively  came  up,  the  captive  pilots  were 
put  on  board  to  carry  them  safely  through,  on  pain 
of  death.  One  of  these  men  was  assigned  to  the 
transport  "  Goodwill, "  in  which  was  Captain  Knox, 
who  spoke  French,  and  who  reports  thus  in  his 
Diary :  "  He  gasconaded  at  a  most  extravagant  rate, 
and  gave  us  to  understand  that  it  was  much  against 
his  will  that  he  was  become  an  English  pilot.  The 
poor  fellow  assumed  great  latitude  in  his  conversa 
tion,  and  said  4  he  made  no  doubt  that  some  of  the 
fleet  would  return  to  England,  but  they  should  have 
a  dismal  tale  to  carry  with  them ;  for  Canada  should 
be  the  grave  of  the  whole  army,  and  he  expected  in  a 
short  time  to  see  the  walls  of  Quebec  ornamented 
with  English  scalps. '  Had  it  not  been  in  obedience 
to  the  Admiral,  who  gave  orders  that  he  should  not 
be  ill-used,  he  would  certainly  have  been  thrown 
overboard."  The  master  of  the  transport  was  an  old 
sailor  named  Killick,  who  despised  the  whole  Gallic 
race,  and  had  no  mind  to  see  his  ship  in  charge  of 
a  Frenchman.  "He  would  not  let  the  pilot  speak," 
continues  Knox,  "but  fixed  his  mate  at  the  helm, 
charged  him  not  to  take  orders  from  any  person  but 
himself,  and  going  forward  with  his  trumpet  to  the 
forecastle,  gave  the  necessary  instructions.  All  that 
could  be  said  by  the  commanding  officer  and  the 
other  gentlemen  on  board  was  to  no  purpose;  the 
pilot  declared  we  should  be  lost,  for  that  no  French 
ship  ever  presumed  to  pass  there  without  a  pilot. 


1759.]  PASSING  THE   TRAVERSE.  215 

'Ay,  ay,  my  dear,'  replied  our  son  of  Neptune,  'but, 
damn  me,  I  '11  convince  you  that  an  Englishman  shall 
go  where  a  Frenchman  dare  not  show  his  nose. '  The 
4  Richmond  '  frigate  being  close  astern  of  us,  the 
commanding  officer  called  out  to  the  captain  and  told 
him  our  case ;  he  inquired  who  the  master  was,  and 
was  answered  from  the  forecastle  by  the  man  him 
self,  who  told  him  4  he  was  old  Killick,  and  that  was 
enough.'  I  went  forward  with  this  experienced 
mariner,  who  pointed  out  the  channel  to  me  as  we 
passed ;  showing  me  by  the  ripple  and  color  of  the 
water  where  there  was  any  danger,  and  distinguish 
ing  the  places  where  there  were  ledges  of  rocks  (to 
me  invisible)  from  banks  of  sand,  mud,  or  gravel. 
He  gave  his  orders  with  great  unconcern,  joked  with 
the  sounding-boats  which  lay  off  on  each  side  with 
different  colored  flags  for  our  guidance;  and  when 
any  of  them  called  to  him  and  pointed  to  the  deepest 
water,  he  answered :  4  Ay,  ay,  my  dear,  chalk  it 
down,  a  damned  dangerous  navigation,  eh!  If  you 
don't  make  a  sputter  about  it  you  '11  get  no  credit  in 
England.'  After  we  had  cleared  this  remarkable 
place,  where  the  channel  forms  a  complete  zigzag, 
the  master  called  to  his  mate  to  give  the  helm  to 
somebody  else,  saying,  4  Damn  me  if  there  are  not  a 
thousand  places  in  the  Thames  fifty  times  more 
hazardous  than  this ;  I  am  ashamed  that  Englishmen 
should  make  such  a  rout  about  it. '  The  Frenchman 
asked  me  if  the  captain  had  not  been  there  before. 
I  assured  him  in  the  negative ;  upon  which  he  viewed 


216  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

him  with  great  attention,  lifting  at  the  same  time  his 
hands  and  eyes  to  heaven  with  astonishment  and 
fervency."  1 

Vaudreuil  was  blamed  for  not  planting  cannon  at  a 
certain  plateau  on  the  side  of  the  mountain  of  Cape 
Tourmente,  where  the  gunners  would  have  been 
inaccessible,  and  whence  they  could  have  battered 
every  passing  ship  with  a  plunging  fire.  As  it  was, 
the  whole  fleet  sailed  safely  through.  On  the  twenty- 
sixth  they  were  all  anchored  off  the  south  shore  of 
the  Island  of  Orleans,  a  few  miles  from  Quebec ;  and, 
writes  Knox,  "  here  we  are  entertained  with  a  most 
agreeable  prospect  of  a  delightful  country  on  every 
side;  windmills,  watermills,  churches,  chapels,  and 
compact  farmhouses,  all  built  with  stone,  and  cov 
ered,  some  with  wood,  and  others  with  straw.  The 
lands  appear  to  be  everywhere  well  cultivated;  and 
with  the  help  of  my  glass  I  can  discern  that  they  are 
sowed  with  flax,  wheat,  barley,  peas,  etc.,  and  the 
grounds  are  enclosed  with  wooden  pales.  The 
weather  to-day  is  agreeably  warm.  A  light  fog 
sometimes  hangs  over  the  highlands,  but  in  the  river 
we  have  a  fine  clear  air.  In  the  curve  of  the  river, 
while  we  were  under  sail,  we  had  a  transient  view 

1  Others,  as  well  as  the  pilot,  were  astonished.  "The  enemy 
passed  sixty  ships  of  war  where  we  hardly  dared  risk  a  vessel 
of  a  hundred  tons."  "Notwithstanding  all  our  precautions,  the 
English,  without  any  accident,  by  night,  as  well  as  by  day,  passed 
through  it  [the  Traverse]  their  ships  of  seventy  and  eighty  guns, 
and  even  many  of  them  together."  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  22 
Octobre,  1759. 


1759.]  THE   ENGLISH   LAND.  217 

of  a  stupendous  natural  curiosity  called  the  waterfall 
of  Montmorenci. " 

That  night  Lieutenant  Meech,  with  forty  New 
England  rangers,  landed  on  the  Island  of  Orleans, 
and  found  a  body  of  armed  inhabitants,  who  tried  to 
surround  him.  He  beat  them  off,  and  took  posses 
sion  of  a  neighboring  farmhouse,  where  he  remained 
till  daylight;  then  pursued  the  enemy,  and  found 
that  they  had  crossed  to  the  north  shore.  The  whole 
army  now  landed,  and  were  drawn  up  on  the  beach. 
As  they  were  kept  there  for  some  time,  Knox  and 
several  brother  officers  went  to  visit  the  neighbor 
ing  church  of  St.  Laurent,  where  they  found  a  letter 
from  the  parish  priest,  directed  to  "The  Worthy 
Officers  of  the  British  Army,"  praying  that  they 
would  protect  the  sacred  edifice,  and  also  his  own 
adjoining  house,  and  adding,  with  somewhat  need 
less  civility,  that  he  wished  they  had  come  sooner, 
that  they  might  have  enjoyed  the  asparagus  and 
radishes  of  his  garden,  now  unhappily  going  to  seed. 
The  letter  concluded  with  many  compliments  and 
good  wishes,  in  which  the  Britons  to  whom  they 
were  addressed  saw  only  "the  frothy  politeness  so 
peculiar  to  the  French."  The  army  marched  west 
ward  and  encamped.  Wolfe,  with  his  chief  engi 
neer,  Major  Mackellar,  and  an  escort  of  light 
infantry,  advanced  to  the  extreme  point  of  the 
island. 

Here  he  could  see,  in  part,  the  desperate  nature 
of  the  task  he  had  undertaken.  Before  him,  three 


218  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

or  four  miles  away,  Quebec  sat  perched  upon  her 
rock,  a  congregation  of  stone  houses,  churches, 
palaces,  convents,  and  hospitals;  the  green  trees  of 
the  Seminary  garden  and  the  spires  of  the  Cathedral, 
the  Ursulines,  the  Recollets,  and  the  Jesuits.  Be 
yond  rose  the  loftier  height  of  Cape  Diamond,  edged 
with  palisades  and  capped  with  redoubt  and  parapet. 
Batteries  frowned  everywhere ;  the  Chateau  battery, 
the  Clergy  battery,  the  Hospital  battery,  on  the  rock 
above,  and  the  Royal,  Dauphin's,  and  Queen's 
batteries  on  the  strand,  where  the  dwellings  and 
warehouses  of  the  lower  town  clustered  beneath 
the  cliff. 

Full  in  sight  lay  the  far-extended  camp  of  Mont- 
calm,  stretching  from  the  St.  Charles,  beneath  the 
city  walls,  to  the  chasm  and  cataract  of  the  Mont- 
morenci.  From  the  cataract  to  the  river  of  Beauport, 
its  front  was  covered  by  earthworks  along  the  brink 
of  abrupt  and  lofty  heights;  and  from  the  river  of 
Beauport  to  the  St.  Charles,  by  broad  flats  of  mud 
swept  by  the  fire  of  redoubts,  intrenchments,  a  float 
ing  battery,  and  the  city  itself.  Above  the  city, 
Cape  Diamond  hid  the  view;  but  could  Wolfe  have 
looked  beyond  it,  he  would  have  beheld  a  prospect 
still  more  disheartening.  Here,  mile  after  mile,  the 
St.  Lawrence  was  walled  by  a  range  of  steeps,  often 
inaccessible,  and  always  so  difficult  that  a  few  men 
at  the  top  could  hold  an  army  in  check;  while  at 
Cap-Rouge,  about  eight  miles  distant,  the  high 
plateau  was  cleft  by  the  channel  of  a  stream  which 


1759.]  STRENGTH   OF   THE   FORTRESS.  219 

formed  a  line  of  defence  as  strong  as  that  of  the 
Montmorenci.  Quebec  was  a  natural  fortress.  Bou 
gainville  had  long  before  examined  the  position,  and 
reported  that  "  by  the  help  of  intrenchments,  easily 
and  quickly  made,  and  defended  by  three  or  four 
thousand  men,  I  think  the  city  would  be  safe.  I  do 
not  believe  that  the  English  will  make  any  attempt 
against  it;  but  they  may  have  the  madness  to  do  so, 
and  it  is  well  to  be  prepared  against  surprise." 

Not  four  thousand  men,  but  four  times  four  thou 
sand,  now  stood  in  its  defence;  and  their  chiefs 
wisely  resolved  not  to  throw  away  the  advantages  of 
their  position.  Nothing  more  was  heard  of  Vaudreuil's 
bold  plan  of  attacking  the  invaders  at  their  landing; 
and  Montcalm  had  declared  that  he  would  play  the 
part,  not  of  Hannibal,  but  of  Fabius.  His  plan  was 
to  avoid  a  general  battle,  run  no  risks,  and  protract 
the  defence  till  the  resources  of  the  enemy  were 
exhausted,  or  till  approaching  winter  forced  them  to 
withdraw.  Success  was  almost  certain  but  for  one 
contingency.  Amherst,  with  a  force  larger  than 
that  of  Wolfe,  was  moving  against  Ticonderoga.  If 
he  should  capture  it,  and  advance  into  the  colony, 
Montcalm  would  be  forced  to  weaken  his  army  by 
sending  strong  detachments  to  oppose  him.  Here 
was  Wolfe's  best  hope.  This  failing,  his  only  chance 
was  in  audacity.  The  game  was  desperate ;  but,  in 
trepid  gamester  as  he  was  in  war,  he  was  a  man,  in  the 
last  resort,  to  stake  everything  on  the  cast  of  the  dice. 

The  elements  declared  for  France.     On  the  after- 


220  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

noon  of  the  day  when  Wolfe's  army  landed,  a  violent 
squall  swept  over  the  St.  Lawrence,  dashed  the  ships 
together,  drove  several  ashore,  and  destroyed  many 
of  the  flat-boats  from  which  the  troops  had  just  dis 
embarked.  "I  never  saw  so  much  distress  among 
shipping  in  my  whole  life,"  writes  an  officer  to  a 
friend  in  Boston.  Fortunately  the  storm  subsided 
as  quickly  as  it  rose.  Vaudreuil  saw  that  the  hoped- 
for  deliverance  had  failed ;  and  as  the  tempest  had 
not  destroyed  the  British  fleet,  he  resolved  to  try  the 
virtue  of  his  fireships.  "I  am  afraid,"  says  Mont- 
calm,  "  that  they  have  cost  us  a  million,  and  will  be 
good  for  nothing  after  all."  This  remained  to  be 
seen.  Vaudreuil  gave  the  chief  command  of  them 
to  a  naval  officer  named  Delouche ;  arid  on  the  even 
ing  of  the  twenty-eighth,  after  long  consultation  and 
much  debate  among  their  respective  captains,  they 
set  sail  together  at  ten  o'clock.  The  night  was 
moonless  and  dark.  In  less  than  an  hour  they  were 
at  the  entrance  of  the  north  channel.  Delouche  had 
been  all  enthusiasm ;  but  as  he  neared  the  danger  his 
nerves  failed,  and  he  set  fire  to  his  ship  half  an  hour 
too  soon,  the  rest  following  his  example.1 

There  was  an  English  outpost  at  the  Point  of 
Orleans;  and,  about  eleven  o'clock,  the  sentries 
descried  through  the  gloom  the  ghostly  outlines  of 
the  approaching  ships.  As  they  gazed,  these  myste 
rious  strangers  began  to  dart  tongues  of  flame ;  fire 

1  Foligny,  Journal  me'moratif.  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  6  Octobre, 
1759.  Journal  du  Siege  (Bibliotheque  de  Hartwell). 


1759.]  FIRESHIPS.  221 

ran  like  lightning  up  their  masts  and  sails,  and  then 
they  burst  out  like  volcanoes.  Filled  as  they  were 
with  pitch,  tar,  and  every  manner  of  combustible, 
mixed  with  fireworks,  bombs,  grenades,  and  old 
cannon,  swivels,  and  muskets  loaded  to  the  throat, 
the  effect  was  terrific.  The  troops  at  the  Point, 
amazed  at  the  sudden  eruption,  the  din  of  the  explo 
sions,  and  the  showers  of  grapeshot  that  rattled 
among  the  trees,  lost  their  wits  and  fled.  The  blaz 
ing  dragons  hissed  and  roared,  spouted  sheets  of  fire, 
vomited  smoke  in  black,  pitchy  volumes  and  vast 
illumined  clouds,  and  shed  their  infernal  glare  on 
the  distant  city,  the  tents  of  Montcalm,  and  the  long 
red  lines  of  the  British  army,  drawn  up  in  array 
of  battle,  lest  the  French  should  cross  from  their 
encampments  to  attack  them  in  the  confusion.  Knox 
calls  the  display  "the  grandest  fireworks  that  can 
possibly  be  conceived."  Yet  the  fireships  did  no 
other  harm  than  burning  alive  one  of  their  own  cap 
tains  and  six  or  seven  of  his  sailors  who  failed  to 
escape  in  their  boats.  Some  of  them  ran  ashore  before 
reaching  the  fleet;  the  others  were  seized  by  the 
intrepid  English  sailors,  who,  approaching  in  their 
boats,  threw  grappling-irons  upon  them  and  towed 
them  towards  land,  till  they  swung  round  and 
stranded.  Here,  after  venting  their  fury  for  a  while, 
they  subsided  into  quiet  conflagration,  which  lasted 
till  morning.  Vaudreuil  watched  the  result  of  his 
experiment  from  the  steeple  of  the  church  at  Beau- 
port;  then  returned,  dejected,  to  Quebec. 


222  WOLFE  AT  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

Wolfe  longed  to  fight  his  enemy ;  but  his  sagacious 
enemy  would  not  gratify  him.  From  the  heights  of 
Beauport,  the  rock  of  Quebec,  or  the  summit  of  Cape 
Diamond,  Montcalm  could  look  down  on  the  river 
and  its  shores  as  on  a  map,  and  watch  each  move 
ment  of  the  invaders.  He  was  hopeful,  perhaps  con 
fident;  and  for  a  month  or  more  he  wrote  almost 
daily  to  Bourlamaque  at  Ticonderoga,  in  a  cheerful, 
and  often  a  jocose  vein,  mingling  orders  and  instruc 
tions  with  pleasantries  and  bits  of  news.  Yet  his 
vigilance  was  unceasing.  "  We  pass  every  night  in 
bivouac,  or  else  sleep  in  our  clothes.  Perhaps  you 
are  doing  as  much,  my  dear  Bourlamaque."1 

Of  the  two  commanders,  Vaudreuil  was  the  more 
sanguine,  and  professed  full  faith  that  all  would  go 
well.  He  too  corresponded  with  Bourlamaque,  to 
whom  he  gave  his  opinion,  founded  on  the  reports  of 
deserters,  that  Wolfe  had  no  chance  of  success  unless 
Amherst  should  come  to  his  aid.  This  he  pronounced 
impossible;  and  he  expressed  a  strong  desire  that 
the  English  would  attack  him,  "  so  that  we  may  rid 
ourselves  of  them  at  once."2  He  was  courageous, 
except  in  the  immediate  presence  of  danger,  and 
failed  only  when  the  crisis  came. 

Wolfe,  held  in  check  at  every  other  point,  had  one 
movement  in  his  power.  He  could  seize  the  heights 
of  Point  Levi,  opposite  the  city;  and  this,  along  with 

1  Montcalm  a  Bourlamaque,  27  Juin,  1759.     All  these  letters  are 
before  me. 

2  Vaudreuil  a  Bourlamaque,  8  Juillet,  1759. 


1759.]  HE  SEIZES  POINT  LEVI.  223 

his  occupation  of  the  Island  of  Orleans,  would  give 
him  command  of  the  Basin  of  Quebec.  Thence  also 
he  could  fire  on  the  place  across  the  St.  Lawrence, 
which  is  here  less  than  a  mile  wide.  The  movement 
was  begun  on  the  afternoon  of  the  twenty-ninth, 
when,  shivering  in  a  north  wind  and  a  sharp  frost, 
a  part  of  Monckton's  brigade  was  ferried  over  to 
Beaumont,  on  the  south  shore,  and  the  rest  followed 
in  the  morning.  The  rangers  had  a  brush  with  a 
party  of  Canadians,  whom  they  drove  off,  and  the 
regulars  then  landed  unopposed.  Monckton  ordered 
a  proclamation,  signed  by  Wolfe,  to  be  posted  on  the 
door  of  the  parish  church.  It  called  on  the  Cana 
dians,  in  peremptory  terms,  to  stand  neutral  in  the 
contest,  promised  them,  if  they  did  so,  full  protection 
in  property  and  religion,  and  threatened  that,  if  they 
presumed  to  resist  the  invaders,  their  houses,  goods, 
and  harvests  should  be  destroyed,  and  their  churches 
despoiled.  As  soon  as  the  troops  were  out  of  sight 
the  inhabitants  took  down  the  placard  and  carried  it 
to  Vaudreuil. 

The  brigade  marched  along  the  river  road  to  Point 
Levi,  drove  off  a  body  of  French  and  Indians  posted 
in  the  church,  and  took  possession  of  the  houses  and 
the  surrounding  heights.  In  the  morning  they  were 
intrenching  themselves,  when  they  were  greeted  by  a 
brisk  fire  from  the  edge  of  the  woods.  It  came 
from  a  party  of  Indians,  whom  the  rangers  presently 
put  to  flight,  and,  imitating  their  own  ferocity, 
scalped  nine  of  them.  Wolfe  came  over  to  the  camp 


224  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

on  the  next  day,  went  with  an  escort  to  the  heights 
opposite  Quebec,  examined  it  with  a  spy-glass,  and 
chose  a  position  from  which  to  bombard  it.  Cannon 
and  mortars  were  brought  ashore,  fascines  and 
gabions  made,  intrenchments  thrown  up,  and  bat 
teries  planted.  Knox  came  over  from  the  main 
camp,  and  says  that  he  had  "  a  most  agreeable  view 
of  the  city  of  Quebec.  It  is  a  very  fair  object  for 
our  artillery,  particularly  the  lower  town."  But 
why  did  Wolfe  wish  to  bombard  it  ?  Its  fortifications 
were  but  little  exposed  to  his  fire,  and  to  knock  its 
houses,  convents,  and  churches  to  pieces  would  bring 
him  no  nearer  to  his  object.  His  guns  at  Point  Levi 
could  destroy  the  city,  but  could  not  capture  it;  yet 
doubtless  they  would  have  good  moral  effect,  dis 
courage  the  French,  and  cheer  his  own  soldiers 
with  the  flattering  belief  that  they  were  achieving 
something. 

The  guns  of  Quebec  showered  balls  and  bombs 
upon  his  workmen ;  but  they  still  toiled  on,  and  the 
French  saw  the  fatal  batteries  fast  growing  to  com 
pletion.  The  citizens,  alarmed  at  the  threatened 
destruction,  begged  the  governor  for  leave  to  cross 
the  river  and  dislodge  their  assailants.  At  length  he 
consented.  A  party  of  twelve  or  fifteen  hundred 
was  made  up  of  armed  burghers,  Canadians  from  the 
camp,  a  few  Indians,  some  pupils  of  the  Seminary, 
and  about  a  hundred  volunteers  from  the  regulars. 
Dumas,  an  experienced  officer,  took  command  of 
them;  and,  going  up  to  Sillery,  they  crossed  the 


1759.]  A  NIGHT  ATTACK.  225 

river  on  the  night  of  the  twelfth  of  July.  They  had 
hardly  climbed  the  heights  of  the  south  shore  when 
they  grew  exceedingly  nervous,  though  the  enemy 
was  still  three  miles  off.  The  Seminary  scholars 
fired  on  some  of  their  own  party,  whom  they  mistook 
for  English;  and  the  same  mishap  was  repeated  a 
second  and  a  third  time.  A  panic  seized  the  whole 
body,  and  Dumas  could  not  control  them.  They 
turned  and  made  for  their  canoes,  rolling  over  each 
other  as  they  rushed  down  the  heights,  and  reap 
peared  at  Quebec  at  six  in  the  morning,  overwhelmed 
with  despair  arid  shame.1 

The  presentiment  of  the  unhappy  burghers  proved 
too  true.  The  English  batteries  fell  to  their  work, 
and  the  families  of  the  town  fled  to  the  country  for 
safety.  In  a  single  day  eighteen  houses  and  the 
cathedral  were  burned  by  exploding  shells;  and 
fiercer  and  fiercer  the  storm  of  fire  and  iron  hailed 
upon  Quebec. 

Wolfe  did  not  rest  content  with  distressing  his 
enemy.  With  an  ardor  and  a  daring  that  no  diffi 
culties  could  cool,  he  sought  means  to  strike  an 
effective  blow.  It  was  nothing  to  lay  Quebec  in 
ruins  if  he  could  not  defeat  the  army  that  protected 

1  tfv&nements  de  la  Guerre  en  Canada  (Hist.  Soc.  Quebec,  1861). 
Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749—1760.  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octo- 
bre,  1759.  L'Abeille,  ii.  No.  14  (a  publication  of  the  Quebec  Sem 
inary).  Journal  du  Siege  de  Quebec  (Bibliotheque  de  Hartwell). 
Panet,  Journal  du  Siege.  Foligny,  Journal  me'moratif.  Memoirs  of 
the  Siege  of  Quebec,  by  John  Johnson,  Clerk  and  Quartermaster-Sergeant 
to  the  Fifty-eighth  Regiment. 
VOL.  ii.  —  15 


226  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

it.  To  land  from  boats  and  attack  Montcalm  in 
front,  through  the  mud  of  the  Beauport  flats  or  up 
the  heights  along  the  neighboring  shore,  was  an 
enterprise  too  rash  even  for  his  temerity.  It  might, 
however,  be  possible  to  land  below  the  cataract  of 
Montmorenci,  cross  that  stream  higher  up,  and  strike 
the  French  army  in  flank  or  rear;  and  he  had  no 
sooner  secured  his  positions  at  the  points  of  Levi  and 
Orleans,  than  he  addressed  himself  to  this  attempt. 

On  the  eighth  several  frigates  and  a  bomb-ketch 
took  their  stations  before  the  camp  of  the  Chevalier 
de  Le'vis,  who,  with  his  division  of  Canadian  militia, 
occupied  the  heights  along  the  St.  Lawrence  just 
above  the  cataract.  Here  they  shelled  and  can 
nonaded  him  all  day;  though,  from  his  elevated 
position,  with  very  little  effect.  Towards  evening 
the  troops  on  the  Point  of  Orleans  broke  up  their 
camp.  Major  Hardy,  with  a  detachment  of  marines, 
was  left  to  hold  that  post,  while  the  rest  embarked  at 
night  in  the  boats  of  the  fleet.  They  were  the  bri 
gades  of  Townshend  and  Murray,  consisting  of  five 
battalions,  with  a  body  of  grenadiers,  light  infantry, 
and  rangers,  —  in  all  three  thousand  men.  They 
landed  before  daybreak  in  front  of  the  parish  of 
L'Ange  Gardien,  a  little  below  the  cataract.  The 
only  opposition  was  from  a  troop  of  Canadians  and 
Indians,  whom  they  routed,  after  some  loss,  climbed 
the  heights,  gained  the  plateau  above,  and  began  to 
intrench  themselves.  A  company  of  rangers,  sup 
ported  by  detachments  of  regulars,  was  sent  into  the 


1759.]  AT  THE  MONTMORENCI.  227 

neighboring  forest  to  protect  the  parties  who  were 
cutting  fascines,  and  apparently,  also,  to  look  for  a 
fording-place. 

LeVis,  with  his  Scotch-Jacobite  aide-de-camp, 
Johnstone,  had  watched  the  movements  of  Wolfe 
from  the  heights  across  the  cataract.  Johnstone  says 
that  he  asked  his  commander  if  he  was  sure  there 
was  no  ford  higher  up  on  the  Montmorenci,  by  which 
the  English  could  cross.  LeVis  averred  that  there 
was  none,  and  that  he  himself  had  examined  the 
stream  to  its  source ;  on  which  a  Canadian  who  stood 
by  whispered  to  the  aide-de-camp:  "The  general  is 
mistaken;  there  is  a  ford."  Johnstone  told  this  to 
LeVis,  who  would  not  believe  it,  and  so  browbeat  the 
Canadian  that  he  dared  not  repeat  what  he  had  said. 
Johnstone,  taking  him  aside,  told  him  to  go  and  find 
somebody  who  had  lately  crossed  the  ford,  and  bring 
him  at  once  to  the  general's  quarters;  whereupon 
he  soon  reappeared  with  a  man  who  affirmed  that  he 
had  crossed  it  the  night  before  with  a  sack  of  wheat 
on  his  back.  A  detachment  was  immediately  sent 
to  the  place,  with  orders  to  intrench  itself,  and 
Repentigny,  lieutenant  of  LeVis,  was  posted  not  far 
off  with  eleven  hundred  Canadians. 

Four  hundred  Indians  passed  the  ford  under  the 
partisan  Langlade,  discovered  Wolfe's  detachment, 
hid  themselves,  and  sent  their  commander  to  tell 
Repentigny  that  there  was  a  body  of  English  in  the 
forest,  who  might  all  be  destroyed  if  he  would  come 
over  at  once  with  his  Canadians.  Repentigny  sent 


228  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1750. 

for  orders  to  L<3vis,  and  LeVis  sent  for  orders  to 
Vaudreuil,  whose  quarters  were  three  or  four  miles 
distant.  Vaudreuil  answered  that  no  risk  should  be 
run,  and  that  he  would  come  and  see  to  the  matter 
himself.  It  was  about  two  hours  before  he  arrived ; 
and  meanwhile  the  Indians  grew  impatient,  rose  from 
their  hiding-place,  fired  on  the  rangers,  and  drove 
them  back  with  heavy  loss  upon  the  regulars,  who 
stood  their  ground,  and  at  last  repulsed  the  assail 
ants.  The  Indians  recrossed  the  ford  with  thirty-six 
scalps.  If  Repentigny  had  advanced,  and  LeVis  had 
followed  with  his  main  body,  the  consequences  to 
the  English  might  have  been  serious;  for,  as  John- 
stone  remarks,  "  a  Canadian  in  the  woods  is  worth 
three  disciplined  soldiers,  as  a  soldier  in  a  plain  is 
worth  three  Canadians."  Vaudreuil  called  a  council 
of  war.  The  question  was  whether  an  effort  should 
be  made  to  dislodge  Wolfe's  main  force.  Montcalm 
and  the  governor  were  this  time  of  one  mind,  and 
both  thought  it  inexpedient  to  attack,  with  militia,  a 
body  of  regular  troops  whose  numbers  and  position 
were  imperfectly  known.  Bigot  gave  his  voice  for 
the  attack.  He  was  overruled,  and  Wolfe  was  left 
to  fortify  himself  in  peace.1 

His   occupation   of   the   heights   of    Montmorenci 

1  The  above  is  from  a  comparison  of  the  rather  discordant  ac 
counts  of  Johnstone,  the  Journal  tenu  a  I'Armee,  the  Journal  of  Panet, 
and  that  of  the  Hartwell  Library.  The  last  says  that  Levis  crossed 
the  Montmorenci.  If  so,  he  accomplished  nothing.  This  affair 
should  not  be  confounded  with  a  somewhat  similar  one  which  took 
place  on  the  twenty-sixth. 


1759.]  DANGER  OF  HIS   POSITION.  229 

exposed  him  to  great  risks.  The  left  wing  of  his 
army  at  Point  Levi  was  six  miles  from  its  right  wing 
at  the  cataract,  and  Major  Hardy's  detachment  on 
the  Point  of  Orleans  was  between  them,  separated 
from  each  by  a  wide  arm  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  Any 
one  of  the  three  camps  might  be  overpowered  before 
the  others  could  support  it;  and  Hardy  with  his 
small  force  was  above  all  in  danger  of  being  cut  to 
pieces.  But  the  French  kept  persistently  on  the 
defensive ;  and  after  the  failure  of  Dumas  to  dislodge 
the  English  from  Point  Levi,  Vaudreuil  would  not 
hear  of  another  such  attempt.  Wolfe  was  soon  well 
intrenched ;  but  it  was  easier  to  defend  himself  than 
to  strike  at  his  enemy.  Montcalm,  when  urged  to 
attack  him,  is  said  to  have  answered:  "Let  him 
amuse  himself  where  he  is.  If  we  drive  him  off,  he 
may  go  to  some  place  where  he  can  do  us  harm." 
His  late  movement,  however,  had  a  discouraging 
effect  on  the  Canadians,  who  now  for  the  first  time 
began  to  desert.  His  batteries,  too,  played  across 
the  chasm  of  Montmorenci  upon  the  left  wing  of  the 
French  army  with  an  effect  extremely  annoying. 

The  position  of  the  hostile  forces  was  a  remarkable 
one.  They  were  separated  by  the  vast  gorge  that 
opens  upon  the  St.  Lawrence;  an  amphitheatre  of 
lofty  precipices,  their  brows  crested  with  forests,  and 
their  steep  brown  sides  scantily  feathered  with 
stunted  birch  and  fir.  Into  this  abyss  leaps  the 
Montmorenci  with  one  headlong  plunge  of  nearly 
two  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  a  living  column  of  snowy 


230  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

white,  with  its  spray,  its  foam,  its  mists,  and  its  rain 
bows  ;  then  spreads  itself  in  broad,  thin  sheets  over  a 
floor  of  rock  and  gravel,  and  creeps  tamely  to  the  St. 
Lawrence.  It  was  but  a  gunshot  across  the  gulf, 
and  the  sentinels  on  each  side  watched  each  other 
over  the  roar  and  turmoil  of  the  cataract.  Captain 
Knox,  coming  one  day  from  Point  Levi  to  receive 
orders  from  Wolfe,  improved  a  spare  hour  to  visit 
this  marvel  of  nature.  "  I  had  very  nigh  paid  dear 
for  my  inquisitiveness ;  for  while  I  stood  on  the 
eminence  I  was  hastily  called  to  by  one  of  our  senti 
nels,  when,  throwing  my  eyes  about,  I  saw  a  French 
man  creeping  under  the  eastern  extremity  of  their 
breastwork  to  fire  at  me.  This  obliged  me  to  retire 
as  fast  as  I  could  out  of  his  reach,  and,  making  up 
to  the  sentry  to  thank  him  for  his  attention,  he  told 
me  the  fellow  had  snapped  his  piece  twice,  and  the 
second  time  it  flashed  in  the  pan  at  the  instant  I 
turned  away  from  the  Fall."  Another  officer,  less 
fortunate,  had  a  leg  broken  by  a  shot  from  the  oppo 
site  cliffs. 

Day  after  day  went  by,  and  the  invaders  made  no 
progress.  Flags  of  truce  passed  often  between  the 
hostile  camps.  "You  will  demolish  the  town,  no 
doubt,"  said  the  bearer  of  one  of  them,  "but  you 
shall  never  get  inside  of  it."  To  which  Wolfe 
replied :  "  I  will  have  Quebec  if  I  stay  here  till  the 
end  of  November."  Sometimes  the  heat  was  intense, 
and  sometimes  there  were  floods  of  summer  rain  that 
inundated  the  tents.  Along  the  river,  from  the 


1759.]  RED  AND   WHITE   SAVAGES.  231 

Montmorenci  to  Point  Levi,  there  were  ceaseless 
artillery  fights  between  gunboats,  frigates,  and  bat 
teries  on  shore.  Bands  of  Indians  infested  the  out 
skirts  of  the  camps,  killing  sentries  and  patrols.  The 
rangers  chased  them  through  the  woods;  there  were 
brisk  skirmishes,  and  scalps  lost  and  won.  Some 
times  the  regulars  took  part  in  these  forest  battles ; 
and  once  it  was  announced,  in  orders  of  the  day,  that 
"the  General  has  ordered  two  sheep  and  some  rum 
to  Captain  Cosnan's  company  of  grenadiers  for  the 
spirit  they  showed  this  morning  in  pushing  those 
scoundrels  of  Indians."  The  Indians  complained 
that  the  British  soldiers  were  learning  how  to  fight, 
and  no  longer  stood  still  in  a  mass  to  be  shot  at,  as 
in  Braddock's  time.  The  Canadian  coureurs  de  lois 
mixed  with  their  red  allies  and  wore  their  livery. 
One  of  them  was  caught  on  the  eighteenth.  He  was 
naked,  daubed  red  and  blue,  and  adorned  with  a 
bunch  of  painted  feathers  dangling  from  the  top  of 
his  head.  He  and  his  companions  used  the  scalping- 
knif e  as  freely  as  the  Indians  themselves ;  nor  were 
the  New  England  rangers  much  behind  them  in  this 
respect,  till  an  order  came  from  Wolfe  forbidding 
"  the  inhuman  practice  of  scalping,  except  when  the 
enemy  are  Indians,  or  Canadians  dressed  like  Indians.* 
A  part  of  the  fleet  worked  up  into  the  .Basing 
beyond  the  Point  of  Orleans ;  and  here,  on  the  warm 
summer  nights,  officers  and  men  watched  the  cannon 
flashing  and  thundering  from  the  heights  of  Mont 
morenci  on  one  side,  and  those  of  Point  Levi  on  the 


232  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

other,  and  the  bombs  sailing  through  the  air  in  fiery 
semi-circles.  Often  the  gloom  was  lighted  up  by 
the  blaze  of  the  burning  houses  of  Quebec,  kindled 
by  incendiary  shells.  Both  the  lower  and  the  upper 
town  were  nearly  deserted  by  the  inhabitants,  some 
retreating  into  the  country,  and  some  into  the  suburb 
of  St.  Roch;  while  the  Ursulines  and  Hospital  nuns 
abandoned  their  convents  to  seek  harborage  beyond 
the  range  of  shot.  The  city  was  a  prey  to  robbers, 
who  pillaged  the  empty  houses,  till  an  order  came 
from  headquarters  promising  the  gallows  to  all  who 
should  be  caught.  News  reached  the  French  that 
Niagara  was  attacked,  and  that  the  army  of  Amherst 
was  moving  against  Ticonderoga.  The  Canadians 
deserted  more  and  more.  They  were  disheartened 
by  the  defensive  attitude  in  which  both  Vaudreuil 
and  Montcalm  steadily  persisted ;  and  accustomed  as 
they  were  to  rapid  raids,  sudden  strokes,  and  a  quick 
return  to  their  homes,  they  tired  of  long  weeks  of 
inaction.  The  English  patrols  caught  one  of  them 
as  he  was  passing  the  time  in  fishing.  "  He  seemed 
to  be  a  subtle  old  rogue,"  says  Knox,  "of  seventy 
years  of  age,  as  he  told  us.  We  plied  him  well  with 
port  wine,  and  then  his  heart  was  more  open;  and 
seeing  that  we  laughed  at  the  exaggerated  accounts 
he  had  given  us,  he  said  he  c  wished  the  affair  was 
well  over,  one  way  or  the  other ;  that  his  countrymen 
were  all  discontented,  and  would  either  surrender,  or 
disperse  and  act  a  neutral  part,  if  it  were  not  for  the 
persuasions  of  their  priests  and  the  fear  of  being 


1759.]         THE   CANADIANS   DISCOURAGED.  233 

maltreated  by  the  savages,  with  whom  they  are 
threatened  on  all  occasions.'  '  A  deserter  reported 
on  the  nineteenth  of  July  that  nothing  but  dread 
of  the  Indians  kept  the  Canadians  in  the  camp. 

Wolfe's  proclamation,  at  first  unavailing,  was  now 
taking  effect.  A  large  number  of  Canadian  prisoners, 
brought  in  on  the  twenty-fifth,  declared  that  their 
countrymen  would  gladly  accept  his  offers  but  for 
the  threats  of  their  commanders  that  if  they  did  so 
the  Indians  should  be  set  upon  them.  The  prisoners 
said  further  that  "  they  had  been  under  apprehension 
for  several  days  past  of  having  a  body  of  four  hun 
dred  barbarians  sent  to  rifle  their  parish  and  habita 
tions."  1  Such  threats  were  not  wholly  effectual.  A 
French  chronicler  of  the  time  says :  "  The  Canadians 
showed  their  disgust  every  day,  and  deserted  at  every 
opportunity,  in  spite  of  the  means  taken  to  prevent 
them."  "The  people  were  intimidated,  seeing  all 
our  army  kept  in  one  body  and  solely  on  the  defen 
sive;  while  the  English,  though  far  less  numerous, 
divided  their  forces,  and  undertook  various  bold 
enterprises  without  meeting  resistance."2 

On  the  eighteenth  the  English  acomplished  a  feat 
which  promised  important  results.  The  French  com 
manders  had  thought  it  impossible  for  any  hostile 
ship  to  pass  the  batteries  of  Quebec;  but  about 
eleven  o'clock  at  night,  favored  by  the  wind,  and 
covered  by  a  furious  cannonade  from  Point  Levi,  the 

1  Knox,  i.  347 ;  compare  pp.  339,  341,  346. 

a  Journal  du  Siege  (Bibliotheque  de  Hartwell). 


234  WOLFE  AT  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

ship  "Sutherland,"  with  a  frigate  and  several  small 
vessels,  sailed  safely  by  and  reached  the  river  above 
the  town.  Here  they  at  once  attacked  and  destroyed 
a  fireship  and  some  small  craft  that  they  found  there. 
Now,  for  the  first  time,  it  became  necessary  for 
Montcalm  to  weaken  his  army  at  Beauport  by  send 
ing  six  hundred  men,  under  Dumas,  to  defend  the 
accessible  points  in  the  line  of  precipices  between 
Quebec  and  Cap-Rouge.  Several  hundred  more  were 
sent  on  the  next  day,  when  it  became  known  that  the 
English  had  dragged  a  fleet  of  boats  over  Point  Levi, 
launched  them  above  the  town,  and  despatched 
troops  to  embark  in  them.  Thus  a  new  feature  was 
introduced  into  the  siege  operations,  and  danger  had 
risen  on  a  side  where  the  French  thought  themselves 
safe.  On  the  other  hand,  Wolfe  had  become  more 
vulnerable  than  ever.  His  army  was  now  divided, 
not  into  three  parts,  but  into  four,  each  so  far  from 
the  rest  that,  in  case  of  sudden  attack,  it  must  defend 
itself  alone.  That  Montcalm  did  not  improve  his 
opportunity  was  apparently  due  to  want  of  confidence 
in  his  militia. 

The  force  above  the  town  did  not  lie  idle.  On 
the  night  of  the  twentieth,  Colonel  Carle  ton,  with 
six  hundred  men,  rowed  eighteen  miles  up  the  river, 
and  landed  at  Pointe-aux-Trembles,  on  the  north 
shore.  Here  some  of  the  families  of  Quebec  had 
sought  asylum ;  and  Wolfe  had  been  told  by  prisoners 
that  not  only  were  stores  in  great  quantity  to  be 
found  here,  but  also  letters  and  papers  throwing 


1759.]  HIS   SEVERITIES.  235 

light  on  the  French  plans.  Caiieton  and  his  men 
drove  off  a  band  of  Indians  who  fired  on  them,  and 
spent  a  quiet  day  around  the  parish  church;  but 
found  few  papers,  and  still  fewer  stores.  They  with 
drew  towards  evening,  carrying  with  them  nearly  a 
hundred  women,  children,  and  old  men;  and  they 
were  no  sooner  gone  than  the  Indians  returned  to 
plunder  the  empty  houses  of  their  unfortunate  allies. 
The  prisoners  were  treated  with  great  kindness. 
The  ladies  among  them  were  entertained  at  supper 
by  Wolfe,  who  jested  with  them  on  the  caution  of 
the  French  generals,  saying :  "  I  have  given  good 
chances  to  attack  me,  and  am  surprised  that  they 
have  not  profited  by  them."1  On  the  next  day  the 
prisoners  were  all  sent  to  Quebec  under  a  flag  of 
truce. 

Thus  far  Wolfe  had  refrained  from  executing  the 
threats  he  had  affixed  the  month  before  to  the  church 
of  Beaumont.  But  now  he  issued  another  proclama 
tion.  It  declared  that  the  Canadians  had  shown 
themselves  unworthy  of  the  offers  he  had  made  them, 
and  that  he  had  therefore  ordered  his  light  troops  to 
ravage  their  country  and  bring  them  prisoners  to  his 
camp.  Such  of  the  Canadian  militia  as  belonged  to 
the  parishes  near  Quebec  were  now  in  a  sad  dilemma; 
for  Montcalm  threatened  them  on  one  side,  and 
Wolfe  on  the  other.  They  might  desert  to  their 
homes,  or  they  might  stand  by  their  colors;  in  the 

1  Journal  tenu  a  l'Arm€e  que  commandoit  feu  M.  le  Marquis  de 
Montcalm. 


236  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

one  case  their  houses  were  to  be  burned  by  French 
savages,  and  in  the  other  by  British  light  infantry. 

Wolfe  at  once  gave  orders  in  accord  with  his  late 
proclamation;  but  he  commanded  that  no  church 
should  be  profaned,  and  no  woman  or  child  injured. 
The  first  effects  of  his  stern  policy  are  thus  recorded 
by  Knox:  "Major  Balling's  light  infantry  brought 
in  this  afternoon  to  our  camp  two  hundred  and  fifty 
male  and  female  prisoners.  Among  this  number  was 
a  very  respectable  looking  priest,  and  about  forty 
men  fit  to  bear  arms.  There  was  almost  an  equal 
number  of  black  cattle,  with  about  seventy  sheep  and 
lambs,  and  a  few  horses.  Brigadier  Monckton  enter 
tained  the  reverend  father  and  some  other  fashionable 
personages  in  his  tent,  and  most  humanely  ordered 
refreshments  to  all  the  rest  of  the  captives;  which 
noble  example  was  followed  by  the  soldiery,  who 
generously  crowded  about  those  unhappy  people, 
sharing  their  provisions,  rum,  and  tobacco  with 
them.  They  were  sent  in  the  evening  on  board  of 
transports  in  the  river."  Again,  two  days  later: 
"  Colonel  Fraser's  detachment  returned  this  morning, 
and  presented  us  with  more  scenes  of  distress  and 
the  dismal  consequences  of  war,  by  a  great  number  of 
wretched  families,  whom  they  brought  in  prisoners, 
with  some  of  their  effects,  and  near  three  hundred 
black  cattle,  sheep,  hogs,  and  horses." 

On  the  next  night  the  attention  of  the  excellent 
journalist  was  otherwise  engaged.  Vaudreuil  tried 
again  to  burn  the  English  fleet.  "  Late  last  night, " 


1759.]  FIRERAFT.  237 

writes  Knox,  under  date  of  the  twenty-eighth,  "the 
enemy  sent  down  a  most  formidable  fireraft,  which 
consisted  of  a  parcel  of  schooners,  shallops,  and 
stages  chained  together.  It  could  not  be  less  than  a 
hundred  fathoms  in  length,  and  was  covered  with 
grenades,  old  swivels,  gun  and  pistol  barrels  loaded 
up  to  their  muzzles,  and  various  other  inventions  and 
combustible  matters.  This  seemed  to  be  their  last 
attempt  against  our  fleet,  which  happily  miscarried, 
as  before;  for  our  gallant  seamen,  with  their  usual 
expertness,  grappled  them  before  they  got  down 
above  a  third  part  of  the  Basin,  towed  them  safe  to 
shore,  and  left  them  at  anchor,  continually  repeating, 
All 's  well.  A  remarkable  expression  from  some  of 
these  intrepid  souls  to  their  comrades  on  this  occa 
sion  I  must  not  omit,  on  account  of  its  singular 
uncouthness;  namely:  4  Damme,  Jack,  didst  thee 
ever  take  hell  in  tow  before  ? '  ; 

According  to  a  French  account,  this  aquatic  infer 
nal  machine  consisted  of  seventy  rafts,  boats,  and 
schooners.  Its  failure  was  due  to  no  shortcoming 
on  the  part  of  its  conductors;  who,  under  a  brave 
Canadian  named  Courval,  acted  with  coolness  and 
resolution.  Nothing  saved  the  fleet  but  the  courage 
of  the  sailors,  swarming  out  in  their  boats  to  fight 
the  approaching  conflagration. 

It  was  now  the  end  of  July.  More  than  half  the 
summer  was  gone,  and  Quebec  seemed  as  far  as  ever 
beyond  the  grasp  of  Wolfe.  Its  buildings  were  in 
ruins,  and  the  neighboring  parishes  were  burned  and 


238  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

ravaged;  but  its  living  rampart,  the  army  of  Mont- 
calm,  still  lay  in  patient  defiance  along  the  shores 
of  Beauport,  while  above  the  city  every  point  where 
a  wildcat  could  climb  the  precipices  was  watched 
and  guarded,  and  Dumas  with  a  thousand  men  held 
the  impregnable  heights  of  Cap-Rouge.  Montcalm 
persisted  in  doing  nothing  that  his  enemy  wished 
him  to  do.  He  would  not  fight  on  Wolfe's  terms, 
and  Wolfe  resolved  at  last  to  fight  him  on  his  own ; 
that  is,  to  attack  his  camp  in  front. 

The  plan  was  desperate ;  for,  after  leaving  troops 
enough  to  hold  Point  Levi  and  the  heights  of  Mont- 
morenci,  less  than  five  thousand  men  would  be  left  to 
attack  a  position  of  commanding  strength,  where 
Montcalm  at  an  hour's  notice  could  collect  twice  as 
many  to  oppose  them.  But  Wolfe  had  a  boundless 
trust  in  the  disciplined  valor  of  his  soldiers,  and  an 
utter  scorn  of  the  militia  who  made  the  greater  part 
of  his  enemy's  force. 

Towards  the  Montmorenci  the  borders  of  the  St. 
Lawrence  are,  as  we  have  seen,  extremely  high  and 
steep.  At  a  mile  from  the  gorge  of  the  cataract  there 
is,  at  high  tide,  a  strand,  about  the  eighth  of  a  mile 
wide,  between  the  foot  of  these  heights  and  the  river ; 
and  beyond  this  strand  the  receding  tide  lays  bare 
a  tract  of  mud  nearly  half  a  mile  wide.  At  the  edge 
of  the  dry  ground  the  French  had  built  a  redoubt 
mounted  with  cannon,  and  there  were  other  similar 
works  on  the  strand  a  quarter  of  a  mile  nearer  the 
cataract.  Wolfe  could  not  see  from  the  river  that 


1759.]       HE   ATTACKS  THE   FRENCH   CAMP.          289 

these  redoubts  were  commanded  by  the  musketry  of 
the  intrenchments  along  the  brink  of  the  heights 
above.  These  intrenchments  were  so  constructed 
that  they  swept  with  cross-fires  the  whole  face  of  the 
declivity,  which  was  covered  with  grass,  and  was  very 
steep.  Wolfe  hoped  that,  if  he  attacked  one  of  the 
redoubts,  the  French  would  come  down  to  defend  it, 
and  so  bring  on  a  general  engagement;  or,  if  they 
did  not,  that  he  should  gain  an  opportunity  of  recon 
noitring  the  heights  to  find  some  point  where  they 
could  be  stormed  with  a  chance  of  success. 

In  front  of  the  gorge  of  the  Montmorenci  there  was 
a  ford  during  several  hours  of  low  tide,  so  that 
troops  from  the  adjoining  English  camp  might  cross 
to  co-operate  with  their  comrades  landing  in  boats 
from  Point  Levi  and  the*  Island  of  Orleans.  On  the 
morning  of  the  thirty-first  of  July,  the  tide  then 
being  at  the  flood,  the  French  saw  the  ship  "  Centu 
rion,"  of  sixty-four  guns,  anchor  near  the  Mont 
morenci  and  open  fire  on  the  redoubts.  Then  two 
armed  transports,  each  of  fourteen  guns,  stood  in  as 
close  as  possible  to  the  first  redoubt  and  fired  upon 
it,  stranding  as  the  tide  went  out,  till  in  the  after 
noon  they  lay  bare  upon  the  mud.  At  the  same 
time  a  battery  of  more  than  forty  heavy  pieces, 
planted  on  the  lofty  promontory  beyond  the  Mont 
morenci,  began  a  furious  cannonade  upon  the  flank  of 
the  French  intrenchments.  It  did  no  great  harm, 
however,  for  the  works  were  protected  by  a  great 
number  of  traverses,  which  stopped  the  shot;  and 


240  WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

the  Canadians,  who  manned   this  part  of  the  lines, 
held  their  ground  with  excellent  steadiness. 

About  eleven  o'clock  a  fleet  of  boats  filled  with 
troops,  chiefly  from  Point  Levi,  appeared  in  the  river 
and  hovered  off  the  shore  west  of  the  parish  church 
of  Beauport,  as  if  meaning  to  land  there.  Montcalm 
was  perplexed,  doubting  whether  the  real  attack  was 
to  be  made  here,  or  toward  the  Montmorenci.  Hour 
after  hour  the  boats  moved  to  and  fro,  to  increase  his 
doubts  and  hide  the  real  design ;  but  he  soon  became 
convinced  that  the  camp  of  Ldvis  at  the  Montmorenci 
was  the  true  object  of  his  enemy;  and  about  two 
o'clock  he  went  thither,  greeted  as  he  rode  along  the 
lines  by  shouts  of  Vive  noire  General !  Le*vis  had 
already  made  preparations  for  defence  with  his  usual 
skill.  His  Canadians  were  reinforced  by  the  bat 
talions  of  Bdarn,  Guienne,  and  Royal  Roussillon; 
and,  as  the  intentions  of  Wolfe  became  certain,  the 
right  of  the  camp  was  nearly  abandoned,  the  main 
strength  of  the  army  being  gathered  between  the 
river  of  Beauport  and  the  Montmorenci,  where, 
according  to  a  French  writer,  there  were,  towards 
the  end  of  the  afternoon,  about  twelve  thousand 


men. 


At  half -past  five  o'clock  the  tide  was  out,  and  the 
crisis  came.  The  batteries  across  the  Montmorenci, 
the  distant  batteries  of  Point  Levi,  the  cannon  of  the 
"Centurion,"  and  those  of  the  two  stranded  ships, 
all  opened  together  with  redoubled  fury.  The  French 

1  Panet,  Journal. 


1759.]  ATTACK  AND   REPULSE.  241 

batteries  replied;  and,  amid  this  deafening  roar  of 
artillery,  the  English  boats  set  their  troops  ashore  at 
the  edge  of  the  broad  tract  of  sedgy  mud  that  the 
receding  river  had  left  bare.  At  the  same  time  a 
column  of  two  thousand  men  was  seen,  a  mile  away, 
moving  in  perfect  order  across  the  Montmorenci  ford. 
The  first  troops  that  landed  from  the  boats  were  thir 
teen  companies  of  grenadiers  and  a  detachment  of 
Royal  Americans.  They  dashed  swiftly  forward; 
while  at  some  distance  behind  came  Monckton's 
brigade,  composed  of  the  fifteenth,  or  Amherst's 
regiment,  and  the  seventy-eighth,  or  Eraser's  High 
landers.  The  day  had  been  fair  and  warm ;  but  the 
sky  was  now  thick  with  clouds,  and  large  raindrops 
began  to  fall,  the  precursors  of  a  summer  storm. 

With  the  utmost  precipitation,  without  orders,  and 
without  waiting  for  Monckton's  brigade  to  come  up, 
the  grenadiers  in  front  made  a  rush  for  the  redoubt 
near  the  foot  of  the  hill.  The  French  abandoned  it; 
but  the  assailants  had  no  sooner  gained  their  prize 
than  the  thronged  heights  above  blazed  with  musketry, 
and  a  tempest  of  bullets  fell  among  them.  Nothing 
daunted,  they  dashed  forward  again,  reserving  their 
fire,  and  struggling  to  climb  the  steep  ascent;  while, 
with  yells  and  shouts  of  Vive  le  Roi  !  the  troops  and 
Canadians  at  the  top  poured  upon  them  a  hailstorm 
of  musket-balls  and  buck-shot,  and  dead  and  wounded 
in  numbers  rolled  together  down  the  slope.  At  that 
instant  the  clouds  burst,  and  the  rain  fell  in  torrents. 
"We  could  not  see  halfway  down  the  hill,"  says  the 

VOL.   II.  —  16 


242  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

Chevalier  Johnstone,  who  was  at  this  part  of  the 
line.  Ammunition  was  wet  on  both  sides,  and  the 
grassy  steeps  became  so  slippery  that  it  was  impos 
sible  to  climb  them.  The  English  say  that  the  storm 
saved  the  French;  the  French,  with  as  much  reason, 
that  it  saved  the  English. 

The  baffled  grenadiers  drew  back  into  the  redoubt. 
Wolfe  saw  the  madness  of  persisting,  and  ordered  a 
retreat.  The  rain  ceased,  and  troops  of  Indians 
came  down  the  heights  to  scalp  the  fallen.  Some  of 
them  ran  towards  Lieutenant  Peyton,  of  the  Royal 
Americans,  as  he  lay  disabled  by  a  musket-shot. 
With  his  double-barrelled  gun  he  brought  down  two 
of  his  assailants,  when  a  Highland  sergeant  snatched 
him  in  his  arms,  dragged  him  half  a  mile  over  the 
mud-flats,  and  placed  him  in  one  of  the  boats.  A 
friend  of  Peyton,  Captain  Ochterlony,  had  received 
a  mortal  wound,  and  an  Indian  would  have  scalped 
him  but  for  the  generous  intrepidity  of  a  soldier  of 
the  battalion  of  Guienne;  who,  seizing  the  enraged 
savage,  held  him  back  till  several  French  officers 
interposed,  and  had  the  dying  man  carried  to  a  place 
of  safety. 

The  English  retreated  in  good  order,  after  setting 
fire  to  the  two  stranded  vessels.  Those  of  the 
grenadiers  and  Royal  Americans  who  were  left  alive 
rowed  for  the  Point  of  Orleans;  the  fifteenth  regi 
ment  rowed  for  Point  Levi;  and  the  Highlanders, 
led  by  Wolfe  himself,  joined  the  column  from  beyond 
the  Montmorenci,  placing  themselves  in  its  rear  as  it 


1759.]  EXULTATION  OF  VAUDREUIL.  243 

slowly  retired  along  the  flats  and  across  the  ford,  the 
Indians  yelling  and  the  French  shouting  from  the 
heights,  while  the  British  waved  their  hats,  daring 
them  to  come  down  and  fight. 

The  grenadiers  and  the  Royal  Americans,  who  had 
borne  the  brunt  of  the  fray,  bore  also  nearly  all  the 
loss;  which,  in  proportion  to  their  numbers,  was 
enormous.  Knox  reports  it  at  four  hundred  and 
forty-three,  killed,  wounded,  and  missing,  including 
one  colonel,  eight  captains,  twenty-one  lieutenants, 
and  three  ensigns. 

Vaudreuil,  delighted,  wrote  to  Bourlamaque  an 
account  of  the  affair.  "I  have  no  more  anxiety 
about  Quebec.  M.  Wolfe,  I  -can  assure  you,  will 
make  no  progress.  Luckily  for  him,  his  prudence 
saved  him  from  the  consequences  of  his  mad  enter 
prise,  and  he  contented  himself  with  losing  about 
five  hundred  of  his  best  soldiers.  Deserters  say  that 
he  will  try  us  again  in  a  few  days.  That  is  what  we 
want;  he'll  find  somebody  to  talk  to  (il  trouvera  d 
qui  parler)." 

NOTE.  —  Among  the  killed  in  this  affair  was  Edward  Botwood, 
sergeant  in  the  grenadiers  of  the  forty-seventh,  or  Lascelles*  regi 
ment.  "  Ned  Botwood  "  was  well  known  among  his  comrades  as  a 
poet ;  and  the  following  lines  of  his,  written  on  the  eve  of  the  expe 
dition  to  Quebec,  continued  to  be  favorites  with  the  British  troops 
during  the  War  of  the  Re  volution  (see  Historical  Magazine,  ii. 
First  Series,  164).  It  may  be  observed  here  that  the  war  produced 
a  considerable  quantity  of  indifferent  verse  on  both  sides.  On  that 
of  the  English  it  took  the  shape  of  occasional  ballads,  such  as 
"  Bold  General  Wolfe,"  printed  on  broadsides,  or  of  patriotic  effu 
sions  scattered  through  magazines  and  newspapers,  while  the 
French  celebrated  all  their  victories  with  songs. 


244  WOLFE  AT   QUEBEC.  [1759. 


HOT  STUFF. 
AIR,  —  Lilies  of  France. 

Come,  each  death-doing  dog  who  dares  venture  his  neck, 

Come,  follow  the  hero  that  goes  to  Quebec ; 

Jump  aboard  of  the  transports,  and  loose  every  sail, 

Pay  your  debts  at  the  tavern  by  giving  leg-bail ; 

And  ye  that  love  fighting  shall  soon  have  enough : 

Wolfe  commands  us,  my  boys;  we  shall  give  them  Hot  Stuff. 

Up  the  River  St.  Lawrence  our  troops  shall  advance, 
To  the  Grenadiers'  March  we  will  teach  them  to  dance. 
Cape  Breton  we  have  taken,  and  next  we  will  try 
At  their  capital  to  give  them  another  black  eye. 
Vaudreuil,  't  is  in  vain  you  pretend  to  look  gruff,  — 
Those  are  coming  who  know  how  to  give  you  Hot  Stuff. 

With  powder  in  his  periwig,  and  snuff  in  his  nose, 
Monsieur  will  run  down  our  descent  to  oppose; 
And  the  Indians  will  come  :  but  the  light  infantry 
Will  soon  oblige  them  to  betake  to  a  tree. 
From  such  rascals  as  these  may  we  fear  a  rebuff  ? 
Advance,  grenadiers,  and  let  fly  your  Hot  Stuff! 

When  the  forty-seventh  regiment  is  dashing  ashore, 
While  bullets  are  whistling  and  cannons  do  roar, 
Says  Montcalm :  "  Those  are  Shirley's,  —I  know  the  lapels." 
"You  lie,"  says  Ned  Botwood,  "  we  belong  to  Lascelles' ! 
Tho'  our  cloathing  is  changed,  yet  we  scorn  a  powder-puff; 
So  at  you,  ye  b s,  here 's  give  you  Hot  Stuff." 

On  the  repulse  at  Montmorenci,  Wolfe  to  Pitt,  2  Septembre,  1759. 
Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octobre,  1759.  Panet,  Journal  du  Sie'ge. 
Johnstone,  Dialogue  in  Hades.  Journal  tenu  a  I'Arme'e,  etc.  Journal 
of  the  Siege  of  Quebec,  by  a  Gentleman  in  an  eminent  Station  on  the  Spot. 
Memoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760.  Fraser,  Journal  of  the  Siege. 
Journal  du  Sie'ge  d'apres  un  MS.  depose  a  la  Bibliotheque  Hartwell. 
Foligny,  Journal  memoratif.  Journal  of  Transactions  at  the  Siege  of 
Quebec,  in  Notes  and  Queries,  xx.  164.  John  Johnson,  Memoirs  of 
the  Siege  of  Quebec.  Journal  of  an  Expedition  on  the  River  St.  Law 
rence.  An  Authentic  Account  of  the  Expedition  against  Quebec,  by  a 
Volunteer  on  that  Expedition.  J.  Gibson  to  Governor  Lawrence,  ] 
August,  1759.  Knox,  i.  354.  Mante,  244. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

1759. 
AMHERST.    NIAGARA. 

AMHERST  ON  LAKE   GEORGE.  —  CAPTURE  OF    TICONDEROGA    AND 
CROWN  POINT.  —  DELAYS  OF  AMHERST.  —  NIAGARA  EXPEDITION. 

—  LA  CORNE  ATTACKS  OSWEGO  J  HIS  REPULSE.  —  NIAGARA  BE 
SIEGED. —  AUBRY  COMES  TO  ITS  RELIEF. BATTLE. — ROUT  OF 

THE  FRENCH.  —  THE  FORT  TAKEN.  —  ISLE-AUX-NOIX.  —  AMHERST 
ADVANCES   TO  ATTACK  IT.  —  STORM.  —  THE    ENTERPRISE    ABAN 
DONED.  —  ROGERS  ATTACKS  ST.  FRANCIS  ;  DESTROYS  THE  TOWN. 

—  SUFFERINGS  OF  THE  RANGERS. 

PITT  had  directed  that,  while  Quebec  was  attacked, 
an  attempt  should  be  made  to  penetrate  into  Canada 
by  way  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  Thus  the 
two  armies  might  unite  in  the  heart  of  the  colony, 
or,  at  least,  a  powerful  diversion  might  be  effected  in 
behalf  of  Wolfe.  At  the  same  time  Oswego  was  to 
be  re-established,  and  the  possession  of  Fort  Duquesne, 
or  Pittsburg,  secured  by  reinforcements  and  supplies ; 
while  Amherst,  the  commander-in-chief,  was  further 
directed  to  pursue  any  other  enterprise  which  in  his 
opinion  would  weaken  the  enemy,  without  detriment 
to  the  main  objects  of  the  campaign.1  He  accord 
ingly  resolved  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Niagara. 

1  Pitt  to  Amherst,  23  January,  10  March,  1759. 


246  AMHERST.     NIAGARA.  [1759. 

Brigadier  Prideaux  was  charged  with  this  stroke; 
Brigadier  Stanwix  was  sent  to  conduct  the  operations 
for  the  relief  of  Pittsburg ;  and  Amherst  himself  pre 
pared  to  lead  the  grand  central  advance  against 
Ticonderoga,  Crown  Point,  and  Montreal.1 

Towards  the  end  of  June  he  reached  that  valley 
by  the  head  of  Lake  George  which  for  five  years  past 
had  been  the  annual  mustering-place  of  armies.  Here 
were  now  gathered  about  eleven  thousand  men,  half 
regulars  and  half  provincials,2  drilling  every  day, 
firing  by  platoons,  firing  at  marks,  practising  manoeu 
vres  in  the  woods;  going  out  on  scouting  parties, 
bathing  parties,  fishing  parties ;  gathering  wild  herbs 
to  serve  for  greens,  cutting  brushwood  and  meadow 
hay  to  make  hospital  beds.  The  sick  were  ordered 
on  certain  mornings  to  repair  to  the  surgeon's  tent, 
there,  in  prompt  succession,  to  swallow  such  doses  as 
he  thought  appropriate  to  their  several  ailments ;  and 
it  was  further  ordered  that  "  every  fair  day  they  that 
can  walk  be  paraded  together  and  marched  down  to 
the  lake  to  wash  their  hands  and  faces."  Courts- 
martial  were  numerous ;  culprits  were  flogged  at  the 
head  of  each  regiment  in  turn,  and  occasionally  one 
was  shot.  A  frequent  employment  was  the  cutting 
of  spruce  tops  to  make  spruce  beer.  This  innocent 
beverage  was  reputed  sovereign  against  scurvy;  and 
such  was  the  fame  of  its  virtues  that  a  copious  supply 
of  the  West  Indian  molasses  used  in  concocting  it 

1  Amherst  to  Pitt,  19  June,  1759.     Amherst  to  Stanwix,  6  May,  1759. 

2  Mante,  210. 


1759.]  ADVANCE   OF   AMHERST.  247 

was  thought  indispensable  to  every  army  or  garrison 
in  the  wilderness.  Throughout  this  campaign  it 
is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  general  orders,  and  the 
soldiers  are  promised  that  they  shall  have  as  much  of 
it  as  they  want  at  a  halfpenny  a  quart.1 

The  rear  of  the  army  was  well  protected  from 
insult.  Fortified  posts  were  built  at  intervals  of 
three  or  four  miles  along  the  road  to  Fort  Edward, 
and  especially  at  the  station  called  Halfway  Brook ; 
while,  for  the  whole  distance,  a  broad  belt  of  wood 
on  both  sides  was  cut  down  and  burned,  to  deprive  a 
skulking  enemy  of  cover.  Amherst  was  never  long 
in  one  place  without  building  a  fort  there.  He  now 
began  one,  which  proved  wholly  needless,  on  that 
flat  rocky  hill  where  the  English  made  their  intrenched 
camp  during  the  siege  of  Fort  William  Henry. 
Only  one  bastion  of  it  was  ever  finished,  and  this  is 
still  shown  to  tourists  under  the  name  of  Fort 
George. 

The  army  embarked  on  Saturday,  the  twenty-first 
of  July.  The  Reverend  Benjamin  Pomeroy  watched 
their  departure  in  some  concern,  and  wrote  on  Mon 
day  to  Abigail,  his  wife:  "I  could  wish  for  more 
appearance  of  dependence  on  God  than  was  observ 
able  among  them ;  yet  I  hope  God  will-  grant  deliver- 

1  Orderly  Book  of  Commissary  Wilson  in  the  Expedition  against 
Ticonderoga,  1759.  Journal  of  Samuel  Warner,  a  Massachusetts  Sol 
dier,  1759.  General  and  Regimental  Orders,  Army  of  Major- General 
Amherst,  1759.  Diary  of  Sergeant  Merriman  of  Ruggles's  Regiment, 
1759.  I  owe  to  William  L.  Stone,  Esq.,  the  use  of  the  last  two  curi 
ous  documents. 


248  AMHERST.     NIAGARA.  [1759. 

ance  unto  Israel  by  them."  There  was  another 
military  pageant,  another  long  procession  of  boats 
and  banners,  among  the  mountains  and  islands  of 
Lake  George.  Night  found  them  near  the  outlet; 
and  here  they  lay  till  morning,  tossed  unpleasantly 
on  waves  ruffled  by  a  summer  gale.  At  daylight 
they  landed,  beat  back  a  French  detachment,  and 
marched  by  the  portage  road  to  the  saw-mill  at  the 
waterfall.  There  was  little  resistance.  They  occu 
pied  the  heights,  and  then  advanced  to  the  famous 
line  of  intrenchment  against  which  the  army  of 
Abercrombie  had  hurled  itself  in  vain.  These  works 
had  been  completely  reconstructed,  partly  of  earth, 
and  partly  of  logs.  Amherst's  followers  were  less 
numerous  than  those  of  his  predecessor,  while  the 
French  commander,  Bourlamaque,  had  a  force  nearly 
equal  to  that  of  Montcalm  in  the  summer  before ;  yet 
he  made  no  attempt  to  defend  the  intrenchment,  and 
the  English,  encamping  along  its  front,  found  it  an 
excellent  shelter  from  the  cannon  of  the  fort  beyond. 
Amherst  brought  up  his  artillery  and  began 
approaches  in  form,  when,  on  the  night  of  the 
twenty-third,  it  was  found  that  Bourlamaque  had 
retired  down  Lake  Champlain,  leaving  four  hundred 
men  under  Hebecourt  to  defend  the  place  as  long  as 
possible.  This  was  in  obedience  to  an  order  from 
Vaudreuil,  requiring  him  on  the  approach  of  the 
English  to  abandon  both  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point,  retreat  to  the  outlet  of  Lake  Champlain,  take 
post  at  Isle-aux-Noix,  and  there  defend  himself  to 


1759.]  TICONDEROGA   BLOWN  UP.  249 

the  last  extremity ; 1  a  course  unquestionably  the  best 
that  could  have  been  taken,  since  obstinacy  in  hold 
ing  Ticonderoga  might  have  involved  the  surrender 
of  Bourlamaque's  whole  force,  while  Isle-aux-Noix 
offered  rare  advantages  for  defence. 

The  fort  fired  briskly;  a  cannon-shot  killed  Colonel 
Townshend,  and  a  few  soldiers  were  killed  and 
wounded  by  grape  and  bursting  shells;  when,  at 
dusk  on  the  evening  of  the  twenty-sixth,  an  unusual 
movement  was  seen  among  the  garrison,  and,  about 
ten  o'clock,  three  deserters  came  in  great  excitement 
to  the  English  camp.  They  reported  that  Hebecourt 
and  his  soldiers  were  escaping  in  their  boats,  and 
that  a  match  was  burning  in  the  magazine  to  blow 
Ticonderoga  to  atoms.  Amherst  offered  a  hundred 
guineas  to  any  one  of  them  who  would  point  out  the 
match,  that  it  might  be  cut;  but  they  shrank  from 
the  perilous  venture.  All  was  silent  till  eleven 
o'clock,  when  a  broad,  fierce  glare  burst  on  the  night, 
and  a  roaring  explosion  shook  the  promontory ;  then 
came  a  few  breathless  moments,  and  then  the  frag 
ments  of  Fort  Ticonderoga  fell  with  clatter  and 
splash  on  the  water  and  the  land.  It  was  but  one 
bastion,  however,  that  had  been  thus  hurled  skyward. 
The  rest  of  the  fort  was  little  hurt,  though  the  bar 
racks  and  other  combustible  parts  were  set  on  fire, 
and  by  the  light  the  French  flag  was  seen  still  wav- 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Novembre,  1759.  Instructions  pour  M. 
de  Bourlamaque,  20  Mai,  1759,  sign€  Vaudreuil.  Montcalm  a  Bourla- 
maque,  4  Juin,  1759. 


250  AMHERST.     NIAGARA.  [1759. 

ing  on  the  rampart.1  A  sergeant  of  the  light 
infantry,  braving  the  risk  of  other  explosions,  went 
and  brought  it  off.  Thus  did  this  redoubted  strong 
hold  of  France  fall  at  last  into  English  hands,  as  in 
all  likelihood  it  would  have  done  a  year  sooner,  if 
Amherst  had  commanded  in  Abercrombie's  place; 
for,  with  the  deliberation  that  marked  all  his  proceed 
ings,  he  would  have  sat  down  before  Montcalm's 
wooden  wall  and  knocked  it  to  splinters  with  his 
cannon. 

He  now  set  about  repairing  the  damaged  works 
and  making  ready  to  advance  on  Crown  Point; 
when  on  the  first  of  August  his  scouts  told  him  that 
the  enemy  had  abandoned  this  place  also,  and 
retreated  northward  down  the  lake.2  Well  pleased, 
he  took  possession  of  the  deserted  fort,  and,  in  the 
animation  of  success,  thought  for  a  moment  of  keep 
ing  the  promise  he  had  given  to  Pitt  "  to  make  an 
irruption  into  Canada  with  the  utmost  vigor  and 
despatch."3  Wolfe,  his  brother  in  arms  and  his 
friend,  was  battling  with  the  impossible  under  the 
rocks  of  Quebec,  and  every  motive,  public  and 
private,  impelled  Amherst  to  push  to  his  relief,  not 
counting  costs,  or  balancing  risks  too  nicely.  He 
was  ready  enough  to  spur  on  others,  for  he  wrote  to 

1  Journal    of   Colonel   Amherst   (brother  of  General  Amherst). 
Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Novembre,  1759.     Amherst  to  Prideaux,  28 
July,  1759.    Amherst  to  Pitt,  27  July,  1759.     Mante,  213.     Knox,  i. 
397-403.     Vaudreuil  a  Bourlamaque,  19  Juin,  1759. 

2  Amherst  to  Pitt,  5  August,  1759. 

3  Ibid.,  19  June,  1759. 


1759.]  DELAYS   OF   AMHERST.  251 

Gage:  "We  must  all  be  alert  and  active  day  and 
night;  if  we  all  do  our  parts  the  French  must  fall;  " l 
but,  far  from  doing  his,  he  set  the  army  to  building 
a  new  fort  at  Crown  Point,  telling  them  that  it 
would  "  give  plenty,  peace,  and  quiet  to  His  Majesty's 
subjects  for  ages  to  come."2  Then  he  began  three 
small  additional  forts,  as  outworks  to  the  first,  sent 
two  parties  to  explore  the  sources  of  the  Hudson; 
one  party  to  explore  Otter  Creek;  another  to  explore 
South  Bay,  which  was  already  well  known;  another 
to  make  a  road  across  what  is  now  the  State  of 
Vermont,  from  Crown  Point  to  Charlestown,  or 
"Number  Four,"  on  the  Connecticut;  and  another  to 
widen  and  improve  the  old  French  road  between 
Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga.  His  industry  was 
untiring ;  a  great  deal  of  useful  work  was  done :  but 
the  essential  task  of  making  a  diversion  to  aid  the 
army  of  Wolfe  was  needlessly  postponed. 

It  is  true  that  some  delay  was  inevitable.  The 
French  had  four  armed  vessels  on  the  lake,  and  this 
made  it  necessary  to  provide  an  equal  or  superior 
force  to  protect  the  troops  on  their  way  to  Isle-aux- 
Noix.  Captain  Loring,  the  English  naval  com 
mander,  was  therefore  ordered  to  build  a  brigantine ; 
and,  this  being  thought  insufficient,  he  was  directed 
to  add  a  kind  of  floating  battery,  moved  by  sweeps. 
Three  weeks  later,  in  consequence  of  farther  infor 
mation  concerning  the  force  of  the  French  vessels, 

1  Amkerst  to  Gage,  1  August,  1759. 

2  General  Orders,  13  August,  1759. 


252  AMHERST.     NIAGARA.  [1759. 

Amherst  ordered  an  armed  sloop  to  be  put  on  the 
stocks;  and  this  involved  a  long  delay.  The  saw 
mill  at  Ticonderoga  was  to  furnish  planks  for  the 
intended  navy;  but,  being  overtasked  in  sawing 
timber  for  the  new  works  at  Crown  Point,  it  was 
continually  breaking  down.  Hence  much  time  was 
lost,  and  autumn  was  well  advanced  before  Loring 
could  launch  his  vessels.1 

Meanwhile  news  had  come  from  Prideaux  and  the 
Niagara  expedition.  That  officer  had  been  ordered 
to  ascend  the  Mohawk  with  five  thousand  regulars 
and  provincials,  leave  a  strong  garrison  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  on  the  Great  Carrying  Place,  establish 
posts  at  both  ends  of  Lake  Oneida,  descend  the 
Onondaga  to  Oswego,  leave  nearly  half  his  force 
there  under  Colonel  Haldimand,  and  proceed  with 
the  rest  to  attack  Niagara.2  These  orders  he  accom 
plished.  Haldimand  remained  to  reoccupy  the  spot 
that  Montcalm  had  made  desolate  three  years  before; 
and,  while  preparing  to  build  a  fort,  he  barricaded 
his  camp  with  pork  and  flour  barrels,  lest  the  enemy 
should  make  a  dash  upon  him  from  their  station  at 
the  head  of  the  St.  Lawrence  Rapids.  Such  an 
attack  was  probable;  for  if  the  French  could  seize 
Oswego,  the  return  of  Prideaux  from  Niagara  would 
be  cut  off,  and  when  his  small  stock  of  provisions 

1  Amherst  to  Pitt,  22  October,  1759.  This  letter,  which  is  in  the 
form  of  a  journal,  covers  twenty-one  folio  pages. 

"  Instructions  of  Amherst  to  Prideaux,  17  May,  1759.  Prideaux  to 
Haldimand,  30  June,  1759. 


1759.]  PRIDEAUX  AT  NIAGARA.  253 

had  failed,  he  would  be  reduced  to  extremity.  Saint- 
Luc  de  la  Corne  left  the  head  of  the  Rapids  early 
in  July  with  a  thousand  French  and  Canadians  and 
a  body  of  Indians,  who  soon  made  their  appearance 
among  the  stumps  and  bushes  that  surrounded  the 
camp  at  Oswego.  The  priest  Piquet  was  of  the 
party;  and  five  deserters  declared  that  he  solemnly 
blessed  them,  and  told  them  to  give  the  English  no 
quarter.1  Some  valuable  time  was  lost  in  bestowing 
the  benediction;  yet  Haldimand's  men  were  taken 
by  surprise.  Many  of  them  were  dispersed  in  the 
woods,  cutting  timber  for  the  intended  fort;  and  it 
might  have  gone  hard  with  them  had  not  some  of  La 
Corne 's  Canadians  become  alarmed  and  rushed  back 
to  their  boats,  oversetting  Father  Piquet  on  the 
way.2  These  being  rallied,  the  whole  party  ensconced 
itself  in  a  tract  of  felled  trees  so  far  from  the  English 
that  their  fire  did  little  harm.  They  continued  it 
about  two  hours,  and  resumed  it  the  next  morning; 
when,  three  cannon  being  brought  to  bear  on  them, 
they  took  to  their  boats  and  disappeared,  having  lost 
about  thirty  killed  and  wounded,  including  two 
officers  and  La  Corne  himself,  who  was  shot  in  the 
thigh.  The  English  loss  was  slight. 

Prideaux   safely  reached  Niagara,  and   laid  siege 
to  it.     It  was  a  strong  fort,  lately  rebuilt  in  regular 

1  Journal  of  Colonel  Amherst. 

2  Pouchot,   ii.   130.     Compare   Memoires    sur  le    Canada,   1749- 
1760 ;  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  vii.  395 ;  and  Letter  from  Oswego,  in  Boston 
Evening  Post,  No.  1,  248. 


254  AMHERST.    NIAGARA.  [1759. 

form  by  an  excellent  officer,  Captain  Pouchot,  of  the 
battalion  of  Be'arn,  who  commanded  it.  It  stood 
where  the  present  fort  stands,  in  the  angle  formed  by 
the  junction  of  the  river  Niagara  with  Lake  Ontario, 
and  was  held  by  about  six  hundred  men,  well  sup 
plied  with  provisions  and  munitions  of  war.1  Higher 
up  the  river,  a  mile  and  a  half  above  the  cataract, 
there  was  another  fort,  called  Little  Niagara,  built 
of  wood,  and  commanded  by  the  half-breed  officer, 
Joncaire-Chabert,  who  with  his  brother,  Joncaire- 
Clauzonne,  and  a  numerous  clan  of  Indian  relatives, 
had  so  long  thwarted  the  efforts  of  Johnson  to 
engage  the  Five  Nations  in  the  English  cause.  But 
recent  English  successes  had  had  their  effect.  Jon- 
caire's  influence  was  waning,  and  Johnson  was  now 
in  Prideaux's  camp  with  nine  hundred  Five  Nation 
warriors  pledged  to  fight  the  French.  Joncaire, 
finding  his  fort  untenable,  burned  it,  and  came  with 
his  garrison  and  his  Indian  friends  to  reinforce 
Niagara.2 

Pouchot  had  another  resource,  on  which  he  con 
fidently  relied.  In  obedience  to  an  order  from 
Vaudreuil,  the  French  population  of  the  Illinois, 
Detroit,  and  other  distant  posts,  joined  with  troops 
of  Western  Indians,  had  come  down  the  Lakes  to 
recover  Pittsburg,  undo  the  work  of  Forbes,  and 

1  Pouchot  says  515,  besides  60  men  from  Little  Niagara ;  Vau 
dreuil  gives  a  total  of  589. 

2  Pouchot,  ii.  52,  59.     Proces  de  Bigot,  Cadet,  et  autres,  Me'moire 
pour  Daniel  de  Joncaire-Chabert. 


1759.]  THE   SIEGE  BEGUN.  255 

restore  French  ascendency  on  the  Ohio.  Pittsburg 
had  been  in  imminent  danger;  nor  was  it  yet  safe, 
though  General  Stanwix  was  sparing  no  effort  to 
succor  it.1  These  mixed  bands  of  white  men  and 
red,  bush-rangers  and  savages,  were  now  gathered, 
partly  at  Le  Boeuf  and  Venango,  but  chiefly  at 
Presq'isle,  under  command  of  Aubry,  Ligneris, 
Marin,  and  other  partisan  chiefs,  the  best  in  Canada. 
No  sooner  did  Pouchot  learn  that  the  English  were 
coming  to  attack  him  than  he  sent  a  messenger  to 
summon  them  all  to  his  aid.2 

The  siege  was  begun  in  form,  though  the  English 
engineers  were  so  incompetent  that  the  trenches,  as 
first  laid  out,  were  scoured  by  the  fire  of  the  place, 
and  had  to  be  made  anew.3  At  last  the  batteries 
opened  fire.  A  shell  from  a  coehorn  burst  prema 
turely,  just  as  it  left  the  mouth  of  the  piece,  and  a 
fragment  striking  Prideaux  on  the  head,  killed  him 
instantly.  Johnson  took  command  in  his  place,  and 
made  up  in  energy  what  he  lacked  in  skill.  In  two 
or  three  weeks  the  fort  was  in  extremity.  The  ram 
part  was  breached,  more  than  a  hundred  of  the  gar 
rison  were  killed  or  disabled,  and  the  rest  were 
exhausted  with  want  of  sleep.  Pouchot  watched 

1  Letters  of  Colonel  Hugh   Mercer,  commanding  at  Pittsburg,  Janu 
ary-June,  1759.     Letters  of  Stanwix,   May-July,  1759.     Letter  from 
Pittsburg,  in   Boston   News    Letter,   No.   3,023.     Narrative  of  John 
Ormsby. 

2  Pouchot,  ii.  46. 

8  Rutherford  to  Haldimand,  14  July,  1759.  Prideaux  was  ex 
tremely  disgusted.  Prideaux  to  Haldimand,  13  July,  1759.  Allan 
Macleane,  of  the  Highlanders,  calls  the  engineers  "  fools  and  block 
heads,  G — d  d — n  them."  Macleane  to  Haldimand,  21  July,  1759. 


256  AMHERST.    NIAGARA.  [1759. 

anxiously  for  the  promised  succors ;  and  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  twenty-fourth  of  July  a  distant  firing  told 
him  that  they  were  at  hand. 

Aubry  and  Ligneris,  with  their  motley  following, 
had  left  Presq'isle  a  few  days  before,  to  the  number, 
according  to  Vaudreuil,  of  eleven  hundred  French 
and  two  hundred  Indians.1  Among  them  was  a 
body  of  colony  troops;  but  the  Frenchmen  of  the 
party  were  chiefly  traders  and  bush-rangers  from  the 
West,  connecting  links  between  civilization  and 
savagery;  some  of  them  indeed  were  mere  white 
Indians,  imbued  with  the  ideas  and  morals  of  the 
wigwam,  wearing  hunting-shirts  of  smoked  deer-skin 
embroidered  with  quills  of  the  Canada  porcupine, 
painting  their  faces  black  and  red,  tying  eagle  feathers 
in  their  long  hair,  or  plastering  it  on  their  temples 
with  a  compound  of  vermilion  and  glue.  They  were 
excellent  woodsmen,  skilful  hunters,  and  perhaps 
the  best  bush-fighters  in  all  Canada. 

When  Pouchot  heard  the  firing,  he  went  with  a 
wounded  artillery  officer  to  the  bastion  next  the 
river;  and  as  the  forest  had  been  cut  away  for  a 
great  distance,  they  could  see  more  than  a  mile  and  a 
half  along  the  shore.  There,  by  glimpses  among 
trees  and  bushes,  they  descried  bodies  of  men,  now 

1  "  II  n'y  avoit  que  1,100  Frar^ois  et  200  sauvages."  Vaudreuil 
au  Ministre,  30  Octobre,  1759.  Johnson  says  "  1,200  men,  with  a  num 
ber  of  Indians."  Johnson  to  Amherst,  25  July,  1759.  Portneuf,  com 
manding  at  Presq'isle,  wrote  to  Pouchot  that  there  were  1,600 
French  and  1,200  Indians.  Pouchot,  ii.  94.  A  letter  from  Aubry 
to  Pouchot  put  the  whole  at  2,500,  half  of  them  Indians.  Historical 
Magazine,  v.  Second  Series,  199. 


1759.]  ROUT  OF   THE   FRENCH.  257 

advancing,  and  now  retreating ;  Indians  in  rapid 
movement,  and  the  smoke  of  guns,  the  sound  of 
which  reached  their  ears  in  heavy  volleys,  or  a  sharp 
and  angry  rattle.  Meanwhile  the  English  cannon 
had  ceased  their  fire,  and  the  silent  trenches  seemed 
deserted,  as  if  their  occupants  were  gone  to  meet  the 
advancing  foe.  There  was  a  call  in  the  fort  for 
volunteers  to  sally  and  destroy  the  works;  but  no 
sooner  did  they  show  themselves  along  the  covered 
way  than  the  seemingly  abandoned  trenches  were 
thronged  with  men  and  bayonets,  and  the  attempt 
was  given  up.  The  distant  firing  lasted  half  an 
hour,  then  ceased,  and  Pouchot  remained  in  sus 
pense;  till,  at  two  in  the  afternoon,  a  friendly 
Onondaga,  who  had  passed  unnoticed  through  the 
English  lines,  came  to  him  with  the  announcement 
that  the  French  and  their  allies  had  been  routed  and 
cut  to  pieces.  Pouchot  would  not  believe  him. 

Nevertheless  his  tale  was  true.  Johnson,  besides 
his  Indians,  had  with  him  about  twenty-three  hun 
dred  men,  whom  he  was  forced  to  divide  into  three 
separate  bodies,  —  one  to  guard  the  bateaux,  one  to 
guard  the  trenches,  and  one  to  fight  Aubry  and  his 
band.  This  last  body  consisted  of  the  provincial 
light  infantry  and  the  pickets,  two  companies  of 
grenadiers,  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  of  the  forty- 
sixth  regiment,  all  under  command  of  Colonel  Massey.1 

1  Johnson    to  Amherst,  25   July,  1759.     Knox,  ii.   135.     Captain 

Delancey  to ,  25  July,  1759.    This  writer  commanded  the  light 

infantry  in  the  fight. 

VOL.   II.  — 17 


258  AMHERST.    NIAGARA.  [1759. 

They  took  post  behind  an  abattis  at  a  place  called  La 
Belle  Famille,  and  the  Five  Nation  warriors  placed 
themselves  on  their  flanks.  These  savages  had  shown 
signs  of  disaffection ;  and  when  the  enemy  approached, 
they  opened  a  parley  with  the  French  Indians,  which, 
however,  soon  ended,  and  both  sides  raised  the  war- 
whoop.  The  fight  was  brisk  for  a  while ;  but  at  last 
Aubry's  men  broke  away  in  a  panic.  The  French 
officers  seem  to  have  made  desperate  efforts  to  retrieve 
the  day,  for  nearly  all  of  them  were  killed  or  cap 
tured  ;  while  their  followers,  after  heavy  loss,  fled  to 
their  canoes  and  boats  above  the  cataract,  hastened 
back  to  Lake  Erie,  burned  Presq'isle,  Le  Boeuf,  and 
Venango,  and,  joined  by  the  garrisons  of  those  forts, 
retreated  to  Detroit,  leaving  the  whole  region  of 
the  upper  Ohio  in  undisputed  possession  of  the 
English. 

At  four  o'clock  on  the  day  of  the  battle,  after  a 
furious  cannonade  on  both  sides,  a  trumpet  sounded 
from  the  trenches,  and  an  officer  approached  the  fort 
with  a  summons  to  surrender.  He  brought  also  a 
paper  containing  the  names  of  the  captive  French 
officers,  though  some  of  them  were  spelled  in  a  way 
that  defied  recognition.  Pouchot,  feigning  incredul 
ity,  sent  an  officer  of  his  own  to  the  English  camp, 
who  soon  saw  unanswerable  proof  of  the  disaster ;  for 
here,  under  a  shelter  of  leaves  and  boughs  near  the 
tent  of  Johnson,  sat  Ligneris,  severely  wounded, 
with  Aubry,  Villiers,  Montigny,  Marin,  and  their 


1759.]  THE   FORT   TAKEN.  259 

companions  in  misfortune,  —  in  all,  sixteen  officers, 
four  cadets,  and  a  surgeon.1 

Pouchot  had  now  no  choice  but  surrender.  By  the 
terms  of  the  capitulation,  the  garrison  were  to  be  sent 
prisoners  to  New  York,  though  honors  of  war  were 
granted  them  in  acknowledgment  of  their  courageous 
conduct.  There  was  a  special  stipulation  that  they 
should  be  protected  from  the  Indians,  of  whom  they 
stood  in  the  greatest  terror,  lest  the  massacre  of  Fort 
William  Henry  should  be  avenged  upon  them. 
Johnson  restrained  his  dangerous  allies,  and,  though 
the  fort  was  pillaged,  no  blood  was  shed. 

The  capture  of  Niagara  was  an  important  stroke. 
Thenceforth  Detroit,  Michilimackinac,  the  Illinois, 
and  all  the  other  French  interior  posts,  were  severed 
from  Canada,  and  left  in  helpless  isolation  j  but 
Amherst  was  not  yet  satisfied.  On  hearing  of 
Prideaux's  death  he  sent  Brigadier  Gage  to  supersede 
Johnson  and  take  command  on  Lake  Ontario,  direct 
ing  him  to  descend  the  St.  Lawrence,  attack  the 
French  posts  at  the  head  of  the  rapids,  and  hold 
them  if  possible  for  the  winter.  The  attempt  was 
difficult;  for  the  French  force  on  the  St.  Lawrence 
was  now  greater  than  that  which  Gage  could  bring 
against  it,  after  providing  for  the  safety  of  Oswego 
and  Niagara.  Nor  was  he  by  nature  prone  to  dashing 


1  Johnson  gives  the  names  in  his  private  Diary,  printed  in  Stone, 
Life  of  Johnson,  ii.  394.  Compare  Pouchot,  ii.  105,  106.  Letter 
from  Niagara,  in  Boston  Evening  Post,  No.  1,250.  Vaudreuil  au  Mi 
ni  stre,  30  Octobre,  1759. 


260  AMHERST.    NIAGARA.  [1759. 

and  doubtful  enterprise.  He  reported  that  the  move 
ment  was  impossible,  much  to  the  disappointment  of 
Amherst,  who  seemed  to  expect  from  subordinates 
an  activity  greater  than  his  own.1 

He,  meanwhile,  was  working  at  his  fort  at  Crown 
Point,  while  the  season  crept  away,  and  Bourlamaque 
lay  ready  to  receive  him  at  Isle-aux-Noix.  "  I  wait 
his  coming  with  impatience,"  writes  the  French  com 
mander,  "  though  I  doubt  if  he  will  venture  to  attack 
a  post  where  we  are  intrenched  to  the  teeth,  and 
armed  with  a  hundred  pieces  of  cannon."2  Bourla 
maque  now  had  with  him  thirty-five  hundred  men,  in 
a  position  of  great  strength.  Isle-aux-Noix,  planted 
in  mid-channel  of  the  Richelieu  soon  after  it  issues 
from  Lake  Champlain,  had  been  diligently  fortified 
since  the  spring.  On  each  side  of  it  was  an  arm  of 
the  river,  closed  against  an  enemy  with  chevaux-de- 
frise.  To  attack  it  in  front  in  the  face  of  its  for 
midable  artillery  would  be  a  hazardous  attempt,  and 
the  task  of  reducing  it  was  likely  to  be  a  long  one. 
The  French  force  in  these  parts  had  lately  received 
accessions.  After  the  fall  of  Niagara  the  danger 
seemed  so  great,  both  in  the  direction  of  Lake  Ontario 
and  that  of  Lake  Champlain,  that  LeVis  had  been 
sent  up  from  Quebec  with  eight  hundred  men  to 
command  the  whole  department  of  Montreal.3  A 

1  Amherst  to  Gage,  28  July,  1  August,  14  August,  11  September,  1759. 
Diary  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  in  Stone,  Life  of  Johnson,  ii.  394-429. 

2  Bourlamaque  a  (Bernetz?),22  Septembre,  1759. 

8  Montcalm  a  Bourlamaque,  9  Aout,  1759.  Rigaud  a  Bourlamaque, 
14  Aout,  1759.  Ltvis  a  Bourlamaque,  25  Aout,  1759. 


1759.]  ADVANCE   OF  AMHERST.  261 

body  of  troops  and  militia  was  encamped  opposite 
that  town,  ready  to  march  towards  either  quarter,  as 
need  might  be,  while  the  abundant  crops  of  the 
neighboring  parishes  were  harvested  by  armed  bands, 
ready  at  a  word  to  drop  the  sickle  for  the  gun. 

Thus  the  promised  advance  of  Amherst  into 
Canada  would  be  not  without  its  difficulties,  even 
when  his  navy,  too  tardily  begun,  should  be  ready  to 
act  its  part.  But  if  he  showed  no  haste  in  succoring 
Wolfe,  he  at  least  made  some  attempts  to  communi 
cate  with  him.  Early  in  August  he  wrote  him  a 
letter,  which  Ensign  Hutchins,  of  the  rangers,  carried 
to  him  in  about  a  month  by  the  long  and  circuitous 
route  of  the  Kennebec,  and  which,  after  telling  the 
news  of  the  campaign,  ended  thus :  "  You  may  depend 
on  my  doing  all  I  can  for  effectually  reducing 
Canada.  Now  is  the  time !  " 1  Amherst  soon  after 
tried  another  expedient,  and  sent  Captains  Kennedy 
and  Hamilton  with  a  flag  of  truce  and  a  message  of 
peace  to  the  Abenakis  of  St.  Francis,  who,  he 
thought,  won  over  by  these  advances,  might  permit 
the  two  officers  to  pass  unmolested  to  Quebec.  But 
the  Abenakis  seized  them  and  carried  them  prisoners 
to  Montreal;  on  which  Amherst  sent  Major  Robert 
Rogers  and  a  band  of  rangers  to  destroy  their  town.2 

It  was  the  eleventh  of  October  before  the  miniature 
navy  of  Captain  Loring  —  the  floating  battery,  the 
brig,  and  the  sloop  that  had  been  begun  three  weeks 

1  Amherst  to  Wolfe,  7  August,  1759. 

2  Amherst  to  Pitt,  22  October,  1759.    Rogers,  Journals,  144. 


262  AMHERST.     NIAGARA.  [1759. 

too  late  —  was  ready  for  service.  They  sailed  at 
once  to  look  for  the  enemy.  The  four  French  vessels 
made  no  resistance.  One  of  them  succeeded  in 
reaching  Isle-aux-Noix ;  one  was  run  aground;  and 
two  were  sunk  by  their  crews,  who  escaped  to  the 
shore.  Amherst,  meanwhile,  leaving  the  provincials 
to  work  at  the  fort,  embarked  with  the  regulars  in 
bateaux,  and  proceeded  on  his  northern  way  till, 
on  the  evening  of  the  twelfth,  a  head-wind  began 
to  blow,  and,  rising  to  a  storm,  drove  him  for  shel 
ter  into  Ligonier  Bay,  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake.1 
On  the  thirteenth,  it  blew  a  gale.  The  lake  raged 
like  an  angry  sea,  and  the  frail  bateaux,  fit  only 
for  smooth  water,  could  not  have  lived  a  moment. 
Through  all  the  next  night  the  gale  continued, 
with  floods  of  driving  rain.  "I  hope  it  will  soon 
change,"  wrote  Amherst  on  the  fifteenth,  "for  I 
have  no  time  to  lose."  He  was  right.  He  had 
waited  till  the  season  of  autumnal  storms,  when 
nature  was  more  dangerous  than  man.  On  the  six 
teenth  there  was  frost,  and  the  wind  did  not  abate. 
On  the  next  morning  it  shifted  to  the  south,  but 
soon  turned  back  with  violence  to  the  north,  and  the 
ruffled  lake  put  on  a  look  of  winter,  "  which  determined 
me,"  says  the  general,  "not  to  lose  time  by  striving 
to  get  to  the  Isle-aux-Noix,  where  I  should  arrive 
too  late  to  force  the  enemy  from  their  post,  but  to 
return  to  Crown  Point  and  complete  the  works 
there."  This  he  did,  and  spent  the  remnant  of  the 

1  Orderly  Book  of  Commissary  Wilson. 


1759.]  AMHERST'S   RETURN.  263 

season  in  the  congenial  task  of  finishing  the  fort,  of 
which  the  massive  remains  still  bear  witness  to  his 
industry. 

When  Levis  heard  that  the  English  army  had 
fallen  back,  he  wrote,  well  pleased,  to  Bourlamaque : 
"I  don't  know  how  General  Amherst  will  excuse 
himself  to  his  Court,  but  I  am  very  glad  he  let  us 
alone,  because  the  Canadians  are  so  backward  that 
you  could  count  on  nobody  but  the  regulars."1 

Concerning  this  year's  operations  on  the  Lakes,  it 
may  be  observed  that  the  result  was  not  what  the 
French  feared,  or  what  the  British  colonists  had 
cause  to  hope.  If,  at  the  end  of  winter,  Amherst 
had  begun,  as  he  might  have  done,  the  building  of 
armed  vessels  at  the  head  of  the  navigable  waters  of 
Lake  Champlain,  where  Whitehall  now  stands,  he 
would  have  had  a  navy  ready  to  his  hand  before 
August,  and  would  have  been  able  to  follow  the 
retreating  French  without  delay,  and  attack  them  at 
Isle-aux-Noix  before  they  had  finished  their  fortifica 
tions.  And  if,  at  the  same  time,  he  had  directed 
Prideaux,  instead  of  attacking  Niagara,  to  co-operate 
with  him  by  descending  the  St.  Lawrence  towards 
Montreal,  the  prospect  was  good  that  the  two  armies 
would  have  united  at  that  place,  and  ended  the  cam 
paign  by  the  reduction  of  all  Canada.  In  this  case 
Niagara  and  all  the  western  posts  would  have  fallen 
without  a  blow. 

Major  Robert  Rogers,  sent  in  September  to  punish 

1  Ltvis  a  Bourlamaque,  1  Novembre,  1759. 


264  AMHERST.     NIAGARA.  [1759. 

the  Abenakis  of  St.  Francis,  had  addressed  himself 
to  the  task  with  his  usual  vigor.  These  Indians  had 
been  settled  for  about  three  quarters  of  a  century  on 
the  river  St.  Francis,  a  few  miles  above  its  junction 
with  the  St.  Lawrence.  They  were  nominal  Chris 
tians,  and  had  been  under  the  control  of  their  mis 
sionaries  for  three  generations;  but  though  zealous 
and  sometimes  fanatical  in  their  devotion  to  the 
forms  of  Romanism,  they  remained  thorough  savages 
in  dress,  habits,  and  character.  They  were  the 
scourge  of  the  New  England  borders,  where  they 
surprised  and  burned  farmhouses  and  small  hamlets, 
killed  men,  women,  and  children  without  distinction, 
carried  others  prisoners  to  their  village,  subjected 
them  to  the  torture  of  "running  the  gantlet,"  and 
compelled  them  to  witness  dances  of  triumph  around 
the  scalps  of  parents,  children,  and  friends. 

Amherst's  instructions  to  Rogers  contained  the 
following:  "Remember  the  barbarities  that  have 
been  committed  by  the  enemy's  Indian  scoundrels. 
Take  your  revenge,  but  don't  forget  that,  though 
those  dastardly  villains  have  promiscuously  murdered 
women  and  children  of  all  ages,  it  is  my  order  that 
no  women  or  children  be  killed  or  hurt." 

Rogers  and  his  men  set  out  in  whaleboats,  and, 
eluding  the  French  armed  vessels,  then  in  full  activ 
ity,  came,  on  the  tenth  day,  to  Missisquoi  Bay,  at 
the  north  end  of  Lake  Champlain.  Here  he  hid  his 
boats,  leaving  two  friendly  Indians  to  watch  them 
from  a  distance,  and  inform  him  should  the  enemy 


1759.J  EXPEDITION   OF  ROGERS.  265 

discover  them.  He  then  began  his  march  for  St. 
Francis,  when,  on  the  evening  of  the  second  day, 
the  two  Indians  overtook  him  with  the  startling  news 
that  a  party  of  about  four  hundred  French  had  found 
the  boats,  and  that  half  of  them  were  on  his  tracks 
in  hot  pursuit.  It  was  certain  that  the  alarm  would 
soon  be  given,  and  other  parties  sent  to  cut  him  off. 
He  took  the  bold  resolution  of  outmarching  his  pur 
suers,  pushing  straight  for  St.  Francis,  striking  it 
before  succors  could  arrive,  and  then  returning  by 
Lake  Memphremagog  and  the  Connecticut.  Accord 
ingly  he  despatched  Lieutenant  McMullen  by  a  cir 
cuitous  route  back  to  Crown  Point,  with  a  request  to 
Amherst  that  provisions  should  be  sent  up  the  Con 
necticut  to  meet  him  on  the  way  down.  Then  he 
set  his  course  for  the  Indian  town,  and  for  nine  days 
more  toiled  through  the  forest  with  desperate  energy. 
Much  of  the  way  was  through  dense  spruce  swamps, 
with  no  dry  resting-place  at  night.  At  length  the 
party  reached  the  river  St.  Francis,  fifteen  miles 
above  the  town,  and,  hooking  their  arms  together  for 
mutual  support,  forded  it  with  extreme  difficulty. 
Towards  evening,  Rogers  climbed  a  tree,  and  descried 
the  town  three  miles  distant.  Accidents,  fatigue, 
and  illness  had  reduced  his  followers  to  a  hundred 
and  forty-two  officers  and  men.  He  left  them  to 
rest  for  a  time,  and,  taking  with  him  Lieutenant 
Turner  and  Ensign  Avery,  went  to  reconnoitre  the 
place ;  left  his  two  companions,  entered  it  disguised 
in  an  Indian  dress,  and  saw  the  unconscious  savages 


266  AMHERST.     NIAGARA.  [1759. 

yelling  and  singing  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  a  grand 
dance.  At  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  he  rejoined 
his  party,  and  at  three  led  them  to  the  attack,  formed 
them  in  a  semi-circle,  and  burst  in  upon  the  town 
half  an  hour  before  sunrise.  Many  of  the  warriors 
were  absent,  and  the  rest  were  asleep.  Some  were 
killed  in  their  beds,  and  some  shot  down  in  trying  to 
escape.  "About  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,"  he 
says,  "  the  affair  was  completely  over,  in  which  time 
we  had  killed  at  least  two  hundred  Indians  and  taken 
twenty  of  their  women  and  children  prisoners,  fifteen 
of  whom  I  let  go  their  own  way,  and  five  I  brought 
with  me,  namely,  two  Indian  boys  and  three  Indian 
girls.  I  likewise  retook  five  English  captives." 

English  scalps  in  hundreds  were  dangling  from 
poles  over  the  doors  of  the  houses.1  The  town  was 
pillaged  and  burned,  not  excepting  the  church,  where 
ornaments  of  some  value  were  found.  On  the  side 
of  the  rangers,  Captain  Ogden  and  six  men  were 
wounded,  and  a  Mohegan  Indian  from  Stockbridge 
was  killed.  Rogers  was  told  by  his  prisoners  that  a 
party  of  three  hundred  French  and  Indians  was 
encamped  on  the  river  below,  and  that  another  party 
of  two  hundred  and  fifteen  was  not  far  distant. 
They  had  been  sent  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the 
invaders,  but  were  doubtful  as  to  their  designs  till 

1  Rogers  says  "  about  six  hundred."  Other  accounts  say  six  or 
seven  hundred.  The  late  Abbe  Maurault,  missionary  of  the  St. 
Francis  Indians,  and  their  historian,  adopts  the  latter  statement, 
though  it  is  probably  exaggerated. 


1759.]          SUFFERINGS   OF   THE  RANGERS.  267 

after  the  blow  was  struck.  There  was  no  time  to 
lose.  The  rangers  made  all  haste  southward,  up  the 
St.  Francis,  subsisting  on  corn  from  the  Indian  town ; 
till,  near  the  eastern  borders  of  Lake  Memphremagog, 
the  supply  failed,  and  they  separated  into  small 
parties,  the  better  to  sustain  life  by  hunting.  The 
enemy  followed  close,  attacked  Ensign  Avery's 
party,  and  captured  five  of  them;  then  fell  upon  a 
band  of  about  twenty,  under  Lieutenants  D unbar 
and  Turner,  and  killed  or  captured  nearly  all.  The 
other  bands  eluded  their  pursuers,  turned  southeast 
ward,  reached  the  Connecticut,  some  here,  some  there, 
and,  giddy  with  fatigue  and  hunger,  toiled  wearily 
down  the  wild  and  lonely  stream  to  the  appointed 
rendezvous  at  the  mouth  of  the  Amonoosuc. 

This  was  the  place  to  which  Rogers  had  requested 
that  provisions  might  be  sent;  and  the  hope  of  find 
ing  them  there  had  been  the  breath  of  life  to  the 
famished  wayfarers.  To  their  horror,  the  place  was 
a  solitude.  There  were  fires  still  burning,  but  those 
who  made  them  were  gone.  Amherst  had  sent 
Lieutenant  Stephen  up  the  river  from  Charlestown 
with  an  abundant  supply  of  food ;  but  finding  nobody 
at  the  Amonoosuc,  he  had  waited  there  two  days, 
and  then  returned,  carrying  the  provisions  back  with 
him ;  for  which  outrageous  conduct  he  was  expelled 
from  the  service.  "It  is  hardly  possible,"  says 
Rogers,  "to  describe  our  grief  and  consternation." 
Some  gave  themselves  up  to  despair.  Few  but  their 
indomitable  chief  had  strength  to  go  farther.  There 


268  AMHERST.    NIAGARA.  [1759. 

was  scarcely  any  game,  and  the  barren  wilderness 
yielded  no  sustenance  but  a  few  lily  bulbs  and  the 
tubers  of  the  climbing  plant  called  in  New  England 
the  ground-nut.  Leaving  his  party  to  these  miser 
able  resources,  and  promising  to  send  them  relief 
within  ten  days,  Rogers  made  a  raft  of  dry  pine  logs, 
and  drifted  on  it  down  the  stream,  with  Captain 
Ogden,  a  ranger,  and  one  of  the  captive  Indian  boys. 
They  were  stopped  on  the  second  day  by  rapids,  and 
gained  the  shore  with  difficulty.  At  the  foot  of  the 
rapids,  while  Ogden  and  the  ranger  went  in  search 
of  squirrels,  Rogers  set  himself  to  making  another 
raft;  and,  having  no  strength  to  use  the  axe,  he 
burned  down  the  trees,  which  he  then  divided  into 
logs  by  the  same  process.  Five  days  after  leaving 
his  party  he  reached  the  first  English  settlement, 
Charlestown,  or  "Number  Four,"  and  immediately 
sent  a  canoe  with  provisions  to  the  relief  of  the  suf 
ferers,  following  himself  with  other  canoes  two  days 
later.  Most  of  the  men  were  saved,  though  some 
died  miserably  of  famine  and  exhaustion.  Of  the 
few  who  had  been  captured,  we  are  told  by  a  French 
contemporary  that  they  "became  victims  of  the  fury 
of  the  Indian  women,"  from  whose  clutches  the 
Canadians  tried  in  vain  to  save  them.1 

NOTE.  —  On  the  day  after  he  reached  "Number  Four,"  Rogers 
wrote  a  report  of  his  expedition  to  Amherst.  This  letter  is  printed 
in  his  Journals,  in  which  he  gives  also  a  supplementary  account,  con- 

1  fivgnements  de  la  Guerre  en  Canada,  1759, 1760.  Compare  N.  Y. 
Col.  Docs.,  x.  1042. 


1759.]         SUFFERINGS   OF   THE   RANGERS.  269 

taining  further,  particulars.  The  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  Boston 
Evening  Post,  and  other  newspapers  of  the  time  recount  the  story  in 
detail.  Hoyt  (Indian  Wars,  302)  repeats  it,  with  a  few  additions 
drawn  from  the  recollections  of  survivors,  long  after.  There  is 
another  account,  very  short  and  unsatisfactory,  by  Thompson  Max 
well,  who  says  that  he  was  of  the  party,  which  is  doubtful.  Mante 
(223)  gives  horrible  details  of  the  sufferings  of  the  rangers.  An  old 
chief  of  the  St.  Francis  Indians,  said  to  be  one  of  those  who  pursued 
Rogers  after  the  town  was  burned,  many  years  ago  told  Mr.  Jesse 
Pennoyer,  a  government  land  surveyor,  that  Rogers  laid  an  ambush 
for  the  pursuers,  and  defeated  them  with  great  loss.  This,  the  story 
says,  took  place  near  the  present  town  of  Sherbrooke ;  and  minute 
details  are  given,  with  high  praise  of  the  skill  and  conduct  of  the 
famous  partisan.  If  such  an  incident  really  took  place,  it  is  scarcely 
possible  that  Rogers  would  not  have  made  some  mention  of  it.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  incredible  that  the  Indians  would  have 
invented  the  tale  of  their  own  defeat.  I  am  indebted  for  Pennoyer's 
puzzling  narrative  to  the  kindness  of  R.  A.  Ramsay,  Esq.,  of  Mont 
real.  It  was  printed,  in  1869,  in  the  History  of  the  Eastern  Town 
ships,  by  Mrs.  C.  M.  Day.  All  things  considered,  it  is  probably 
groundless. 

Vaudreuil  describes  the  destruction  of  the  village  in  a  letter  to 
the  minister  dated  October  26,  and  says  that  Rogers  had  a  hundred 
and  fifty  men ;  that  St.  Francis  was  burned  to  ashes  ;  that  the  head 
chief  and  others  were  killed;  that  he  (Vaudreuil),  hearing  of  the 
march  of  the  rangers,  sent  the  most  active  of  the  Canadians  to 
oppose  them,  and  that  Longueuil  sent  all  the  Canadians  and  Indians 
he  could  muster  to  pursue  them  on  their  retreat;  that  forty-six 
rangers  were  killed,  and  ten  captured ;  that  he  thinks  all  the  rest 
will  starve  to  death;  and,  finally,  that  the  affair  is  very  unfortunate. 

I  once,  when  a  college  student,  followed  on  foot  the  route  of 
Rogers  from  Lake  Memphremagog  to  the  Connecticut 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

1759. 
THE   HEIGHTS   OF  ABRAHAM. 

ELATION  OP  THE  FRENCH.  —  DESPONDENCY  OP  WOLFE.  —  THE 
PARISHES  LAID  WASTE.  —  OPERATIONS  ABOVE  QUEBEC.  —  ILL 
NESS  OP  WOLFE.  —  A  NEW  PLAN  OF  ATTACK.  —  FAINT  HOPE 
OF  SUCCESS.  —  WOLFE'S  LAST  DESPATCH.  —  CONFIDENCE  OP 
VAUDREUIL.  —  LAST  LETTERS  OF  MONTCALM.  —  FRENCH  VIGI 
LANCE.  —  BRITISH  SQUADRON  AT  CAP-ROUGE.  —  LAST  ORDERS 
OP  WOLFE.  —  EMBARKATION.  —  DESCENT  OF  THE  ST.  LAW 
RENCE. —  THE  HEIGHTS  SCALED. — THE  BRITISH  LINE.  —  LAST 
NIGHT  OF  MONTCALM.  —  THE  ALARM.  —  MARCH  OP  FRENCH 
TROOPS.  —  THE  BATTLE.  —  THE  ROUT.  —  THE  PURSUIT.  —  FALL 
OP  WOLFE  AND  OP  MONTCALM. 

WOLFE  was  deeply  moved  by  the  disaster  at  the 
heights  of  Montmorenci,  and  in  a  General  Order  on 
the  next  day  he  rebuked  the  grenadiers  for  their  pre 
cipitation.  "Such  impetuous,  irregular,  and  un- 
soldierlike  proceedings  destroy  all  order,  make  it 
impossible  for  the  commanders  to  form  any  disposition 
for  an  attack,  and  put  it  out  of  the  general's  power 
to  execute  his  plans.  The  grenadiers  could  not  sup 
pose  that  they  could  beat  the  French  alone." 

The  French  were  elated  by  their  success.  "  Every 
body,  "  says  the  commissary  Berniers,  "  thought  that 
the  campaign  was  as  good  as  ended,  gloriously  for 


1759.]  DESPONDENCY   OF  WOLFE.  271 

us."  They  had  been  sufficiently  confident  even 
before  their  victory ;  and  the  bearer  of  a  flag  of  truce 
told  the  English  officers  that  he  had  never  imagined 
they  were  such  fools  as  to  attack  Quebec  with  so 
small  a  force.  Wolfe,  on  the  other  hand,  had  every 
reason  to  despond.  At  the  outset,  before  he  had 
seen  Quebec  and  learned  the  nature  of  the  ground, 
he  had  meant  to  begin  the  campaign  by  taking  post 
on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  and  thence  laying  siege 
to  the  town ;  but  he  soon  discovered  that  the  Plains 
of  Abraham  were  hardly  more  within  his  reach  than 
was  Quebec  itself.  Such  hope  as  was  left  him  lay 
in  the  composition  of  Montcalm's  army.  He  re 
spected  the  French  commander,  and  thought  his  dis 
ciplined  soldiers  not  unworthy  of  the  British  steel; 
but  he  held  his  militia  in  high  scorn,  and  could  he 
but  face  them  in  the  open  field,  he  never  doubted  the 
result.  But  Montcalm  also  distrusted  them,  and 
persisted  in  refusing  the  coveted  battle. 

Wolfe,  therefore,  was  forced  to  the  conviction  that 
his  chances  were  of  the  smallest.  It  is  said  that, 
despairing  of  any  decisive  stroke,  he  conceived  the 
idea  of  fortifying  Isle-aux-Coudres,  and  leaving  a 
part  of  his  troops  there  when  he  sailed  for  home, 
against  another  attempt  in  the  spring.  The  more  to 
weaken  the  enemy  and  prepare  his  future  conquest, 
he  began  at  the  same  time  a  course  of  action  which 
for  his  credit  one  would  gladly  wipe  from  the  record ; 
for,  though  far  from  inhuman,  he  threw  himself  with 
extraordinary  intensity  into  whatever  work  he  had  in 


272  THE   HEIGHTS   OF  ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

hand,  and,  to  accomplish  it,  spared  others  scarcely 
more  than  he  spared  himself.  About  the  middle  of 
August  he  issued  a  third  proclamation  to  the  Cana 
dians,  declaring  that  as  they  had  refused  his  offers  of 
protection  and  "  had  made  such  ungrateful  returns  in 
practising  the  most  unchristian  barbarities  against  his 
troops  on  all  occasions,  he  could  no  longer  refrain  in 
justice  to  himself  and  his  army  from  chastising  them 
as  they  deserved."  The  barbarities  in  question  con 
sisted  in  the  frequent  scalping  and  mutilating  of 
sentinels  and  men  on  outpost  duty,  perpetrated  no 
less  by  Canadians  than  by  Indians.  Wolfe's  object 
was  twofold:  first,  to  cause  the  militia  to  desert,  and, 
secondly,  to  exhaust  the  colony.  Rangers,  light 
infantry,  and  Highlanders  were  sent  to  waste  the 
settlements  far  and  wide.  Wherever  resistance  was 
offered,  farmhouses  and  villages  were  laid  in  ashes, 
though  churches  were  generally  spared.  St.  Paul, 
far  below  Quebec,  was  sacked  and  burned,  and  the 
settlements  of  the  opposite  shore  were  partially 
destroyed.  The  parishes  of  L'Ange  Gardien,  Chateau 
Richer,  and  St.  Joachim  were  wasted  with  fire  and 
sword.  Night  after  night  the  garrison  of  Quebec 
could  see  the  light  of  burning  houses  as  far  down  as 
the  mountain  of  Cape  Tourmente.  Near  St.  Joachim 
there  was  a  severe  skirmish,  followed  by  atrocious 
cruelties.  Captain  Alexander  Montgomery,  of  the 
forty-third  regiment,  who  commanded  the  detach 
ment,  and  who  has  been  most  unjustly  confounded 
with  the  revolutionary  general,  Richard  Montgomery, 


1759.]  THE  PARISHES  LAID  WASTE.  273 

ordered  the  prisoners  to  be  shot  in  cold  blood,  to 
the  indignation  of  his  own  officers.1  Robineau  de 
Portneuf,  curd  of  St.  Joachim,  placed  himself  at  the 
head  of  thirty  parishioners  and  took  possession  of  a 
large  stone  house  in  the  adjacent  parish  of  Chateau 
Richer,  where  for  a  time  he  held  the  English  at  bay. 
At  length  he  and  his  followers  were  drawn  out  into 
an  ambush,  where  they  were  surrounded  and  killed ; 
and,  being  disguised  as  Indians,  the  rangers  scalped 
them  all.2 

Most  of  the  French  writers  of  the  time  mention 
these  barbarities  without  much  comment,  while 
Vaudreuil  loudly  denounces  them.  Yet  he  himself 
was  answerable  for  atrocities  incomparably  worse, 
and  on  a  far  larger  scale.  He  had  turned  loose  his 
savages,  red  and  white,  along  a  frontier  of  six  hun 
dred  miles,  to  waste,  burn,  and  murder  at  will. 
"Women  and  children,"  such  were  the  orders  of 
Wolfe,  "are  to  be  treated  with  humanity;  if  any 
violence  is  offered  to  a  woman,  the  offender  shall  be 
punished  with  death."  These  orders  were  generally 
obeyed.  The  English,  with  the  single  exception  of 
Montgomery,  killed  none  but  armed  men  in  the  act 
of  resistance  or  attack;  Vaudreuil's  war-parties 
spared  neither  age.  nor  sex. 

Montcalm  let  the  parishes  burn,  and  still  lay  fast 

1  Eraser,  Journal.    Eraser  was  an  officer  under  Montgomery,  of 
whom  he  speaks  with  anger  and  disgust. 

2  Knox,  ii.  32.     Most  of  the  contemporary  journals  mention  the 
incident. 

VOL.  n.  — 18 


274  THE   HEIGHTS   OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

intrenched  in  his  lines  of  Beauport.  He  would  not 
imperil  all  Canada  to  save  a  few  hundred  farmhouses ; 
and  Wolfe  was  as  far  as  ever  from  the  battle  that  he 
coveted.  Hitherto,  his  attacks  had  been  made  chiefly 
below  the  town;  but,  these  having  failed,  he  now 
changed  his  plan  and  renewed  on  a  larger  scale  the 
movements  begun  above  it  in  July.  With  every  fair 
wind,  ships  and  transports  passed  the  batteries  of 
Quebec,  favored  by  a  hot  fire  from  Point  Levi,  and 
generally  succeeded,  with  more  or  less  damage,  in 
gaining  the  upper  river.  A  fleet  of  flatboats  was 
also  sent  thither,  and  twelve  hundred  troops  marched 
overland  to  embark  in  them,  under  Brigadier  Murray. 
Admiral  Holmes  took  command  of  the  little  fleet 
now  gathered  above  the  town,  and  operations  in  that 
quarter  were  systematically  resumed. 

To  oppose  them,  Bougainville  was  sent  from  the 
camp  at  Beauport  with  fifteen  hundred  men.  His 
was  a  most  arduous  and  exhausting  duty.  He  must 
watch  the  shores  for  fifteen  or  twenty  miles,  divide 
his  force  into  detachments,  and  subject  himself  and 
his  followers  to  the  strain  of  incessant  vigilance  and 
incessant  marching.  Murray  made  a  descent  at 
Pointe-aux-Trembles,  and  was  repulsed  with  loss. 
He  tried  a  second  time  at  another  place,  was  met 
before  landing  by  a  body  of  ambushed  Canadians,  and 
was  again  driven  back,  his  foremost  boats  full  of 
dead  and  wounded.  A  third  time  he  succeeded, 
landed  at  Deschambault,  and  burned  a  large  build 
ing  filled  with  stores  and  all  the  spare  baggage  of  the 


1759.]  DISTRESS  OF   THE   FRENCH.  275 

French  regular  officers.  The  blow  was  so  alarming 
that  Montcalm  hastened  from  Beauport  to  take  com 
mand  in  person;  but  when  he  arrived  the  English 
were  gone. 

Vaudreuil  now  saw  his  mistake  in  sending  the 
French  frigates  up  the  river  out  of  harm's  way,  and 
withdrawing  their  crews  to  serve  the  batteries  of 
Quebec.  Had  these  ships  been  there,  they  might 
have  overpowered  those  of  the  English  in  detail  as 
they  passed  the  town.  An  attempt  was  made  to 
retrieve  the  blunder.  The  sailors  were  sent  to  man 
the  frigates  anew  and  attack  the  squadron  of  Holmes. 
It  was  too  late.  Holmes  was  already  too  strong  for 
them,  and  they  were  recalled.  Yet  the  difficulties  of 
the  English  still  seemed  insurmountable.  Dysentery 
and  fever  broke  out  in  their  camps,  the  number  of 
their  effective  men  was  greatly  reduced,  and  the 
advancing  season  told  them  that  their  work  must 
be  done  quickly,  or  not  done  at  all. 

On  the  other  side,  the  distress  of  the  French  grew 
greater  every  day.  Their  army  was  on  short  rations. 
The  operations  of  the  English  above  the  town  filled 
the  camp  of  Beauport  with  dismay,  for  troops  and 
Canadians  alike  dreaded  the  cutting  off  of  their 
supplies.  These  were  all  drawn  from  the  districts  of 
Three  Rivers  and  Montreal;  and,  at  best,  they  were 
in  great  danger,  since  when  brought  down  in  boats 
at  night  they  were  apt  to  be  intercepted,  while  the 
difficulty  of  bringing  them  by  land  was  extreme, 
through  the  scarcity  of  cattle  and  horses.  Discipline 


276  THE   HEIGHTS  OF  ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

was  relaxed,  disorder  and  pillage  were  rife,  and  the 
Canadians  deserted  so  fast,  that  towards  the  end  of 
August  two  hundred  of  them,  it  is  said,  would  some 
times  go  off  in  one  night.  Early  in  the  month  the 
disheartening  news  came  of  the  loss  of  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point,  the  retreat  of  Bourlamaque,  the 
fall  of  Niagara,  and  the  expected  advance  of  Amherst 
on  Montreal.  It  was  then  that  Ldvis  was  despatched 
to  the  scene  of  danger;  and  Quebec  was  deplorably 
weakened  by  his  absence.  About  this  time  the 
Lower  Town  was  again  set  on  fire  by  the  English 
batteries,  and  a  hundred  and  sixty-seven  houses  were 
burned  in  a  night.  In  the  front  of  the  Upper  Town 
nearly  every  building  was  a  ruin.  At  the  General 
Hospital,  which  was  remote  enough  to  be  safe  from 
the  bombardment,  every  barn,  shed,  and  garret,  and 
even  the  chapel  itself,  were  crowded  with  sick  and 
wounded,  with  women  and  children  from  the  town, 
and  the  nuns  of  the  Ursulines  and  the  Hotel-Dieu, 
driven  thither  for  refuge.  Bishop  Pontbriand, 
though  suffering  from  a  mortal  disease,  came  almost 
daily  to  visit  and  console  them  from  his  lodging  in 
the  house  of  the  cur£  at  Charlesbourg. 

Towards  the  end  of  August  the  sky  brightened 
again.  It  became  known  that  Amherst  was  not 
moving  on  Montreal,  and  Bourlamaque  wrote  that 
his  position  at  Isle-aux-Noix  was  impregnable.  On 
the  twenty-seventh  a  deserter  from  Wolfe's  army 
brought  the  welcome  assurance  that  the  invaders 
despaired  of  success,  and  would  soon  sail  for  home ; 


1759.]  ILLNESS  OF  WOLFE.  277 

while  there  were  movements  in  the  English  camps 
and  fleet  that  seemed  to  confirm  what  he  said. 
Vaudreuil  breathed  more  freely,  and  renewed  hope 
and  confidence  visited  the  army  of  Beauport. 

Meanwhile  a  deep  cloud  fell  on  the  English. 
Since  the  siege  began,  Wolfe  had  passed  with  cease 
less  energy  from  camp  to  camp,  animating  the  troops, 
observing  everything,  and  directing  everything;  but 
now  the  pale  face  and  tall  lean  form  were  seen  no 
more,  and  the  rumor  spread  that  the  general  was 
dangerously  ill.  He  had  in  fact  been  seized  by  an 
access  of  the  disease  that  had  tortured  him  for  some 
time  past;  and  fever  had  followed.  His  quarters 
were  at  a  French  farmhouse  in  the  camp  at  Mont- 
morenci;  and  here,  as  he  lay  in  an  upper  chamber, 
helpless  in  bed,  his  singular  and  most  unmilitary 
features  haggard  with  disease  and  drawn  with  pain, 
no  man  could  less  have  looked  the  hero.  But  as  the 
needle,  though  quivering,  points  always  to  the  pole, 
so,  through  torment  and  languor  and  the  heats  of 
fever,  the  mind  of  Wolfe  dwelt  on  the  capture  of 
Quebec.  His  illness,  which  began  before  the 
twentieth  of  August,  had  so  far  subsided  on  the 
twenty-fifth  that  Knox  wrote  in  his  Diary  of  that 
day:  "His  Excellency  General  Wolfe  is  on  the  re 
covery,  to  the  inconceivable  joy  of  the  whole  army." 
On  the  twenty-ninth  he  was  able  to  write  or  dictate 
a  letter  to  the  three  brigadiers,  Monckton,  Towns- 
hend,  and  Murray:  "That  the  public  service  may 
not  suffer  by  the  General's  indisposition,  he  begs  the 


278  THE   HEIGHTS   OF  ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

brigadiers  will  meet  and  consult  together  for  the 
public  utility  and  advantage,  and  consider  of  the  best 
method  to  attack  the  enemy."  The  letter  then  pro 
poses  three  plans,  all  bold  to  audacity.  The  first 
was  to  send  a  part  of  the  army  to  ford  the  Mont- 
morenci  eight  or  nine  miles  above  its  mouth,  march 
through  the  forest,  and  fall  on  the  rear  of  the  French 
at  Beauport,  while  the  rest  landed  and  attacked  them 
in  front.  The  second  was  to  cross  the  ford  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Montmorenci  and  march  along  the 
strand,  under  the  French  intrenchments,  till  a  place 
could  be  found  where  the  troops  might  climb  the 
heights.  The  third  was  to  make  a  general  attack 
from  boats  at  the  Beauport  flats.  Wolfe  had  before 
entertained  two  other  plans,  one  of  which  was  to 
scale  the  heights  at  St.  Michel,  about  a  league  above 
Quebec ;  but  this  he  had  abandoned  on  learning  that 
the  French  were  there  in  force  to  receive  him.  The 
other  was  to  storm  the  Lower  Town;  but  this  also 
he  had  abandoned,  because  the  Upper  Town,  which 
commanded  it,  would  still  remain  inaccessible. 

The  brigadiers  met  in  consultation,  rejected  the 
three  plans  proposed  in  the  letter,  and  advised  that 
an  attempt  should  be  made  to  gain  a  footing  on  the 
north  shore  above  the  town,  place  the  army  between 
Moiitcalm  and  his  base  of  supply,  and  so  force  him 
to  fight  or  surrender.  The  scheme  was  similar  to 
that  of  the  heights  of  St.  Michel.  It  seemed  desper 
ate,  but  so  did  all  the  rest;  and  if  by  chance  it  should 
succeed,  the  gain  was  far  greater  than  could  follow 


1759.]  DETERMINATION   OF   WOLFE.  279 

any  success  below  the  town.     Wolfe  embraced  it  at 
once. 

Not  that  he  saw  much  hope  in  it.  He  knew  that 
every  chance  was  against  him.  Disappointment  in 
the  past  and  gloom  in  the  future,  the  pain  and 
exhaustion  of  disease,  toils,  and  anxieties  "too 
great,"  in  the  words  of  Burke,  "to  be  supported  by 
a  delicate  constitution,  and  a  body  unequal  to  the 
vigorous  and  enterprising  soul  that  it  lodged,"  threw 
him  at  times  into  deep  dejection.  By  those  intimate 
with  him  he  was  heard  to  say  that  he  would  not  go 
back  defeated,  "to  be  exposed  to  the  censure  and 
reproach  of  an  ignorant  populace."  In  other  moods 
he  felt  that  he  ought  not  to  sacrifice  what  was  left  of 
his  diminished  army  in  vain  conflict  with  hopeless 
obstacles.  But  his  final  resolve  once  taken,  he 
would  not  swerve  from  it.  His  fear  was  that  he 
might  not  be  able  to  lead  his  troops  in  person.  "  I 
know  perfectly  well  you  cannot  cure  me,"  he  said  to 
his  physician ;  "  but  pray  make  me  up  so  that  I  may 
be  without  pain  for  a  few  days,  and  able  to  do  my 
duty:  that  is  all  I  want." 

In  a  despatch  which  Wolfe  had  written  to  Pitt, 
Admiral  Saunders  conceived  that  he  had  ascribed  to 
the  fleet  more  than  its  just  share  in  the  disaster  at 
Montmorenci ;  and  he  sent  him  a  letter  on  the  sub 
ject.  Major  Barre*  kept  it  from  the  invalid  till  the 
fever  had  abated.  Wolfe  then  wrote  a  long  answer, 
which  reveals  his  mixed  dejection  and  resolve.  He 
affirms  the  justice  of  what  Saunders  had  said,  but 


280  THE  HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

adds :  "  I  shall  leave  out  that  part  of  my  letter  to  Mr. 
Pitt  which  you  object  to.  I  am  sensible  of  my  own 
errors  in  the  course  of  the  campaign,  see  clearly 
wherein  I  have  been  deficient,  and  think  a  little 
more  or  less  blame  to  a  man  that  must  necessarily 
be  ruined,  of  little  or  no  consequence.  I  take  the 
blame  of  that  unlucky  day  entirely  upon  my  own 
shoulders,  and  I  expect  to  suffer  for  it."  Then, 
speaking  of  the  new  project  of  an  attack  above 
Quebec,  he  says  despondingly :  "My  ill  state  of 
health  prevents  me  from  executing  my  own  plan;  it 
is  of  too  desperate  a  nature  to  order  others  to  exe 
cute."  He  proceeds,  however,  to  give  directions  for 
it.  "  It  will  be  necessary  to  run  as  many  small  craft 
as  possible  above  the  town,  with  provisions  for  six 
weeks,  for  about  five  thousand,  which  is  all  I  intend 
to  take.  My  letters,  I  hope,  will  be  ready  to-mor 
row,  and  I  hope  I  shall  have  strength  to  lead  these 
men  to  wherever  we  can  find  the  enemy." 

On  the  next  day,  the  last  of  August,  he  was  able 
for  the  first  time  to  leave  the  house.  It  was  on  this 
same  day  that  he  wrote  his  last  letter  to  his  mother: 
"  My  writing  to  you  will  convince  you  that  no  per 
sonal  evils  worse  than  defeats  and  disappointments 
have  fallen  upon  me.  The  enemy  puts  nothing  to 
risk,  and  I  can't  in  conscience  put  the  whole  army 
to  risk.  My  antagonist  has  wisely  shut  himself  up 
in  inaccessible  intrenchments,  so  that  I  can't  get  at 
him  without  spilling  a  torrent  of  blood,  and  that 
perhaps  to  little  purpose.  The  Marquis  de  Mont- 


1759.]  WOLFE'S  LAST  DESPATCHES.  281 

calm  is  at  the  head  of  a  great  number  of  bad  soldiers, 
and  I  am  at  the  head  of  a  small  number  of  good, 
ones,  that  wish  for  nothing  so  much  as  to  fight  him ; 
but  the  wary  old  fellow  avoids  an  action,  doubtful 
of  the  behavior  of  his  army.  People  must  be  of  the 
profession  to  understand  the  disadvantages  and  diffi 
culties  we  labor  under,  arising  from  the  uncommon 
natural  strength  of  the  country." 

On  the  second  of  September  a  vessel  was  sent  to 
England  with  his  last  despatch  to  Pitt.  It  begins 
thus :  "  The  obstacles  we  have  met  with  in  the  opera 
tions  of  the  campaign  are  much  greater  than  we  had 
reason  to  expect  or  could  foresee ;  not  so  much  from 
the  number  of  the  enemy  (though  superior  to  us)  as 
from  the  natural  strength  of  the  country,  which  the 
Marquis  of  Montcalm  seems  wisely  to  depend  upon. 
When  I  learned  that  succors  of  all  kinds  had  been 
thrown  into  Quebec;  that  five  battalions  of  regular 
troops,  completed  from  the  best  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  some  of  the  troops  of  the  colony,  and  every 
Canadian  that  was  able  to  bear  arms,  besides  several 
nations  of  savages,  had  taken  the  field  in  a  very 
advantageous  situation,  —  I  could  not  flatter  myself 
that  I  should  be  able  to  reduce  the  place.  I  sought, 
however,  an  occasion  to  attack  their  army,  knowing 
well  that  with  these  troops  I  was  able  to  fight,  and 
hoping  that  a  victory  might  disperse  them."  Then, 
after  recounting  the  events  of  the  campaign  with 
admirable  clearness,  he  continues:  "I  found  myself 
so  ill,  and  am  still  so  weak,  that  I  begged  the  general 


282  THE   HEIGHTS  OF  ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

officers  to  consult  together  for  the  general  utility. 
They  are  all  of  opinion  that,  as  more  ships  and 
provisions  are  now  got  above  the  town,  they  should 
try,  by  conveying  up  a  corps  of  four  or  five  thousand 
men  (which  is  nearly  the  whole  strength  of  the  army 
after  the  Points  of  Levi  and  Orleans  are  left  in  a 
proper  state  of  defence),  to  draw  the  enemy  from 
their  present  situation  and  bring  them  to  an  action. 
I  have  acquiesced  in  the  proposal,  and  we  are  pre 
paring  to  put  it  into  execution."  The  letter  ends 
thus :  "  By  the  list  of  disabled  officers,  many  of  whom 
are  of  rank,  you  may  perceive  that  the  army  is  much 
weakened.  By  the  nature  of  the  river,  the  most 
formidable  part  of  this  armament  is  deprived  of  the 
power  of  acting ;  yet  we  have  almost  the  whole  force 
of  Canada  to  oppose.  In  this  situation  there  is  such 
a  choice  of  difficulties  that  I  own  myself  at  a  loss 
how  to  determine.  The  affairs  of  Great  Britain,  I 
know,  require  the  most  vigorous  measures;  but  the 
courage  of  a  handful  of  brave  troops  should  be  exerted 
only  when  there  is  some  hope  of  a  favorable  event; 
however,  you  may  be  assured  that  the  small  part  of 
the  campaign  which  remains  shall  be  employed,  as 
far  as  I  am  able,  for  the  honor  of  His  Majesty  and 
the  interest  of  the  nation,  in  which  I  am  sure  of 
being  well  seconded  by  the  Admiral  and  by  the 
generals ;  happy  if  our  efforts  here  can  contribute  to 
the  success  of  His  Majesty's  arms  in  any  other  parts 
of  America." 

Some  days  later,  he  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Holder- 


1759.]        WOLFE'S   DESPERATE  SITUATION.  283 

nesse :  "  The  Marquis  of  Montcalm  has  a  numerous 
body  of  armed  men  (I  cannot  call  it  an  army),  and 
the  strongest  country  perhaps  in  the  world.  Our 
fleet  blocks  up  the  river  above  and  below  the  town, 
but  can  give  no  manner  of  aid  in  an  attack  upon  the 
Canadian  army.  We  are  now  here  [off  Cap-Rouge] 
with  about  thirty-six  hundred  men,  waiting  to  attack 
them  when  and  wherever  they  can  best  be  got  at.  I 
am  so  far  recovered  as  to  do  business ;  but  my  consti 
tution  is  entirely  ruined,  without  the  consolation  of 
doing  any  considerable  service  to  the  state,  and  with 
out  any  prospect  of  it."  He  had  just  learned, 
through  the  letter  brought  from  Amherst  by  Ensign 
Hutchins,  that  he  could  expect  no  help  from  that 
quarter. 

Perhaps  he  was  as  near  despair  as  his  undaunted 
nature  was  capable  of  being.  In  his  present  state  of 
body  and  mind  he  was  a  hero  without  the  light  and 
cheer  of  heroism.  He  flattered  himself  with  no  illu 
sions,  but  saw  the  worst  and  faced  it  all.  He  seems 
to  have  been  entirely  without  excitement.  The 
languor  of  disease,  the  desperation  of  the  chances, 
and  the  greatness  of  the  stake  may  have  wrought  to 
tranquillize  him.  His  energy  was  doubly  tasked: 
to  bear  up  his  own  sinking  frame,  and  to  achieve  an 
almost  hopeless  feat  of  arms. 

Audacious  as  it  was,  his  plan  cannot  be  called 
rash  if  we  may  accept  the  statement  of  two  well- 
informed  writers  011  the  French  side.  They  say  that 
on  the  tenth  of  September  the  English  naval  com- 


284  THE   HEIGHTS   OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

manders  held  a  council  on  board  the  flagship,  in 
which  it  was  resolved  that  the  lateness  of  the  season 
required  the  fleet  to  leave  Quebec  without  delay. 
They  say  further  that  Wolfe  then  went  to  the 
admiral,  told  him  that  he  had  found  a  place  where 
the  heights  could  be  scaled,  that  he  would  send  up 
a  hundred  and  fifty  picked  men  to  feel  the  way,  and 
that  if  they  gained  a  lodgement  at  the  top,  the  other 
troops  should  follow;  if,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
French  were  there  in  force  to  oppose  them,  he  would 
not  sacrifice  the  army  in  a  hopeless  attempt,  but 
embark  them  for  home,  consoled  by  the  thought  that 
all  had  been  done  that  man  could  do.  On  this,  con 
cludes  the  story,  the  admiral  and  his  officers  consented 
to  wait  the  result.1 

As  Wolfe  had  informed  Pitt,  his  army  was  greatly 
weakened.  Since  the  end  of  June  his  loss  in  killed 
and  wounded  was  more  than  eight  hundred  and  fifty, 
including  two  colonels,  two  majors,  nineteen  cap 
tains,  and  thirty-four  subalterns;  and  to  these  were 
to  be  added  a  greater  number  disabled  by  disease. 

The  squadron  of  Admiral  Holmes  above  Quebec 
had  now  increased  to  twenty-two  vessels,  great  and 
small.  One  of  the  last  that  went  up  was  a  diminu 
tive  schooner,  armed  with  a  few  swivels,  and  jocosely 

1  This  statement  is  made  by  the  Chevalier  Johnstone,  and,  with 
some  variation,  by  the  author  of  the  valuable  Journal  tenu  a  I'Armtfe 
que  commandoit  feu  M.  le  Marquis  de  Montcalm.  Bigot  says  that,  after 
the  battle,  he  was  told  by  British  officers  that  Wolfe  meant  to  risk 
only  an  advance  party  of  two  hundred  men,  and  to  re-embark  if  they 
were  repulsed. 


1759.]  MOVEMENTS  OF  WOLFE.  285 

named  the  "Terror  of  France."  She  sailed  by  the 
town  in  broad  daylight,  the  French,  incensed  at  her 
impudence,  blazing  at  her  from  all  their  batteries ; 
but  she  passed  unharmed,  anchored  by  the  admiral's 
ship,  and  saluted  him  triumphantly  with  her  swivels. 

Wolfe's  first  move  towards  executing  his  plan  was 
the  critical  one  of  evacuating  the  camp  at  Mont- 
morenci.  This  was  accomplished  on  the  third  of 
September.  Montcalm  sent  a  strong  force  to  fall  on 
the  rear  of  the  retiring  English.  Monckton  saw  the 
movement  from  Point  Levi,  embarked  two  battalions 
in  the  boats  of  the  fleet,  and  made  a  feint  of  landing 
at  Beauport.  Montcalm  recalled  his  troops  to  repulse 
the  threatened  attack;  and  the  English  withdrew 
from  Montmorenci  unmolested,  some  to  the  Point 
of  Orleans,  others  to  Point  Levi.  On  the  night  of 
the  fourth  a  fleet  of  flatboats  passed  above  the  town 
with  the  baggage  and  stores.  On  the  fifth,  Murray, 
with  four  battalions,  marched  up  the  river  Etechemin, 
and  forded  it  under  a  hot  fire  from  the  French  bat 
teries  at  Sillery.  Monckton  and  Townshend  followed 
with  three  more  battalions,  and  the  united  force,  of 
about  thirty-six  hundred  men,  was  embarked  on 
board  the  ships  of  Holmes,  where  Wolfe  joined  them 
on  the  same  evening. 

These  movements  of  the  English  filled  the  French 
commanders  with  mingled  perplexity,  anxiety,  and 
hope.  A  deserter  told  them  that  Admiral  Saunders 
was  impatient  to  be  gone.  Vaudreuil  grew  confident. 
"The  breaking  up  of  the  camp  at  Montmorenci,"  he 


286  THE  HEIGHTS   OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

says,  "and  the  abandonment  of  the  intrenchments 
there,  the  re-embarkation  on  board  the  vessels  above 
Quebec  of  the  troops  who  had  encamped  on  the  south 
bank,  the  movements  of  these  vessels,  the  removal  of 
the  heaviest  pieces  of  artillery  from  the  batteries  of 
Point  Levi,  —  these  and  the  lateness  of  the  season  all 
combined  to  announce  the  speedy  departure  of  the 
fleet,  several  vessels  of  which  had  even  sailed  down 
the  river  already.  The  prisoners  and  the  deserters 
who  daily  came  in  told  us  that  this  was  the  common 
report  in  their  army."1  He  wrote  to  Bourlamaque 
on  the  first  of  September :  "  Everything  proves  that 
the  grand  design  of  the  English  has  failed." 

Yet  he  was  ceaselessly  watchful.  So  was  Montcalm ; 
and  he,  too,  on  the  night  of  the  second,  snatched  a 
moment  to  write  to  Bourlamaque  from  his  headquar 
ters  in  the  stone  house,  by  the  river  of  Beauport : 
"  The  night  is  dark ;  it  rains ;  our  troops  are  in  their 
tents,  with  clothes  on,  ready  for  an  alarm ;  I  in  my 
boots ;  my  horses  saddled.  In  fact,  this  is  my  usual 
way.  I  wish  you  were  here ;  for  I  cannot  be  every 
where,  though  I  multiply  myself,  and  have  not  taken 
off  my  clothes  since  the  twenty-third  of  June."  On 
the  eleventh  of  September  he  wrote  his  last  letter  to 
Bourlamaque,  and  probably  the  last  that  his  pen  ever 
traced.  "  I  am  overwhelmed  with  work,  and  should 
often  lose  temper,  like  you,  if  I  did  not  remember 
that  I  am  paid  by  Europe  for  not  losing  it.  Nothing 
new  since  my  last.  I  give  the  enemy  another  month, 

1   Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octobre,  1759. 


1759.]  VIGILANCE   OF   THE   FRENCH.  287 

or  something  less,  to  stay  here."  The  more  sanguine 
Vaudreuil  would  hardly  give  them  a  week. 

Meanwhile,  no  precaution  was  spared.  The  force 
under  Bougainville  above  Quebec  was  raised  to  three 
thousand  men.1  He  was  ordered  to  watch  the  shore 
as  far  as  Jacques-Cartier,  and  follow  with  his  main 
body  every  movement  of  Holmes 's  squadron.  There 
was  little  fear  for  the  heights  near  the  town;  they 
were  thought  inaccessible.2  Even  Montcalm  believed 
them  safe,  and  had  expressed  himself  to  that  effect 
some  time  before.  "  We  need  not  suppose,"  he  wrote 
to  Vaudreuil,  "that  the  enemy  have  wings;"  and 
again,  speaking  of  the  very  place  where  Wolfe  after 
wards  landed,  "  I  swear  to  you  that  a  hundred  men 
posted  there  would  stop  their  whole  army."3  He 
was  right.  A  hundred  watchful  and  determined  men 
could  have  held  the  position  long  enough  for  rein 
forcements  to  come  up. 

The  hundred  men  were  there.  Captain  de  Vergor, 
of  the  colony  troops,  commanded  them,  and  reinforce 
ments  were  within  his  call;  for  the  battalion  of 
Guienne  had  been  ordered  to  encamp  close  at  hand 
on  the  Plains  of  Abraham.4  Vergor 's  post,  called 
Anse  du  Foulon,  was  a  mile  and  a  half  from  Quebec. 
A  little  beyond  it,  by  the  brink  of  the  cliffs,  was 
another  post,  called  Samos,  held  by  seventy  men 

1  Journal  du  Sie'ge  (Bibliotheque  de  Hartwell).     Journal  tenu  a 
I'Arm&e,  etc.     Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octobre,  1759. 

2  Pontbriand,  Jugement  impartial. 

8  Montcalm  a  Vaudreuil,  27  Juillet.     Ibid.,  29  Juillet,  1759. 
4  Foligny,  Journal  mtfrnoratif.    Journal  tenu  a  I'Arme'e,  etc. 


288  THE   HEIGHTS  OF  ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

with  four  cannon;  and,  beyond  this  again,  the 
heights  of  Sillery  were  guarded  by  a  hundred  and 
thirty  men,  also  with  cannon.1  These  were  outposts 
of  Bougainville,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Cap- 
Rouge,  six  miles  above  Sillery,  and  whose  troops 
were  in  continual  movement  along  the  intervening 
shore.  Thus  all  was  vigilance ;  for  while  the  French 
were  strong  in  the  hope  of  speedy  delivery,  they  felt 
that  there  was  no  safety  till  the  tents  of  the  invader 
had  vanished  from  their  shores  and  his  ships  from 
their  river.  "What  we  knew,"  says  one  of  them, 
"  of  the  character  of  M.  Wolfe,  that  impetuous,  bold, 
and  intrepid  warrior,  prepared  us  for  a  last  attack 
before  he  left  us." 

Wolfe  had  been  very  ill  on  the  evening  of  the 
fourth.  The  troops  knew  it,  and  their  spirits  sank; 
but,  after  a  night  of  torment,  he  grew  better,  and 
was  soon  among  them  again,  rekindling  their  ardor, 
and  imparting  a  cheer  that  he  could  not  share.  For 
himself  he  had  no  pity;  but  when  he  heard  of  the 
illness  of  two  officers  in  one  of  the  ships,  he  sent  them 
a  message  of  warm  sympathy,  advised  them  to  return 
to  Point  Levi,  and  offered  them  his  own  barge  and 
an  escort.  They  thanked  him,  but  replied  that,  come 
what  might,  they  would  see  the  enterprise  to  an  end. 
Another  officer  remarked  in  his  hearing  that  one  of 
the  invalids  had  a  very  delicate  constitution.  "  Don't 
tell  me  of  constitution,"  said  Wolfe;  "he  has  good 
spirit,  and  good  spirit  will  carry  a  man  through 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octobre,  1759. 


1759.]  MAJOR  ROBERT  STOBO.  289 

everything."1     An  immense  moral  force  bore  up  his 
own  frail  body  and  forced  it  to  its  work. 

Major  Robert  Stobo,  who,  five  years  before,  had 
been  given  as  a  hostage  to  the  French  at  the  capture 
of  Fort  Necessity,  arrived  about  this  time  in  a  vessel 
from  Halifax.  He  had  long  been  a  prisoner  at 
Quebec,  not  always  in  close  custody,  and  had  used 
his  opportunities  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  neigh 
borhood.  In  the  spring  of  this  year  he  and  an  officer 
of  rangers  named  Stevens  had  made  their  escape  with 
extraordinary  skill  and  daring;  and  he  now  returned 
to  give  his  countrymen  the  benefit  of  his  local  knowl 
edge.2  His  biographer  says  that  it  was  he  who 
directed  Wolfe  in  the  choice  of  a  landing-place.3 
Be  this  as  it  may,  Wolfe  in  person  examined  the 
river  and  the  shores  as  far  as  Pointe-aux-Trembles ; 
till  at  length,  landing  on  the  south  side  a  little  above 
Quebec,  and  looking  across  the  water  with  a  tele 
scope,  he  descried  a  path  that  ran  with  a  long  slope 
up  the  face  of  the  woody  precipice,  and  saw  at  the 
top  a  cluster  of  tents.  They  were  those  of  Vergor's 
guard  at  the  Anse  du  Foulon,  now  called  Wolfe's 
Cove.  As  he  could  see  but  ten  or  twelve  of  them, 
he  thought  that  the  guard  could  not  be  numerous, 
and  might  be  overpowered.  His  hope  would  have 
been  stronger  if  he  had  known  that  Vergor  had  once 


1  Knox,  ii.  61,  65. 

2  Letters  in  Boston  Post  Boy,  No.  97,  and  Boston  Evening  Post,  No. 
1,258. 

3  Memoirs  of  Major  Robert  Stobo.     Curious,  but  often  inexact. 

VOL.  II.  —  1 


290  THE  HEIGHTS   OF   ABRAHAM.  [1750. 

been  tried  for  misconduct  and  cowardice  in  the 
surrender  of  Beause'jour,  and  saved  from  merited 
disgrace  by  the  friendship  of  Bigot  and  the  protec 
tion  of  Vaudreuil.1 

The  morning  of  the  seventh  was  fair  and  warm, 
and  the  vessels  of  Holmes,  their  crowded  decks  gay 
with  scarlet  uniforms,  sailed  up  the  river  to  Cap- 
Rouge.  A  lively  scene  awaited  them ;  for  here  were 
the  headquarters  of  Bougainville,  and  here  lay  his 
principal  force,  while  the  rest  watched  the  banks 
above  and  below.  The  cove  into  which  the  little 
river  runs  was  guarded  by  floating  batteries;  the 
surrounding  shore  was  defended  by  breastworks ;  and 
a  large  body  of  regulars,  militia,  and  mounted  Cana 
dians  in  blue  uniforms  moved  to  and  fro,  with  rest 
less  activity,  on  the  hills  behind.  When  the  vessels 
came  to  anchor,  the  horsemen  dismounted  and  formed 
in  line  with  the  infantry ;  then,  with  loud  shouts,  the 
whole  rushed  down  the  heights  to  man  their  works 
at  the  shore.  That  true  Briton,  Captain  Knox, 
looked  on  with  a  critical  eye  from  the  gangway  of 
his  ship,  and  wrote  that  night  in  his  Diary  that  they 
had  made  a  ridiculous  noise.  "How  different!"  he 
exclaims,  "how  nobly  awful  and  expressive  of  true 
valor  is  the  customary  silence  of  the  British  troops !  " 

In  the  afternoon  the  ships  opened  fire,  while  the 
troops  entered  the  boats  and  rowed  up  and  down  as 
if  looking  for  a  landing-place.  It  was  but  a  feint  of 
Wolfe  to  deceive  Bougainville  as  to  his  real  design. 

1  See  supra,  i.  263. 


1759.]  CAP-ROUGE.  291 

A  heavy  easterly  rain  set  in  on  the  next  morning, 
and  lasted  two  days  without  respite.  All  operations 
were  suspended,  and  the  men  suffered  greatly  in  the 
crowded  transports.  Half  of  them  were  therefore 
landed  on  the  south  shore,  where  they  made  their 
quarters  in  the  village  of  St.  Nicolas,  refreshed  them 
selves,  and  dried  their  wet  clothing,  knapsacks,  and 
blankets. 

For  several  successive  days  the  squadron  of  Holmes 
was  allowed  to  drift  up  the  river  with  the  flood  tide 
and  down  with  the  ebb,  thus  passing  and  repassing 
incessantly  between  the  neighborhood  of  Quebec  on 
one  hand,  and  a  point  high  above  Cap-Rouge  on  the 
other;  while  Bougainville,  perplexed,  and  always 
expecting  an  attack,  followed  the  ships  to  and  fro 
along  the  shore,  by  day  and  by  night,  till  his  men 
were  exhausted  with  ceaseless  forced  marches.1 

At  last  the  time  for  action  came.  On  Wednes 
day,  the  twelfth,  the  troops  at  St.  Nicolas  were 
embarked  again,  and  all  were  told  to  hold  themselves 
in  readiness.  Wolfe,  from  the  flagship  "Suther 
land,"  issued  his  last  general  orders.  "The  enemy's 
force  is  now  divided,  great  scarcity  of  provisions  in 
their  camp,  and  universal  discontent  among  the 
Canadians.  Our  troops  below  are  in  readiness  to 
join  us ;  all  the  light  artillery  and  tools  are  embarked 
at  the  Point  of  Levi ;  and  the  troops  will  land  where 
the  French  seem  least  to  expect  it.  The  first  body 
that  gets  on  shore  is  to  march  directly  to  the  enemy 

1  Joannes,  Major  de  Quebec,  Mtmoire  sur  la  Campagne  de  1759. 


292  THE  HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

and  drive  them  from  any  little  post  they  may  occupy ; 
the  officers  must  be  careful  that  the  succeeding  bodies 
do  not  by  any  mistake  fire  on  those  who  go  before 
them.  The  battalions  must  form  on  the  upper 
ground  with  expedition,  and  be  ready  to  charge 
whatever  presents  itself.  When  the  artillery  and 
troops  are  landed,  a  corps  will  be  left  to  secure  the 
landing-place,  while  the  rest  march  on  and  endeavor 
to  bring  the  Canadians  and  French  to  a  battle.  The 
officers  and  men  will  remember  what  their  country 
expects  from  them,  and  what  a  determined  body  of 
soldiers  inured  to  war  is  capable  of  doing  against  five 
weak  French  battalions  mingled  with  a  disorderly 
peasantry." 

The  spirit  of  the  army  answered  to  that  of  its  chief. 
The  troops  loved  and  admired  their  general,  trusted 
their  officers,  and  were  ready  for  any  attempt.  "  Nay, 
how  could  it  be  otherwise,"  quaintly  asks  honest 
Sergeant  John  Johnson,  of  the  fifty-eighth  regiment, 
"  being  at  the  heels  of  gentlemen  whose  whole  thirst, 
equal  with  their  general,  was  for  glory?  We  had 
seen  them  tried,  and  always  found  them  sterling. 
We  knew  that  they  would  stand  by  us  to  the  last 
extremity." 

Wolfe  had  thirty-six  hundred  men  and  officers 
with  him  on  board  the  vessels  of  Holmes;  and  he 
now  sent  orders  to  Colonel  Burton  at  Point  Levi  to 
bring  to  his  aid  all  who  could  be  spared  from  that 
place  and  the  Point  of  Orleans.  They  were  to  march 
along  the  south  bank,  after  nightfall,  and  wait 


1759.]  A  PRETENDED   ATTACK.  293 

further  orders  at  a  designated  spot  convenient  for 
embarkation.  Their  number  was  about  twelve  hun 
dred,  so  that  the  entire  force  destined  for  the  enter 
prise  was  at  the  utmost  forty-eight  hundred.1  With 
these,  Wolfe  meant  to  climb  the  heights  of  Abraham 
in  the  teeth  of  an  enemy  who,  though  much  reduced, 
were  still  twice  as  numerous  as  their  assailants.2 

Admiral  Saunders  lay  with  the  main  fleet  in  the 
Basin  of  Quebec.  This  excellent  officer,  whatever 
may  have  been  his  views  as  to  the  necessity  of  a 
speedy  departure,  aided  Wolfe  to  the  last  with 
unfailing  energy  and  zeal.  It  was  agreed  between 
them  that  while  the  general  made  the  real  attack, 
the  admiral  should  engage  Montcalm 's  attention  by  a 
pretended  one.  As  night  approached,  the  fleet 
ranged  itself  along  the  Beauport  shore;  the  boats 
were  .lowered  and  filled  with  sailors,  marines,  and 
the  few  troops  that  had  been  left  behind ;  while  ship 
signalled  to  ship,  cannon  flashed  and  thundered,  and 
shot  ploughed  the  beach,  as  if  to  clear  a  way  for 
assailants  to  land.  In  the  gloom  of  the  evening  the 
effect  was  imposing.  Montcalm,  who  thought  that 
the  movements  of  the  English  above  the  town  were 

1  See  Note,  end  of  chapter. 

2  Including  Bougainville's  command.    An  escaped  prisoner  told 
Wolfe,  a  few  days  before,  that  Montcalm  still  had  fourteen  thou 
sand  men.     Journal  of  an  Expedition  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence.     This 
meant  only  those  in  the  town  and  the  camps  of  Beauport.     "  I  don't 
believe  their  whole  army  amounts  to  that  number,"  wrote  Wolfe  to 
Colonel  Burton,  on  the  tenth.    He  knew,  however,  that  if  Montcalm 
could  bring  all  his  troops  together,  the  French  would  outnumber  him 
more  than  two  to  one. 


294  THE  HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

only  a  feint,  that  their  main  force  was  still  below  it, 
and  that  their  real  attack  would  be  made  there,  was 
completely  deceived,  and  massed  his  troops  in  front 
of  Beauport  to  repel  the  expected  landing.  But 
while  in  the  fleet  of  Saunders  all  was  uproar  and 
ostentatious  menace,  the  danger  was  ten  miles  away, 
where  the  squadron  of  Holmes  lay  tranquil  and  silent 
at  its  anchorage  off  Cap-Rouge. 

It  was  less  tranquil  than  it  seemed.  All  on  board 
knew  that  a  blow  would  be  struck  that  night,  though 
only  a  few  high  officers  knew  where.  Colonel  Howe, 
of  the  light  infantry,  called  for  volunteers  to  lead  the 
unknown  and  desperate  venture,  promising,  in  the 
words  of  one  of  them,  "  that  if  any  of  us  survived  we 
might  depend  on  being  recommended  to  the  gen 
eral."1  As  many  as  were  wanted  —  twenty-four  in 
all  —  soon  came  forward.  Thirty  large  bateaux  and 
some  boats  belonging  to  the  squadron  lay  moored 
alongside  the  vessels;  and  late  in  the  evening  the 
troops  were  ordered  into  them,  the  twenty-four 
volunteers  taking  their  place  in  the  foremost.  They 
held  in  all  about  seventeen  hundred  men.  The  rest 
remained  on  board. 

Bougainville  could  discern  the  movement,  and 
misjudged  it,  thinking  that  he  himself  was  to  be 
attacked.  The  tide  was  still  flowing;  and,  the 
better  to  deceive  him,  the  vessels  and  boats  were 

1  Journal  of  ike  Particular  Transactions  during  the  Siege  of  Quebec. 
The  writer,  a  soldier  in  the  light  infantry,  says  he  was  one  of  the 
first  eight  who  came  forward.  See  Notes  and  Queries,  xx.  370. 


1759.]  THE   TROOPS   EMBARK.  295 

allowed  to  drift  upward  with  it  for  a  little  distance, 
as  if  to  land  above  Cap-Rouge. 

The  day  had  been  fortunate  for  Wolfe.  Two 
deserters  came  from  the  camp  of  Bougainville  with 
intelligence  that,  at  ebb  tide  on  the  next  night,  he 
was  to  send  down  a  convoy  of  provisions  to  Mont- 
calm.  The  necessities  of  the  camp  at  Beauport,  and 
the  difficulties  of  transportation  by  land,  had  before 
compelled  the  French  to  resort  to  this  perilous  means 
of  conveying  supplies;  and  their  boats,  drifting  in 
darkness  under  the  shadows  of  the  northern  shore, 
had  commonly  passed  in  safety.  Wolfe  saw  at  once 
that,  if  his  own  boats  went  down  in  advance  of  the 
convoy,  he  could  turn  the  intelligence  of  the  deserters 
to  good  account. 

He  was  still  on  board  the  "Sutherland."  Every 
preparation  was  made,  and  every  order  given;  it  only 
remained  to  wait  the  turning  of  the  tide.  Seated 
with  him  in  the  cabin  was  the  commander  of  the 
sloop-of-war  "Porcupine,"  his  former  school-fellow, 
John  Jervis,  afterwards  Earl  St.  Vincent.  Wolfe 
told  him  that  he  expected  to  die  in  the  battle  of  the 
next  day;  and  taking  from  his  bosom  a  miniature  of 
Miss  Lowther,  his  betrothed,  he  gave  it  to  him  with 
a  request  that  he  would  return  it  to  her  if  the  pre 
sentiment  should  prove  true.1 

Towards  two  o'clock  the  tide  began  to  ebb,  and  a 
fresh  wind  blew  down  the  river.  Two  lanterns  were 
raised  into  the  maintop  shrouds  of  the  "Sutherland." 

1  Tucker,  Life  of  Earl  St.  Vincent,  i.  19.     (London,  1844.) 


296  THE   HEIGHTS   OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

It  was  the  appointed  signal;  the  boats  cast  off  and 
fell  down  with  the  current,  those  of  the  light  infantry 
leading  the  way.  The  vessels  with  the  rest  of  the 
troops  had  orders  to  follow  a  little  later. 

To  look  for  a  moment  at  the  chances  on  which  this 
bold  adventure  hung.  First,  the  deserters  told  Wolfe 
that  provision-boats  were  ordered  to  go  down  to 
Quebec  that  night;  secondly,  Bougainville  'counter 
manded  them;  chirdly,  the  sentries  posted  along  the 
heights  were  told  of  the  order,  but  not  of  the  counter 
mand;1  fourthly,  Vergor  at  the  Anse  du  Foulon 
had  permitted  most  of  his  men,  chiefly  Canadians 
from  Lorette,  to  go  home  for  a  time  and  work  at 
their  harvesting,  on  condition,  it  is  said,  that  they 
should  afterwards  work  in  a  neighboring  field  of  his 
own;2  fifthly,  he  kept  careless  watch,  and  went 
quietly  to  bed;  sixthly,  the  battalion  of  Guienne, 
ordered  to  take  post  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  had, 
for  reasons  unexplained,  remained  encamped  by  the 
St.  Charles;3  and  lastly,  when  Bougainville  saw 
Holmes 's  vessels  drift  down  the  stream,  he  did  not 
tax  his  weary  troops  to  follow  them,  thinking  that 
they  would  return  as  usual  with  the  flood  tide.4  But 
for  these  conspiring  circumstances  New  France  might 
have  lived  a  little  longer,  and  the  fruitless  heroism  of 
Wolfe  would  have  passed,  with  countless  other 
heroisms,  into  oblivion. 

1  Journal  tenu  d  I'Armee,  etc. 

2  Me'moires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 

8  Foligny,  Journal  me'moratif.     Journal  tenu  d  I'Arme'e,  etc. 
4  Johnstone,  Dialogue.     Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octobre,  1759. 


1759.]       DESCENT  OF  THE  ST.   LAWRENCE.         297 

For  full  two  hours  the  procession  of  boats,  borne 
on  the  current,  steered  silently  down  the  St. 
Lawrence.  The  stars  were  visible,  but  the  night 
was  moonless  and  sufficiently  dark.  The  general 
was  in  one  of  the  foremost  boats,  and  near  him  was  a 
young  midshipman,  John  Robison,  afterwards  pro 
fessor  of  natural  philosophy  in  the  University  of 
Edinburgh.  He  used  to  tell  in  his  later  life  how 
Wolfe,  with  a  low  voice,  repeated  Gray's  "  Elegy  in  a 
Country  Churchyard  "  to  the  officers  about  him.  Prob 
ably  it  was  to  relieve  the  intense  strain  of  his 
thoughts.  Among  the  rest  was  the  verse  which  his 
own  fate  was  soon  to  illustrate,  — 

"  The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave/' 

"Gentlemen,"  he  said,  as  his  recital  ended,  "I 
would  rather  have  written  those  lines  than  take 
Quebec."  None  were  there  to  tell  him  that  the  hero 
is  greater  than  the  poet. 

As  they  neared  their  destination,  the  tide  bore 
them  in  towards  the  shore,  and  the  mighty  wall  of 
rock  and  forest  towered  in  darkness  on  their  left. 
The  dead  stillness  was  suddenly  broken  by  the  sharp 
Qui  vive  !  of  a  French  sentry,  invisible  in  the  thick 
gloom.  France !  answered  a  Highland  officer  of 
Eraser's  regiment  from  one  of  the  boats  of  the  light 
infantry.  He  had  served  in  Holland,  and  spoke 
French  fluently. 
A  quel  regiment  ? 

De  la  Heine,   replied  the  Highlander.     He   knew 


298  THE   HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

that  a  part  of  that  corps  was  with  Bougainville.  The 
sentry,  expecting  the  convoy  of  provisions,  was 
satisfied,  and  did  not  ask  for  the  password. 

Soon  after,  the  foremost  boats  were  passing  the 
heights  of  Samos,  when  another  sentry  challenged 
them,  and  they  could  see  him  through  the  darkness 
running  down  to  the  edge  of  the  water,  within  range 
of  a  pistol-shot.  In  answer  to  his  questions,  the 
same  officer  replied,  in  French:  "Provision-boats. 
Don't  make  a  noise;  the  English  will  hear  us."1  In 
fact,  the  sloop-of-war  "Hunter"  was  anchored  in 
the  stream  not  far  off.  This  time,  again,  the  sentry 
let  them  pass.  In  a  few  moments  they  rounded  the 
headland  above  the  Anse  du  Foulon.  There  was  no 
sentry  there.  The  strong  current  swept  the  boats  of 
the  light  infantry  a  little  below  the  intended  landing- 
place.2  They  disembarked  on  a  narrow  strand  at  the 
foot  of  heights  as  steep  as  a  hill  covered  with  trees 
can  be.  The  twenty-four  volunteers  led  the  way, 
climbing  with  what  silence  they  might,  closely  fol 
lowed  by  a  much  larger  body.  When  they  reached 
the  top  they  saw  in  the  dim  light  a  cluster  of  tents 
at  a  short  distance,  and  immediately  made  a  dash  at 
them.  Vergor  leaped  from  bed  and  tried  to  run  off, 
but  was  shot  in  the  heel  and  captured.  His  men, 
taken  by  surprise,  made  little  resistance.  One  or 
two  were  caught,  and  the  rest  fled. 

1  See  a  note  of  Smollett,  History  of  England,  v.  56  (ed.  1805). 
Sergeant  Johnson,  Vaudreuil,  Foligny,  and  the  Journal  of  Particular 
Transactions  give  similar  accounts. 

2  Saunders   to   Pitt,  20  September.    Journal  of  Sergeant  Johnson. 
Compare  Knox,  ii,  67. 


1759.J  THE   HEIGHTS   CLIMBED.  299 

The  main  body  of  troops  waited  in  their  boats  by 
the  edge  of  the  strand.     The  heights  near  by  were 
cleft  by  a  great  ravine  choked  with  forest  trees ;  and 
in  its  depths  ran  a  little  brook  called  Ruisseau  St.- 
Denis,  which,  swollen  by  the  late  rains,  fell  plashing 
in   the   stillness    over  a  rock.     Other  than  this  no 
sound  could  reach  the  strained  ear  of  Wolfe  but  the 
gurgle  of  the  tide  and  the  cautious  climbing  of  his 
advance-parties  as  they  mounted  the  steeps  at  some 
little    distance    from  where    he    sat    listening.     At 
length  from  the  top  came  a  sound  of  musket-shots, 
followed  by  loud  huzzas,  and  he  knew  that  his  men 
were  masters  of  the  position.     The  word  was  given; 
the   troops   leaped   from   the   boats    and   scaled   the 
heights,   some  here,    some  there,   clutching  at  trees 
and   bushes,    their   muskets   slung   at    their   backs. 
Tradition  still  points  out  the  place,  near  the  mouth 
of  the  ravine,  where  the  foremost  reached  the  top. 
Wolfe  said  to  an  officer  near  him :  "  You  can  try  it, 
but  I  don't  think  you  '11  get  up."     He  himself,  how 
ever,   found   strength   to  drag  himself  up  with  the 
rest.     The  narrow  slanting  path  on  the  face  of  the 
heights  had  been  made  impassable  by  trenches  and 
abattis ;  *but  all  obstructions  were  soon  cleared  away, 
and  then  the  ascent  was  easy.     In  the  gray  of  the 
morning  the  long  file  of  red-coated  soldiers  moved 
quickly  upward,  and  formed  in  order  on  the  plateau 
above. 

Before  many  of  them  had  reached  the  top,  cannon 
were  heard  close  on  the  left.     It  was  the  battery  at 


300  THE   HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

Samos  firing  on  the  boats  in  the  rear  and  the  vessels 
descending  from  Cap-Rouge.  A  party  was  sent  to 
silence  it;  this  was  soon  effected,  and  the  more  dis 
tant  battery  at  Sillery  was  next  attacked  and  taken. 
As  fast  as  the  boats  were  emptied  they  returned  for 
the  troops  left  on  board  the  vessels  and  for  those 
waiting  on  the  southern  shore  under  Colonel  Burton. 

The  day  broke  in  clouds  and  threatening  rain. 
Wolfe's  battalions  were  drawn  up  along  the  crest  of 
the  heights.  No  enemy  was  in  sight,  though  a  body 
of  Canadians  had  sallied  from  the  town  and  moved 
along  the  strand  towards  the  landing-place,  whence 
they  were  quickly  driven  back.  He  had  achieved  the 
most  critical  part  of  his  enterprise;  yet  the  success 
that  he  coveted  placed  him  in  imminent  danger.  On 
one  side  was  the  garrison  of  Quebec  and  the  army 
of  Beauport,  and  Bougainville  was  on  the  other. 
Wolfe's  alternative  was  victory  or  ruin;  for  if  he 
should  be  overwhelmed  by  a  combined  attack,  retreat 
would  be  hopeless.  His  feelings  no  man  can  know; 
but  it  would  be  safe  to  say  that  hesitation  or  doubt 
had  no  part  in  them. 

He  went  to  reconnoitre  the  ground,  and  soon  came 
to  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  so  called  from  Abraham 
Martin,  a  pilot  known  as  Maitre  Abraham,  who  had 
owned  a  piece  of  land  here  in  the  early  times  of  the 
colony.  The  Plains  were  a  tract  of  grass,  tolerably 
level  in  most  parts,  patched  here  and  there  with  corn 
fields,  studded  with  clumps  of  bushes,  and  forming  a 
part  of  the  high  plateau  at  the  eastern  end  of  which 


1759.]  THE  LINE  OF   BATTLE.  301 

Quebec  stood.  On  the  south  it  was  bounded  by  the 
declivities  along  the  St.  Lawrence ;  on  the  north,  by 
those  along  the  St.  Charles,  or  rather  along  the 
meadows  through  which  that  lazy  stream  crawled  like 
a  writhing  snake.  At  the  place  that  Wolfe  chose  for 
his  battle-field  the  plateau  was  less  than  a  mile  wide. 

Thither  the  troops  advanced,  marched  by  files  till 
they  reached  the  ground,  and  then  wheeled  to  form 
their  line  of  battle,  which  stretched  across  the 
plateau  and  faced  the  city.  It  consisted  of  six  bat 
talions  and  the  detached  grenadiers  from  Louisbourg, 
all  drawn  up  in  ranks  three  deep.  Its  right  wing 
was  near  the  brink  of  the  heights  along  the  St. 
Lawrence ;  but  the  left  could  not  reach  those  along 
the  St.  Charles.  On  this  side  a  wide  space  was  per 
force  left  open,  and  there  was  danger  of  being  out 
flanked.  To  prevent  this,  Brigadier  Townshend  was 
stationed  here  with  two  battalions,  drawn  up  at  right 
angles  with  the  rest,  and  fronting  the  St.  Charles. 
The  battalion  of  Webb's  regiment,  under  Colonel 
Burton,  formed  the  reserve;  the  third  battalion  of 
Royal  Americans  was  left  to  guard  the  landing ;  and 
Howe's  light  infantry  occupied  a  wood  far  in  the 
rear.  Wolfe,  with  Monckton  and  Murray,  com 
manded  the  front  line,  on  which  the  heavy  fighting 
was  to  fall,  and  which,  when  all  the  troops  had 
arrived,  numbered  less  than  thirty-five  hundred 
men.1 

Quebec  was  not  a  mile  distant,   but  they  could 

1  See  Note,  end  of  chapter. 


302  THE   HEIGHTS   OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

not  see  it;  for  a  ridge  of  broken  ground  intervened, 
called  Buttes-a-Neveu,  about  six  hundred  paces  off. 
The  first  division  of  troops  had  scarcely  come  up 
when,  about  six  o'clock,  this  ridge  was  suddenly 
thronged  with  white  uniforms.  It  was  the  battalion 
of  Guienne,  arrived  at  the  eleventh  hour  from  its 
camp  by  the  St.  Charles.  Some  time  after  there  was 
hot  firing  in  the  rear.  It  came  from  a  detachment  of 
Bougainville's  command  attacking  a  house  where 
some  of  the  light  infantry  were  posted.  The  assail 
ants  were  repulsed,  and  the  firing  ceased.  Light 
showers  fell  at  intervals,  besprinkling  the  troops  as 
they  stood  patiently  waiting  the  event. 

Montcalm  had  passed  a  troubled  night.  Through 
all  the  evening  the  cannon  bellowed  from  the  ships 
of  Saunders,  and  the  boats  of  the  fleet  hovered  in 
the  dusk  off  the  Beauport  shore,  threatening  every 
moment  to  land.  Troops  lined  the  intrenchments 
till  day,  while  the  general  walked  the  field  that 
adjoined  his  headquarters  till  one  in  the  morning, 
accompanied  by  the  Chevalier  Johnstone  and  Colonel 
Poulariez.  Johnstone  says  that  he  was  in  great 
agitation,  and  took  no  rest  all  night.  At  daybreak 
he  heard  the  sound  of  cannon  above  the  town.  It 
was  the  battery  at  Samos  firing  on  the  English  ships. 
He  had  sent  an  officer  to  the  quarters  of  Vaudreuil, 
which  were  much  nearer  Quebec,  with  orders  to  bring 
him  word  at  once  should  anything  unusual  happen. 
But  no  word  came,  and  about  six  o'clock  he  mounted 
and  rode  thither  with  Johnstone.  As  they  advanced, 


1759.]  THE  ALARM.  303 

the  country  behind  the  town  opened  more  and  more 
upon  their  sight;  till  at  length,  when  opposite 
Vaudreuil's  house,  they  saw  across  the  St.  Charles, 
some  two  miles  away,  the  red  ranks  of  British 
soldiers  on  the  heights  beyond. 

"This  is  a  serious  business,"  Montcalm  said;  and 
sent  off  Johnstone  at  full  gallop  to  bring  up  the 
troops  from  the  centre  and  left  of  the  camp.  Those 
of  the  right  were  in  motion  already,  doubtless  by  the 
governor's  order.  Vaudreuil  came  out  of  the  house. 
Montcalm  stopped  for  a  few  words  with  him;  then 
set  spurs  to  his  horse,  and  rode  over  the  bridge  of 
the  St.  Charles  to  the  scene  of  danger.1  He  rode 
with  a  fixed  look,  uttering  not  a  word.2 

The  army  followed  in  such  order  as  it  might, 
crossed  the  bridge  in  hot  haste,  passed  under  the 
northern  rampart  of  Quebec,  entered  at  the  Palace 
Gate,  and  pressed  on  in  headlong  march  along  the 
quaint  narrow  streets  of  the  warlike  town :  troops  of 
Indians  in  scalp-locks  and  war-paint,  a  savage  glitter 
in  their  deep-set  eyes;  bands  of  Canadians  whose 
all  was  at  stake,  —  faith,  country,  and  home ;  the 
colony  regulars ;  the  battalions  of  Old  France,  a  tor 
rent  of  white  uniforms  and  gleaming  bayonets,  La 
Sarre,  Languedoc,  Roussillon,  Beam,  —  victors  of 
Oswego,  William  Henry,  and  Ticonderoga.  So  they 
swept  on,  poured  out  upon  the  plain,  some  by  the 
gate  of  St.  Louis,  and  some  by  that  of  St.  John,  and 

1  Johnstone,  Dialogue. 

'2  Malartic  a  Bourlamaque,  —  Septembre,  1759. 


304  THE   HEIGHTS  OF  ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

hurried,  breathless,  to  where  the  banners  of  Guienne 
still  fluttered  on  the  ridge. 

Montcalm  was  amazed  at  what  he  saw.  He  had 
expected  a  detachment,  and  he  found  an  army.  Full 
in  sight  before  him  stretched  the  lines  of  Wolfe :  the 
close  ranks  of  the  English  infantry,  a  silent  wall  of 
red,  and  the  wild  array  of  the  Highlanders,  with 
their  waving  tartans,  and  bagpipes  screaming  defiance. 
Vaudreuil  had  not  come;  but  not  the  less  was  felt 
the  evil  of  a  divided  authority  and  the  jealousy  of  the 
rival  chiefs.  Montcalm  waited  long  for  the  forces 
he  had  ordered  to  join  him  from  the  left  wing  of  the 
army.  He  waited  in  vain.  It  is  said  that  the 
governor  had  detained  them,  lest  the  English  should 
attack  the  Beauport  shore.  Even  if  they  did  so,  and 
succeeded,  the  French  might  defy  them,  could  they 
but  put  Wolfe  to  rout  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham. 
Neither  did  the  garrison  of  Quebec  come  to  the  aid 
of  Montcalm.  He  sent  to  Ramesay,  its  commander, 
for  twenty-five  field-pieces  which  were  on  the  Palace 
battery.  Ramesay  would  give  him  only  three,  saying 
that  he  wanted  them  for  his  own  defence.  There 
were  orders  and  counter-orders;  misunderstanding, 
haste,  delay,  perplexity. 

Montcalm  and  his  chief  officers  held  a  council  of 
war.  It  is  said  that  he  and  they  alike  were  for  imme 
diate  attack.  His  enemies  declare  that  he  was  afraid 
lest  Vaudreuil  should  arrive  and  take  command ;  but 
the  governor  was  not  a  man  to  assume  responsibility 
at  such  a  crisis.  Others  say  that  his  impetuosity 


1759.]  ALTERNATIVES.  305 

overcame  his  better  judgment;  and  of  this  charge  it 
is  hard  to  acquit  him.  Bougainville  was  but  a  few 
miles  distant,  and  some  of  his  troops  were  much 
nearer;  a  messenger  sent  by  way  of  Old  Lorette 
could  have  reached  him  in  an  hour  and  a  half  at 
most,  and  a  combined  attack  in  front  and  rear  might 
have  been  concerted  with  him.  If,  moreover,  Mont- 
calm  could  have  come  to  an  understanding  with 
Vaudreuil,  his  own  force  might  have  been  strength 
ened  by  two  or  three  thousand  additional  men  from 
the  town  and  the  camp  of  Beauport;  but  he  felt  that 
there  was  no  time  to  lose,  for  he  imagined  that 
Wolfe  would  soon  be  reinforced,  which  was  impos 
sible,  and  he  believed  that  the  English  were  fortify 
ing  themselves,  which  was  no  less  an  error.  He  has 
been  blamed  not  only  for  fighting  too  soon,  but  for 
fighting  at  all.  In  this  he  could  not  choose.  Fight 
he  must,  for  Wolfe  was  now  in  a  position  to  cut  off 
all  his  supplies.  His  men  were  full  of  ardor,  and  he 
resolved  to  attack  before  their  ardor  cooled.  He 
spoke  a  few  words  to  them  in  his  keen,  vehement 
way.  "I  remember  very  well  how  he  looked,"  one 
of  the  Canadians,  then  a  boy  of  eighteen,  used  to  say 
in  his  old  age ;  "  he  rode  a  black  or  dark  bay  horse 
along  the  front  of  our  lines,  brandishing  his  sword,  as 
if  to  excite  us  to  do  our  duty.  He  wore  a  coat  with 
wide  sleeves,  which  fell  back  as  he  raised  his  arm, 
and  showed  the  white  linen  of  the  wristband."  l 
The  English  waited  the  result  with  a  composure 

1  Recollections  of  Joseph  Trahan,  in  Revue  Canadienne,  iv.  856. 
VOL.  ii.  —  20 


306  THE   HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

which,  if  not  quite  real,  was  at  least  well  feigned. 
The  three  field-pieces  sent  by  Ramesay  plied  them 
with  canister-shot,  and  fifteen  hundred  Canadians 
and  Indians  fusilladed  them  in  front  and  flank. 
Over  all  the  plain,  from  behind  bushes  and  knolls 
and  the  edge  of  cornfields,  puffs  of  smoke  sprang 
incessantly  from  the  guns  of  these  hidden  marksmen. 
Skirmishers  were  thrown  out  before  the  lines  to  hold 
them  in  check,  and  the  soldiers  were  ordered  to  lie 
on  the  grass  to  avoid  the  shot.  The  firing  was  live 
liest  on  the  English  left,  where  bands  of  sharpshooters 
got  under  the  edge  of  the  declivity,  among  thickets, 
and  behind  scattered  houses,  whence  they  killed  and 
wounded  a  considerable  number  of  Townshend's  men. 
The  light  infantry  were  called  up  from  the  rear.  The 
houses  were  taken  and  retaken,  and  one  or  more  of 
them  was  burned. 

Wolfe  was  everywhere.  How  cool  he  was,  and 
why  his  followers  loved  him,  is  shown  by  an  incident 
that  happened  in  the  course  of  the  morning.  One 
of  his  captains  was  shot  through  the  lungs ;  and  on 
recovering  consciousness  he  saw  the  general  standing 
at  his  side.  Wolfe  pressed  his  hand,  told  him  not  to 
despair,  praised  his  services,  promised  him  early 
promotion,  and  sent  an  aide-de-camp  to  Monckton  to 
beg  that  officer  to  keep  the  promise  if  he  himself 
should  fall.1 

It  was  towards  ten  o'clock  when,   from  the  high 

1  Sir  Denis  Le  Marchant,  cited  by  Wright,  579.  Le  Marchant 
knew  the  captain  in  his  old  age.  Monckton  kept  Wolfe's  promise. 


1759.]  THE   CRISIS.  307 

ground  on  the  right  of  the  line,  Wolfe  saw  that  the 
crisis  was  near.  The  French  on  the  ridge  had  formed 
themselves  into  three  bodies,  regulars  in  the  centre, 
regulars  and  Canadians  on  right  and  left.  Two  field- 
pieces,  which  had  been  dragged  up  the  heights  at 
Anse  du  Foulon,  fired  on  them  with  grape-shot,  and 
the  troops,  rising  from  the  ground,  prepared  to 
receive  them.  In  a  few  moments  more  they  were  in 
motion.  They  came  on  rapidly,  uttering  loud  shouts, 
and  firing  as  soon  as  they  were  within  range.  Their 
ranks,  ill  ordered  at  the  best,  were  further  confused 
by  a  number  of  Canadians  who  had  been  mixed 
among  the  regulars,  and  who,  after  hastily  firing, 
threw  themselves  on  the  ground  to  reload.1  The 
British  advanced  a  few  rods ;  then  halted  and  stood 
still.  When  the  French  were  within  forty  paces  the 
word  of  command  rang  out,  and  a  crash  of  musketry 
answered  all  along  the  line.  The  volley  was  deliv 
ered  with  remarkable  precision.  In  the  battalions 
of  the  centre,  which  had  suffered  least  from  the 
enemy's  bullets,  the  simultaneous  explosion  was 
afterwards  said  by  French  officers  to  have  sounded 
like  a  cannon-shot.  Another  volley  followed,  and 
then  a  furious  clattering  fire  that  lasted  but  a  minute 
or  two.  When  the  smoke  rose,  a  miserable  sight 
was  revealed:  the  ground  cumbered  with  dead  and 


1  "  Les  Canadiens,  qui  etaient  metes  dans  les  bataillons,  se  pres- 
serent  de  tirer  et,  d&s  qu'ils  1'eussent  fait,  de  mettre  ventre  a  terre 
pour  charger,  ce  qui  rompit  tout  Tordre."  Malartic  a  Bourlamaque, 
25  Septembre,  1759. 


308  THE   HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

wounded,  the  advancing  masses  stopped  short  and 
turned  into  a  frantic  mob,  shouting,  cursing,  gesticu 
lating.  The  order  was  given  to  charge.  Then  over 
the  field  rose  the  British  cheer,  mixed  with  the  fierce 
yell  of  the  Highland  slogan.  Some  of  the  corps 
pushed  forward  with  the  bayonet;  some  advanced 
firing.  The  clansmen  drew  their  broadswords  and 
dashed  on,  keen  and  swift  as  bloodhounds.  At  the 
English  right,  though  the  attacking  column  was 
broken  to  pieces,  a  fire  was  still  kept  up,  chiefly,  it 
seems,  by  sharpshooters  from  the  bushes  and  corn 
fields,  where  they  had  lain  for  an  hour  or  more. 
Here  Wolfe  himself  led  the  charge,  at  the  head  of 
the  Louisbourg  grenadiers.  A  shot  shattered  his 
wrist.  He  wrapped  his  handkerchief  about  it  and 
kept  on.  Another  shot  struck  him,  and  he  still 
advanced,  when  a  third  lodged  in  his  breast.  He 
staggered,  and  sat  on  the  ground.  Lieutenant 
Brown,  of  the  grenadiers,  one  Henderson,  a  volun 
teer  in  the  same  company,  and  a  private  soldier, 
aided  by  an  officer  of  artillery  who  ran  to  join  them, 
carried  him  in  their  arms  to  the  rear.  He  begged 
them  to  lay  him  down.  They  did  so,  and  asked  if 
he  would  have  a  surgeon.  "There's  no  need,"  he 
answered;  "it's  all  over  with  me."  A  moment 
after,  one  of  them  cried  out:  "They  run;  see  how 
they  run!"  "Who  run?"  Wolfe  demanded,  like  a 
man  roused  from  sleep.  "The  enemy,  sir.  Egad, 
they  give  way  everywhere !  "  "  Go,  one  of  you,  to 
Colonel  Burton,"  returned  the  dying  man;  "tell  him 


The  Fall  of  Montcalm. 

Drawn  by  Howard  Pyle. 

MONTCALM  AND  WOLFE,  II.,  309. 


1759.]       FALL  OF  WOLFE  AND  MONTCALM.        309 

to  march  Webb's  regiment  down  to  Charles  River, 
to  cut  off  their  retreat  from  the  bridge."  Then, 
turning  on  his  side,  he  murmured,  "Now,  God  be 
praised,  I  will  die  in  peace  !  "  and  in  a  few  moments 
his  gallant  soul  had  fled. 

Montcalm,  still  on  horseback,  was  borne  with  the 
tide  of  fugitives  towards  the  town.  As  he  approached 
the  walls  a  shot  passed  through  his  body.  He  kept 
his  seat;  two  soldiers  supported  him,  one  on  each 
side,  and  led  his  horse  through  the  St.  Louis  Gate. 
On  the  open  space  within,  among  the  excited  crowd, 
were  several  women,  drawn,  no  doubt,  by  eagerness 
to  know  the  result  of  the  fight.  One  of  them  recog 
nized  him,  saw  the  streaming  blood,  and  shrieked, 
"  0  mon  Dieu  !  mon  Dieu  I  le  Marquis  est  tue  !  "  "  It  's 
nothing,  it's  nothing,"  replied  the  death-stricken 
man;  "don't  be  troubled  forme,  my  good  friends." 
("  Ce  n'est  rien,  ce  n'est  rien  ;  ne  vous  affligez  pas  pour 
mes  bonnes  amies.") 


NOTE.  —  There  are  several  contemporary  versions  of  the  dying 
words  of  Wolfe.  The  report  of  Knox,  given  above,  is  by  far  the 
best  attested.  Knox  says  that  he  took  particular  pains  at  the  time 
to  learn  them  accurately  from  those  who  were  with  Wolfe  when 
they  were  uttered. 

The  anecdote  of  Montcalm  is  due  to  the  late  Hon.  Malcolm  Fraser, 
of  Quebec.  He  often  heard  it  in  his  youth  from  an  old  woman,  who, 
when  a  girl,  was  one  of  the  group  who  saw  the  wounded  general  led 
by,  and  to  whom  the  words  were  addressed. 

Force  of  the  English  and  French  at  the  Battle  of  Quebec.  —  The 
tabular  return  given  by  Knox  shows  the  number  of  officers  and  men 
in  each  corps  engaged.  According  to  this,  the  battalions  as  they 
stood  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  before  the  battle  varied  in  strength 
from  322  (Monckton's)  to  683  (Webb's),  making  a  total  of  4,828, 


310  THE  HEIGHTS  OF   ABRAHAM.  [1759. 

including  officers.  But  another  return,  less  specific,  signed  George 
Townshend,  Brigadier,  makes  the  entire  number  only  4,441.  Towns- 
hend  succeeded  Wolfe  in  the  command ;  and  this  return,  which  is 
preserved  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  was  sent  to  London  a  few 
days  after  the  battle.  Some  French  writers  present  put  the  number 
lower,  perhaps  for  the  reason  that  Webb's  regiment  and  the  third 
battalion  of  Royal  Americans  took  no  part  in  the  fight,  the  one 
being  in  the  rear  as  a  reserve,  and  the  other  also  invisible,  guarding 
the  landing-place.  Wolfe's  front  line,  which  alone  met  and  turned 
the  French  attack,  was  made  up  as  follows,  the  figures  including 
officers  and  men:  — 

Thirty-fifth  Regiment  .    .    519  Twenty-eighth  Regiment  .  421 

Fifty-eighth        "          .    .    335  Forty-seventh          "  .  360 

Seventy-eighth  "          .    .    662  Forty-third  "  .  327 

Louisbourg  Grenadiers     .    241  Light  Infantry 400 

Making  a  total  of  3,265. 

The  French  force  engaged  cannot  be  precisely  given.  Knox,  on 
information  received  from  "  an  intelligent  Frenchman,"  states  the 
number,  corps  by  corps,  the  aggregate  being  7,520.  This,  on  exam 
ination,  plainly  appears  exaggerated.  Fraser  puts  it  at  5,000 ; 
Townshend  at  4,470,  including  militia.  Bigot  says,  3,500,  which 
may  perhaps  be  as  many  as  actually  advanced  to  the  attack,  since 
some  of  the  militia  held  back.  Including  Bougainville's  command, 
the  militia  and  artillerymen  left  in  the  Beauport  camp,  the  sailors 
at  the  town  batteries,  and  the  garrison  of  Quebec,  at  least  as  many 
of  the  French  were  out  of  the  battle  as  were  in  it ;  and  the  numbers 
engaged  on  each  side  seem  to  have  been  about  equal. 

For  authorities  of  the  foregoing  chapter,  see  Appendix  I. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

1759. 
FALL  OF  QUEBEC. 

AFTER  THE  BATTLE.  —  CANADIANS  RESIST  THE  PURSUIT.  —  ARRIVAL 
OF  VAUDREUIL.  —  SCENE  IN  THE  REDOUBT.  —  PANIC.  —  MOVE 
MENTS  OF  THE  VICTORS.  —  VAUDREUIL'S  COUNCIL  OF  WAR.  — 
PRECIPITATE  RETREAT  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMY.  —  LAST  HOURS 
OF  MONTCALM;  HIS  DEATH  AND  BURIAL.— QUEBEC  ABANDONED 
TO  ITS  FATE.  —  DESPAIR  OF  THE  GARRISON.  —  LEVIS  JOINS  THE 
ARMY.  —  ATTEMPTS  TO  RELIEVE  THE  TOWN.  —  SURRENDER.  — 
THE  BRITISH  OCCUPY  QUEBEC.  —  SLANDERS  OF  VAUDREUIL.  — 
RECEPTION  IN  ENGLAND  OF  THE  NEWS  OF  WOLFE'S  VICTORY 
AND  DEATH.  —  PREDICTION  OF  JONATHAN  MAYHEW. 

"  NEVER  was  rout  more  complete  than  that  of  our 
army,"  says  a  French  official.1  It  was  the  more  so 
because  Montcalm  held  no  troops  in  reserve,  but 
launched  his  whole  force  at  once  against  the  English. 
Nevertheless  there  was  some  resistance  to  the  pursuit. 
It  came  chiefly  from  the  Canadians,  many  of  whom 
had  not  advanced  with  the  regulars  to  the  attack. 
Those  on  the  right  wing,  instead  of  doing  so,  threw 
themselves  into  an  extensive  tract  of  bushes  that  lay 
in  front  of  the  English  left ;  and  from  this  cover  they 
opened  a  fire,  too  distant  for  much  effect,  till  the 
victors  advanced  in  their  turn,  when  the  shot  of  the 

1  Daine  au  Ministre,  9  Octobre,  1759. 


312  FALL  OF  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

hidden  marksmen  told  severely  upon  them.  Two 
battalions,  therefore,  deployed  before  the  bushes, 
fired  volleys  into  them,  and  drove  their  occupants 
out. 

Again,  those  of  the  Canadians  who,  before  the 
main  battle  began,  attacked  the  English  left  from  the 
brink  of  the  plateau  towards  the  St.  Charles,  with 
drew  when  the  rout  took  place,  and  ran  along  the 
edge  of  the  declivity  till,  at  the  part  of  it  called  Cote 
Ste.-Genevieve,  they  came  to  a  place  where  it  was 
overgrown  with  thickets.  Into  these  they  threw 
themselves;  and  were  no  sooner  under  cover  than 
they  faced  about  to  fire  upon  the  Highlanders,  who 
presently  came  up.  As  many  of  these  mountaineers, 
according  to  their  old  custom,  threw  down  their 
muskets  when  they  charged,  and  had  no  weapons 
but  their  broadswords,  they  tried  in  vain  to  dislodge 
the  marksmen,  and  suffered  greatly  in  the  attempt. 
Other  troops  came  to  their  aid,  cleared  the  thickets, 
after  stout  resistance,  and  drove  their  occupants 
across  the  meadow  to  the  bridge  of  boats.  The  con 
duct  of  the  Canadians  at  the  Cote  Ste.-Genevieve 
went  far  to  atone  for  the  shortcomings  of  some  of 
them  on  the  battle-field. 

A  part  of  the  fugitives  escaped  into  the  town  by 
the  gates  of  St.  Louis  and  St.  John,  while  the  greater 
number  fled  along  the  front  of  the  ramparts,  rushed 
down  the  declivity  to  the  suburb  of  St.  Roch,  and 
ran  over  the  meadows  to  the  bridge,  protected  by  the 
cannon  of  the  town  and  the  two  armed  hulks  in  the 


1759.]  ARRIVAL  OF  VAUDREUIL.  313 

river.  The  rout  had  but  just  begun  when  Vaudreuil 
crossed  the  bridge  from  the  camp  of  Beauport.  It 
was  four  hours  since  he  first  heard  the  alarm,  and  his 
quarters  were  not  much  more  than  two  miles  from 
the  battle-field.  He  does  not  explain  why  he  did  not 
come  sooner;  it  is  certain  that  his  coming  was  well 
timed  to  throw  the  blame  on  Montcalm  in  case  of 
defeat,  or  to  claim  some  of  the  honor  for  himself  in 
case  of  victory.  "Monsieur  the  Marquis  of  Mont- 
calm,"  he  says,  "unfortunately  made  his  attack  before 
I  had  joined  him."1  His  joining  him  could  have 
done  no  good;  for  though  he  had  at  last  brought 
with  him  the  rest  of  the  militia  from  the  Beauport 
camp,  they  had  come  no  farther  than  the  bridge  over 
the  St.  Charles,  having,  as  he  alleges,  been  kept 
there  by  an  unauthorized  order  from  the  chief  of 
staff,  Montreuil.2  He  declares  that  the  regulars 
were  in  such  a  fright  that  he  could  not  stop  them; 
but  that  the  Canadians  listened  to  his  voice,  and 
that  it  was  he  who  rallied  them  at  the  Cote  Ste.- 
Genevieve.  Of  this  the  evidence  is  his  own  word. 
From  other  accounts  it  would  appear  that  the  Cana 
dians  rallied  themselves.  Vaudreuil  lost  no  time  in 
recrossing  the  bridge  and  joining  the  militia  in  the 
redoubt  at  the  farther  end,  where  a  crowd  of  fugitives 
soon  poured  in  after  him. 

The  aide-de-camp  Johnstone,  mounted  on  horse 
back,  had  stopped  for  a  moment  in  what  is  now  the 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  21  Septembre,  1759. 

2  Ibid.,  5  Octobre,  1759. 


314  FALL  OF  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

suburb  of  St.  John  to  encourage  some  soldiers  who 
were  trying  to  save  a  cannon  that  had  stuck  fast  in  a 
marshy  hollow;  when,  on  spurring  his  horse  to  the 
higher  ground,  he  saw  within  musket-shot  a  long 
line  of  British  troops,  who  immediately  fired  upon 
him.  The  bullets  whistled  about  his  ears,  tore  his 
clothes,  and  wounded  his  horse;  which,  however, 
carried  him  along  the  edge  of  the  declivity  to  a  wind 
mill,  near  which  was  a  roadway  to  a  bakehouse  on 
the  meadow  below.  He  descended,  crossed  the 
meadow,  reached  the  bridge,  and  rode  over  it  to  the 
great  redoubt  or  hornwork  that  guarded  its  head. 

The  place  was  full  of  troops  and  Canadians  in  a 
wild  panic.  "It  is  impossible,"  says  Johnstone,  "to 
imagine  the  disorder  and  confusion  I  found  in  the 
hornwork.  Consternation  was  general.  M.  de 
Vaudreuil  listened  to  everybody,  and  was  always  of 
the  opinion  of  him  who  spoke  last.  On  the  appear 
ance  of  the  English  troops  on  the  plain  by  the  bake 
house,  Montguet  and  La  Motte,  two  old  captains  in 
the  regiment  of  Bdarn,  cried  out  with  vehemence  to 
M.  de  Vaudreuil  '  that  the  hornwork  would  be  taken 
in  an  instant  by  assault,  sword  in  hand;  that  we  all 
should  be  cut  to  pieces  without  quarter;  and  that 
nothing  would  save  us  but  an  immediate  and  general 
capitulation  of  Canada,  giving  it  up  to  the  English. '  "  1 

1  Confirmed  by  Journal  tenu  a  I'Armee,  etc.  "  Divers  officiers  des 
troupes  de  terre  n'hesiterent  point  a  dire,  tout  haut  en  presence  du 
soldat,  qu'il  ne  nous  restoit  d'autre  ressource  que  celle  de  capituler 
promptement  pour  toute  la  colonie,"  etc. 


1759.]  SCENE  IN  THE   REDOUBT.  315 

Yet  the  river  was  wide  and  deep,  and  the  hornwork 
was  protected  on  the  water  side  by  strong  palisades, 
with  cannon.  Nevertheless  there  rose  a  general  cry 
to  cut  the  bridge  of  boats.  By  doing  so  more  than 
half  the  army,  who  had  not  yet  crossed,  would  have 
been  sacrificed.  The  axemen  were  already  at  work, 
when  they  were  stopped  by  some  officers  who  had 
not  lost  their  wits. 

"M.  de  Vaudreuil,"  pursues  Johnstone,  "was 
closeted  in  a  house  in  the  inside  of  the  hornwork  with 
the  Intendant  and  some  other  persons.  I  suspected 
they  were  busy  drafting  the  articles  for  a  general 
capitulation,  and  I  entered  the  house,  where  I  had 
only  time  to  see  the  Intendant,  with  a  pen  in  his 
hand,  writing  upon  a  sheet  of  paper,  when  M.  de 
Vaudreuil  told  me  I  had  no  business  there.  Having 
answered  him  that  what  he  had  said  was  true,  I 
retired  immediately,  in  wrath  to  see  them  intent  on 
giving  up  so  scandalously  a  dependency  for  the  pres 
ervation  of  which  so  much  blood  and  treasure  had 
been  expended."  On  going  out  he  met  Lieutenant- 
Colonels  Dalquier  and  Poulariez,  whom  he  begged  to 
prevent  the  apprehended  disgrace ;  and,  in  fact,  if  Vau 
dreuil  really  meant  to  capitulate  for  the  colony,  he  was 
presently  dissuaded  by  firmer  spirits  than  his  own. 

Johnstone,  whose  horse  could  carry  him  110  farther, 
set  out  on  foot  for  Beauport,  and,  in  his  own  words, 
"continued  sorrowfully  jogging  on,  with  a  very 
heavy  heart  for  the  loss  of  my  dear  friend  M.  de 
Montcalm,  sinking  with  weariness,  and  lost  in  reflec- 


316  FALL   OF   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

tion  upon  the  changes  which  Providence  had  brought 
about  in  the  space  of  three  or  four  hours." 

Great  indeed  were  these  changes.  Montcalm  was 
dying;  his  second  in  command,  the  Brigadier  Sene- 
zergues,  was  mortally  wounded;  the  army,  routed 
and  demoralized,  was  virtually  without  a  head ;  and 
the  colony,  yesterday  cheered  as  on  the  eve  of  deliv 
erance,  was  plunged  into  sudden  despair.  "  Ah,  what 
a  cruel  day!"  cries  Bougainville;  "how  fatal  to  all 
that  was  dearest  to  us !  My  heart  is  torn  in  its  most 
tender  parts.  We  shall  be  fortunate  if  the  approach 
of  winter  saves  the  country  from  total  ruin."  1 

The  victors  were  fortifying  themselves  on  the 
field  of  battle.  Like  the  French,  they  had  lost  two 
generals ;  for  Monckton,  second  in  rank,  was  disabled 
by  a  musket-shot,  and  the  command  had  fallen  upon 
Townshend  at  the  moment  when  the  enemy  were  in 
full  flight.  He  had  recalled  the  pursuers,  and  formed 
them  again  in  line  of  battle,  knowing  that  another 
foe  was  at  hand.  Bougainville,  in  fact,  appeared  at 
noon  from  Cap-Rouge  with  about  two  thousand  men ; 
but  withdrew  on  seeing  double  that  force  prepared 
to  receive  him.  He  had  not  heard  till  eight  o'clock 
that  the  English  were  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham; 
and  the  delay  of  his  arrival  was  no  doubt  due  to  his 
endeavors  to  collect  as  many  as  possible  of  his 
detachments  posted  along  the  St.  Lawrence  for  many 
miles  towards  Jacques-Cartier. 

Before  midnight  the  English  had  made  good  prog 
ress  in  their  redoubts  and  intrenchments,  had  brought 

1  Bougainville  a  Bourlamaque,  18  Septembre,  1759. 


1759.]  COUNCIL   OF  WAR.  317 

cannon  up  the  heights  to  defend  them,  planted  a 
battery  on  the  Cote  Ste.-Genevieve,  descended  into 
the  meadows  of  the  St.  Charles,  and  taken  possession 
of  the  General  Hospital,  with  its  crowds  of  sick  and 
wounded.  Their  victory  had  cost  them  six  hundred 
and  sixty-four  of  all  ranks,  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing.  The  French  loss  is  placed  by  Vaudreuil  at 
about  six  hundred  and  forty,  and  by  the  English 
official  reports  at  about  fifteen  hundred.  Measured 
by  the  numbers  engaged,  the  battle  of  Quebec  was 
but  a  heavy  skirmish;  measured  by  results,  it  was 
one  of  the  great  battles  of  the  world. 

Vaudreuil  went  from  the  hornwork  to  his  quarters 
on  the  Beauport  road  and  called  a  council  of  war. 
It  was  a  tumultuous  scene.  A  letter  was  despatched 
to  Quebec  to  ask  advice  of  Montcalm.  The  dying 
general  sent  a  brief  message  to  the  effect  that  there 
was  a  threefold  choice,  —  to  fight  again,  retreat  to 
Jacques-Cartier,  or  give  up  the  colony.  There  was 
much  in  favor  of  fighting.  When  Bougainville  had 
gathered  all  his  force  from  the  river  above,  he  would 
have  three  thousand  men;  and  these,  joined  to  the 
garrison  of  Quebec,  the  sailors  at  the  batteries,  and 
the  militia  and  artillerymen  of  the  Beauport  camp, 
would  form  a  body  of  fresh  soldiers  more  than  equal 
to  the  English  then  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham.  Add 
to  these  the  defeated  troops,  and  the  victors  would 
be  greatly  outnumbered.1  Bigot  gave  his  voice  for 

1  Bigot,  as  well  as  Vaudreuil,  sets  Bougainville's  force  at  three 
thousand.  "En  reunissant  le  corps  de  M.  de  Bougainville,  les 


318  FALL  OF   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

fighting.  Vaudreuil  expressed  himself  to  the  same 
effect;  but  he  says  that  all  the  officers  were  against 
him.  "  In  vain  I  remarked  to  these  gentlemen  that 
we  were  superior  to  the  enemy,  and  should  beat  them 
if  we  managed  well.  I  could  not  at  all  change  their 
opinion,  and  my  love  for  the  service  and  for  the  col 
ony  made  me  subscribe  to  the  views  of  the  council. 
In  fact,  if  I  had  attacked  the  English  against  the 
advice  of  all  the  principal  officers,  their  ill-will  would 
have  exposed  me  to  the  risk  of  losing  the  battle  and 
the  colony  also."  l 

It  was  said  at  the  time  that  the  officers  voted  for 
retreat  because  they  thought  Vaudreuil  unfit  to  com 
mand  an  army,  and,  still  more,  to  fight  a  battle.2 
There  was  no  need,  however,  to  fight  at  once.  The 
object  of  the  English  was  to  take  Quebec,  and  that 
of  Vaudreuil  should  have  been  to  keep  it.  By  a 
march  of  a  few  miles  he  could  have  joined  Bougain 
ville;  and  by  then  intrenching  himself  at  or  near 
Ste.-Foy  he  would  have  placed  a  greatly  superior 
force  in  the  English  rear,  where  his  position  might 
have  been  made  impregnable.  Here  he  might  be 

bataillons  de  Montreal  [laiss&s  au  camp  de  Beauport]  et  la  garnison  de 
la  ville,  il  nous  restoit  encore  pros  de  5000  hommes  de  troupes 
fraiches."  Journal  tenu  a  I'Armte.  Vaudreuil  says  that  there  were 
fifteen  hundred  men  in  garrison  at  Quebec  who  did  not  take  part 
in  the  battle.  If  this  is  correct,  the  number  of  fresh  troops  after  it 
was  not  five  thousand,  but  more  than  six  thousand ;  to  whom  the 
defeated  force  is  to  be  added,  making,  after  deducting  killed  and 
wounded,  some  ten  thousand  in  all. 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octobre,  1759. 

2  Mfmoires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760. 


1759.  QUEBEC   ABANDONED.  319 

easily  furnished  with  provisions,  and  from  hence  he 
could  readily  throw  men  and  supplies  into  Quebec, 
which  the  English  were  too  few  to  invest.  He 
could  harass  the  besiegers,  or  attack  them,  should 
opportunity  offer,  and  either  raise  the  siege  or  so 
protract  it  that  they  would  be  forced  by  approach 
ing  winter  to  sail  homeward,  robbed  of  the  fruit  of 
their  victory. 

At  least  he  might  have  taken  a  night  for  reflection. 
He  was  safe  behind  the  St.  Charles.  The  English, 
spent  by  fighting,  toil,  and  want  of  sleep,  were  in  no 
condition  to  disturb  him.  A  part  of  his  own  men 
were  in  deadly  need  of  rest;  the  night  would  have 
brought  refreshment,  and  the  morning  might  have 
brought  wise  counsel.  Vaudreuil  would  not  wait, 
and  orders  were  given  at  once  for  retreat.1  It  began 
at  nine  o'clock  that  evening.  Quebec  was  abandoned 
to  its  fate.  The  cannon  were  left  in  the  lines  of 
Beauport,  the  tents  in  the  encampments,  and  pro 
visions  enough  in  the  storehouses  to  supply  the  army 
for  a  week.  "The  loss  of  the  Marquis  de  Mont- 
calm,"  says  a  French  officer  then  on  the  spot,  "robbed 
his  successors  of  their  senses,  and  they  thought  of 
nothing  but  flight;  such  was  their  fear  that  the 
enemy  would  attack  the  intrenchments  the  next  day. 
The  army  abandoned  the  camp  in  such  disorder  that 
the  like  was  never  known."2  "It  was  not  a  retreat," 
says  Johnstone,  who  was  himself  a  part  of  it,  "  but 

1  Livre  d'Ordres,  Ordre  du  13  Septembre,  1759. 

2  Foligny,  Journal  me'moratif. 


320  FALL  OF   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

an  abominable  flight,  with  such  disorder  and  confu 
sion  that,  had  the  English  known  it,  three  hundred 
men  sent  after  us  would  have  been  sufficient  to  cut 
all  our  army  to  pieces.  The  soldiers  were  all  mixed, 
scattered,  dispersed,  and  running  as  hard  as  they 
could,  as  if  the  English  army  were  at  their  heels." 
They  passed  Charlesbourg,  Lorette,  and  St.  Augustin, 
till,  on  the  fifteenth,  they  found  rest  on  the  impreg 
nable  hill  of  Jacques-Cartier,  by  the  brink  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  thirty  miles  from  danger. 

In  the  night  of  humiliation  when  Vaudreuil  aban 
doned  Quebec,  Montcalm  was  breathing  his  last 
within  its  walls.  When  he  was  brought  wounded 
from  the  field,  he  was  placed  in  the  house  of  the 
Surgeon  Arnoux,  who  was  then  with  Bourlamaque 
at  Isle-aux-Noix,  but  whose  younger  brother,  also 
a  surgeon,  examined  the  wound  and  pronounced  it 
mortal.  "lam  glad  of  it,"  Montcalm  said  quietly; 
and  then  asked  how  long  he  had  to  live.  "  Twelve 
hours,  more  or  less,"  was  the  reply.  "So  much  the 
better,"  he  returned.  "I  am  happy  that  I  shall  not 
live  to  see  the  surrender  of  Quebec."  He  is  reported 
to  have  said  that  since  he  had  lost  the  battle  it  con 
soled  him  to  have  been  defeated  by  so  brave  an 
enemy;  and  some  of  his  last  words  were  in  praise  of 
his  successor,  Le'vis,  for  whose  talents  and  fitness 
for  command  he  expressed  high  esteem.  When 
Vaudreuil  sent  to  ask  his  opinion,  he  gave  it;  but 
when  Ramesay,  commandant  of  the  garrison,  came  to 
receive  his  orders,  he  replied:  "I  will  neither  give 


1759.]  BURIAL  OF  MONTCALM.  321 

orders  nor  interfere  any  further.  I  have  much  busi 
ness  that  must  be  attended  to,  of  greater  moment 
than  your  ruined  garrison  and  this  wretched  country. 
My  time  is  very  short;  therefore  pray  leave  me.  I 
wish  you  all  comfort,  and  to  be  happily  extricated 
from  your  present  perplexities."  Nevertheless  he 
thought  to  the  last  of  those  who  had  been  under  his 
command,  and  sent  the  following  note  to  Brigadier 
Townshend:  "Monsieur,  the  humanity  of  the  Eng 
lish  sets  my  mind  at  peace  concerning  the  fate  of  the 
French  prisoners  and  the  Canadians.  Feel  towards 
them  as  they  have  caused  me  to  feel.  Do  not  let 
them  perceive  that  they  have  changed  masters.  Be 
their  protector  as  I  have  been  their  father."1 

Bishop  Pontbriand,  himself  fast  sinking  with 
mortal  disease,  attended  his  death-bed  and  adminis 
tered  the  last  sacraments.  He  died  peacefully  at 
four  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  fourteenth.  He 
was  in  his  forty-eighth  year. 

In  the  confusion  of  the  time  no  workman  could  be 
found  to  make  a  coffin,  and  an  old  servant  of  the 
Ursulines,  known  as  Bonhomme  Michel,  gathered  a 
few  boards  and  nailed  them  together  so  as  to  form  a 
rough  box.  In  it  was  laid  the  body  of  the  dead 
soldier ;  and  late  in  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he 
was  carried  to  his  rest.  There  was  no  tolling  of 
bells  or  firing  of  cannon.  The  officers  of  the  garrison 

1  I  am  indebted  to  Abbe  Bois  for  a  copy  of  this  note.  The  last 
words  of  Montcalm,  as  above,  are  reported  partly  by  Johnstone,  and 
partly  by  Knox. 

VOL.   II. — 21 


322  FALL  OF  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

followed  the  bier,  and  some  of  the  populace,  includ 
ing  women  and  children,  joined  the  procession  as  it 
moved  in  dreary  silence  along  the  dusky  street, 
shattered  with  cannon-ball  and  bomb,  to  the  chapel 
of  the  Ursuline  convent.  Here  a  shell,  bursting 
under  the  floor,  had  made  a  cavity  which  had  been 
hollowed  into  a  grave.  Three  priests  of  the  Cathe 
dral,  several  nuns,  Ramesay  with  his  officers,  and  a 
throng  of  townspeople  were  present  at  the  rite. 
After  the  service  and  the  chant,  the  body  was  low 
ered  into  the  grave  by  the  light  of  torches ;  and  then, 
says  the  chronicle,  "the  tears  and  sobs  burst  forth. 
It  seemed  as  if  the  last  hope  of  the  colony  were  buried 
with  the  remains  of  the  General."1  In  truth,  the 
funeral  of  Montcalm  was  the  funeral  of  New  France.2 
It  was  no  time  for  grief.  The  demands  of  the 
hour  were  too  exigent  and  stern.  When,  on  the 
morning  after  the  battle,  the  people  of  Quebec  saw 
the  tents  standing  in  the  camp  of  Beauport,  they 
thought  the  army  still  there  to  defend  them.3 
Ramesay  knew  that  the  hope  was  vain.  On  the 
evening  before,  Vaudreuil  had  sent  two  hasty  notes 
to  tell  him  of  his  flight.  "  The  position  of  the  enemy," 
wrote  the  governor,  "  becomes  stronger  every  instant  ; 
and  this,  with  other  reasons,  obliges  me  to  retreat." 
"  I  have  received  all  your  letters.  As  I  set  out  this 
moment,  I  pray  you  not  to  write  again.  You  shall 

1  Ursulines  de  Quebec,  in.  10. 

2  See  Appendix,  J. 

8  Mtfrnoire  du  Sieur  de  Ramesay. 


1759.]  FIGHT,   OR  SURRENDER?  323 

hear  from  me  to-morrow.  I  wish  you  good  evening." 
With  these  notes  came  the  following  order:  "M. 
de  Ramesay  is  not  to  wait  till  the  enemy  carries  the 
town  by  assault.  As  soon  as  provisions  fail,  he  will 
raise  the  white  flag."  This  order  was  accompanied 
by  a  memorandum  of  terms  which  Ramesay  was  to 
ask  of  the  victors.1 

"What  a  blow  for  me,"  says  the  unfortunate  com 
mandant,  "to  find  myself  abandoned  so  soon  by  the 
army,  which  alone  could  defend  the  town ! "  His 
garrison  consisted  of  between  one  and  two  hundred 
troops  of  the  line,  some  four  or  five  hundred  colony 
troops,  a  considerable  number  of  sailors,  and  the 
local  militia.2  These  last  were  in  a  state  of  despair. 
The  inhabitants  who,  during  the  siege,  had  sought 
refuge  in  the  suburb  of  St.  Roch,  had  returned  after 
the  battle,  and  there  were  now  twenty-six  hundred 
women  and  children,  with  about  a  thousand  invalids 
and  other  non-combatants  to  be  supported,  though 
the  provisions  in  the  town,  even  at  half  rations, 
would  hardly  last  a  week.  Ramesay  had  not  been 
informed  that  a  good  supply  was  left  in  the  camps  of 
Beauport;  and  when  he  heard  at  last  that  it  was 
there,  and  sent  out  parties  to  get  it,  they  found  that 
the  Indians  and  the  famished  country  people  had 
carried  it  off. 

1  Memoire  pour  servir  d' Instruction  a  M.  de  Ramesay,  13  Septembre, 
1759.      Appended,  with  the  foregoing  notes,  to   the  Memoire  de 
Ramesay. 

2  The  English  returns  give  a  total  of  615  French  regulars  in  the 
place  besides  sailors  and  militia. 


324  FALL  OF  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

"Despondency,'*  he  says  again,  "was  complete; 
discouragement  extreme  and  universal.  Murmurs 
and  complaints  against  the  army  that  had  abandoned 
us  rose  to  a  general  outcry.  I  could  not  prevent  the 
merchants,  all  of  whom  were  officers  of  the  town 
militia,  from  meeting  at  the  house  of  M.  Daine,  the 
mayor.  There  they  declared  for  capitulating,  and 
presented  me  a  petition  to  that  effect,  signed  by  M. 
Daine  and  all  the  principal  citizens." 

Ramesay  called  a  council  of  war.  One  officer 
alone,  Fiedmont,  captain  of  artillery,  was  for  reduc 
ing  the  rations  still  more,  and  holding  out  to  the 
last.  All  the  others  gave  their  voices  for  capitula 
tion.  l  Ramesay  might  have  yielded  without  dishonor ; 
but  he  still  held  out  till  an  event  fraught  with  new 
hope  took  place  at  Jacques-Cartier. 

This  event  was  the  arrival  of  La*  vis.  On  the 
afternoon  of  the  battle  Vaudreuil  took  one  rational 
step ;  he  sent  a  courier  to  Montreal  to  summon  that 
able  officer  to  his  aid.2  Le*vis  set  out  at  once,  reached 
Jacques-Cartier,  and  found  his  worst  fears  realized. 
"  The  great  number  of  fugitives  that  I  began  to  meet 
at  Three  Rivers  prepared  me  for  the  disorder  in 
which  I  found  the  army.  I  never  in  my  life  knew 
the  like  of  it.  They  left  everything  behind  in  the 
camp  at  Beauport;  tents,  baggage,  and  kettles." 

1  Copie  du  Conseil  de  Guerre  tenu  par  M.  de  Ramesay  a  Quebec,  15 
Septembre,  1759. 

2  Lfvis  a  Bourlamaque,   15   Septembre,   1759.     L£vis,  Guerre   du 
Canada. 


1759.]  PLANS  OF  L^VIS.  325 

He  spoke  his  mind  freely;  loudly  blamed  the 
retreat,  and  urged  Vaudreuil  to  march  back  with  all 
speed  to  whence  he  came.1  The  governor,  stiff  at 
ordinary  times,  but  pliant  at  a  crisis,  welcomed  the 
firmer  mind  that  decided  for  him,  consented  that  the 
troops  should  return,  and  wrote  afterwards  in  his 
despatch  to  the  minister :  "  I  was  much  charmed  to 
find  M.  de  LeVis  disposed  to  march  with  the  army 
towards  Quebec."2 

Le*vis,  on  his  part,  wrote:  "The  condition  in 
which  I  found  the  army,  bereft  of  everything,  did 
not  discourage  me,  because  M.  de  Vaudreuil  told  me 
that  Quebec  was  not  taken,  and  that  he  had  left 
there  a  sufficiently  numerous  garrison;  I  therefore 
resolved,  in  order  to  repair  the  fault  that  had  been 
committed,  to  engage  M.  de  Vaudreuil  to  march  the 
army  back  to  the  relief  of  the  place.  I  represented 
to  him  that  this  was  the  only  way  to  prevent  the 
complete  defection  of  the  Canadians  and  Indians; 
that  our  knowledge  of  the  country  would  enable  us 
to  approach  very  near  the  enemy,  whom  we  knew  to 
be  intrenching  themselves  on  the  heights  of  Quebec 
and  constructing  batteries  to  breach  the  walls ;  that 
if  we  found  their  army  ill  posted,  we  could  attack 
them,  or,  at  any  rate,  could  prolong  the  siege  by 
throwing  men  and  supplies  into  the  town;  and  that 


1  Bigot  au  Ministre,  15  Octobre,  1759.    Malartic  a  Bourlamaque,  28 
Septembre,  1759. 

2  "  Je  fus  bien  charme,"  etc.     Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Octobre, 
1759. 


326  FALL  OF   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

if  we  could  not  save  it,  we  could  evacuate  and  burn 
it,  so  that  the  enemy  could  not  possibly  winter 
there."1 

Le>is  quickly  made  his  presence  felt  in  the  military 
chaos  about  him.  Bigot  bestirred  himself  with  his 
usual  vigor  to  collect  provisions ;  and  before  the  next 
morning  all  was  ready.2  Bougainville  had  taken  no 
part  in  the  retreat,  but  sturdily  held  his  ground  at 
Cap-Rouge  while  the  fugitive  mob  swept  by  him.  A 
hundred  of  the  mounted  Canadians  who  formed  part 
of  his  command  were  now  sent  to  Quebec,  each  with 
a  bag  of  biscuit  across  his  saddle.  They  were  to 
circle  round  to  the  Beauport  side,  where  there  was 
no  enemy,  and  whence  they  could  cross  the  St. 
Charles  in  canoes  to  the  town.  Bougainville  fol 
lowed  close  with  a  larger  supply.  Vaudreuil  sent 
Ramesay  a  message,  revoking  his  order  to  surrender 
if  threatened  with  assault,  telling  him  to  hold  out  to 
the  last,  and  assuring  him  that  the  whole  army  was 
coming  to  his  relief.  Le>is  hastened  to  be  gone; 
but  first  he  found  time  to  write  a  few  lines  to  Bour- 
lamaque.  "  We  have  had  a  very  great  loss,  for  we 
have  lost  M.  de  Montcalm.  I  regret  him  as  my  gen 
eral  and  my  friend.  I  found  our  army  here.  It  is 
now  on  the  march  to  retrieve  our  fortunes.  I  can 
trust  you  to  hold  your  position;  as  I  have  not  M.  de 
Montcalm's  talents,  I  look  to  you  to  second  me  and 
advise  me.  Put  a  good  face  on  it.  Hide  this  busi- 

1  Ltfvis  au  Ministre,  10  Novembre,  1759. 

2  Lime  d'Ordres,  Ordre  du  17-18  Septembre,  1759. 


1759.]  CAPITULATION.  327 

ness  as  long  as  you  can.     I  am  mounting  my  horse 
this  moment.     Write  me  all  the  news."1 

The  army  marched  that  morning,  the  eighteenth. 
In  the  evening  it  reached  St.  Augustin ;  and  here  it 
was  stopped  by  the  chilling  news  that  Quebec  had 
surrendered. 

Utter  confusion  had  reigned  in  the  disheartened 
garrison.  Men  deserted  hourly,  some  to  the  country, 
and  some  to  the  English  camp;  while  Townshend 
pushed  his  trenches  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  walls, 
in  spite  of  the  cannonade  with  which  Fiedmont  and 
his  artillerymen  tried  to  check  them.  On  the  even 
ing  of  the  seventeenth,  the  English  ships  of  war 
moved  towards  the  Lower  Town,  and  a  column  of 
troops  was  seen  approaching  over  the  meadows  of  the 
St.  Charles,  as  if  to  storm  the  Palace  Gate.  The 
drums  beat  the  alarm;  but  the  militia  refused  to 
fight.  Their  officers  came  to  Ramesay  in  a  body; 
declared  that  they  had  no  mind  to  sustain  an  assault ; 
that  they  knew  he  had  orders  against  it;  that  they 
would  carry  their  guns  back  to  the  arsenal ;  that  they 
were  no  longer  soldiers,  but  citizens;  that  if  the 
army  had  not  abandoned  them  they  would  fight  with 
as  much  spirit  as  ever;  but  that  they  would  not  get 
themselves  killed  to  no  purpose.  The  town-major, 
Joannes,  in  a  rage,  beat  two  of  them  with  the  flat  of 
his  sword. 

The  white  flag  was  raised;  Joanne's  pulled  it 
down,  thinking,  or  pretending  to  think,  that  it  was 

Bourlamaque,  18  Septembre,  1759. 


328  FALL  OF  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

raised  without  authority;  but  Ramesay  presently 
ordered  him  to  go  to  the  English  camp  and  get  what 
terms  he  could.  He  went,  through  driving  rain,  to 
the  quarters  of  Townshend,  and,  in  hope  of  the 
promised  succor,  spun  out  the  negotiation  to  the 
utmost,  pretended  that  he  had  no  power  to  yield 
certain  points  demanded,  and  was  at  last  sent  back 
to  confer  with  Ramesay,  under  a  promise  from  the 
English  commander  that,  if  Quebec  were  not  given 
up  before  eleven  o'clock,  he  would  take  it  by  storm. 
On  this  Ramesay  signed  the  articles,  and  Joannes 
carried  them  back  within  the  time  prescribed. 
Scarcely  had  he  left  the  town,  when  the  Canadian 
horsemen  appeared  with  their  sacks  of  biscuit  and  a 
renewed  assurance  that  help  was  near ;  but  it  was  too 
late.  Ramesay  had  surrendered,  and  would  not 
break  his  word.  He  dreaded  an  assault,  which  he 
knew  he  could  not  withstand,  and  he  but  half 
believed  in  the  promised  succor.  "How  could  I 
trust  it?"  he  asks.  "The  army  had  not  dared  to 
face  the  enemy  before  he  had  fortified  himself;  and 
could  I  hope  that  it  would  come  to  attack  him  in  an 
intrenched  camp,  defended  by  a  formidable  artillery  ?  " 
Whatever  may  be  thought  of  his  conduct,  it  was  to 
Vaudreuil,  and  not  to  him,  that  the  loss  of  Quebec 
was  due. 

The  conditions  granted  were  favorable,  for  Towns 
hend  knew  the  danger  of  his  position,  and  was  glad 
to  have  Quebec  on  any  terms.  The  troops  and 
sailors  of  the  garrison  were  to  march  out  of  the  place 


1759.]         THE  BRITISH  OCCUPY  QUEBEC.  329 

with  the  honors  of  war,  and  to  be  carried  to  France. 
The  inhabitants  were  to  have  protection  in  person 
and  property,  and  free  exercise  of  religion.1 

In  the  afternoon  a  company  of  artillerymen  with  a 
field-piece  entered  the  town,  and  marched  to  the  place 
of  arms,  followed  by  a  body  of  infantry.  Detach 
ments  took  post  at  all  the  gates.  The  British  flag 
was  raised  on  the  heights  near  the  top  of  Mountain 
Street,  and  the  capital  of  New  France  passed  into 
the  hands  of  its  hereditary  foes.  The  question 
remained,  should  they  keep,  or  destroy  it?  It  was 
resdlved  to  keep  it  at  every  risk.  The  marines,  the 
grenadiers  from  Louisbourg,  and  some  of  the  rangers 
were  to  re-embark  in  the  fleet ;  while  the  ten  battalions, 
with  the  artillery  and  one  company  of  rangers,  were 
to  remain  behind,  bide  the  Canadian  winter,  and 
defend  the  ruins  of  Quebec  against  the  efforts  of 
Le'vis.  Monckton,  the  oldest  brigadier,  was  disabled 
by  his  wound,  and  could  not  stay ;  while  Townshend 
returned  home,  to  parade  his  laurels  and  claim  more 
than  his  share  of  the  honors  of  victory.2  The  com 
mand,  therefore,  rested  with  Murray. 

The  troops  were  not  idle.  Levelling  their  own 
field-works,  repairing  the  defences  of  the  town, 
storing  provisions  sent  ashore  from  the  fleet,  making 
fascines,  and  cutting  firewood,  busied  them  through 


1  Articles  de  Capitulation,  18  Septembre,  1759. 

2  Letter  to  an  Honourable  Brigadier- General  [Townshend],  printed 
in  1760.     A  Refutation  soon  after  appeared,  angry,  but  not  conclu 
sive.    Other  replies  will  be  found  in  the  Imperial  Magazine  for  1760. 


330  FALL  OF  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

the  autumn  days  bright  with  sunshine,  or  dark  and 
chill  with  premonition  of  the  bitter  months  to  come. 
Admiral  Saunders  put  off  his  departure  longer  than 
he  had  once  thought  possible ;  and  it  was  past  the 
middle  of  October  when  he  fired  a  parting  salute, 
and  sailed  down  the  river  wi,th  his  fleet.  In  it  was 
the  ship  "Royal  William,"  carrying  the  embalmed 
remains  of  Wolfe. 

Montcalm  lay  in  his  soldier's  grave  before  the 
humble  altar  of  the  Ursulines,  nevermore  to  see  the 
home  for  which  he  yearned,  the  wife,  mother,  and 
children  whom  he  loved,  the  olive-trees  and  chestnut- 
groves  of  his  beloved  Candiac.  He  slept  in  peace 
among  triumphant  enemies,  who  respected  his  mem 
ory,  though  they  hardly  knew  his  resting-place.  It 
was  left  for  a  fellow-countryman  —  a  colleague  and 
a  brother-in-arms  —  to  belittle  his  achievements  and 
blacken  his  name.  The  jealous  spite  of  Vaudreuil 
pursued  him  even  in  death.  Leaving  LeVis  to  com 
mand  at  Jacques-Cartier,  whither  the  army  had  again 
withdrawn,  the  governor  retired  to  Montreal,  whence 
he  wrote  a  series  of  despatches  to  justify  himself  at 
the  expense  of  others,  and  above  all  of  the  slain 
general,  against  whom  his  accusations  were  never  so 
bitter  as  now,  when  the  lips  were  cold  that  could 
have  answered  them.  First,  he  threw  on  Ramesay 
all  the  blame  of  the  surrender  of  Quebec.  Then  he 
addressed  himself  to  his  chief  task,  the  defamation  of 
his  unconscious  rival.  "The  letter  that  you  wrote 
in  cipher,  on  the  tenth  of  February,  to  Monsieur  the 


1759.]  SLANDERS   OF  VAUDREUIL.  331 

Marquis  of  Montcalm  and  me,  in  common,1  flattered 
his  self-love  to  such  a  degree  that,  far  from  seeking 
conciliation,  he  did  nothing  but  try  to  persuade  the 
public  that  his  authority  surpassed  mine.  From  the 
moment  of  Monsieur  de  Montcalm 's  arrival  in  this 
colony  down  to  that  of  his  death,  he  did  not  cease  to 
sacrifice  everything  to  his  boundless  ambition.  He 
sowed  dissension  among  the  troops,  tolerated  the 
most  indecent  talk  against  the  government,  attached 
to  himself  the  most  disreputable  persons,  used  means 
to  corrupt  the  most  virtuous,  and,  when  he  could 
not  succeed,  became  their  cruel  enemy.  He  wanted 
to  be  Governor-General.  He  privately  flattered  with 
favors  and  promises  of  patronage  every  officer  of  the 
colony  troops  who  adopted  his  ideas.  He  spared  no 
pains  to  gain  over  the  people  of  whatever  calling, 
and  persuade  them  of  his  attachment;  while,  either 
by  himself  or  by  means  of  the  troops  of  the  line,  he 
made  them  bear  the  most  frightful  yoke  (le  joug  le 
plus  affreux).  He  defamed  honest  people,  encouraged 
insubordination,  and  closed  his  eyes  to  the  rapine  of 
his  soldiers." 

This  letter  was  written  to  Vaudreuil's  official 
superior  and  confidant,  the  minister  of  the  marine 
and  colonies.  In  another  letter,  written  about  the 
same  time  to  the  minister  of  war,  who  held  similar 
relations  to  his  rival,  he  declares  that  he  "greatly 
regretted  Monsieur  de  Montcalm."2 

1  See  ante,  174. 

2  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre  de  la  Guerre,  1  Novembre,  1759. 


332  FALL  OF   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

His  charges  are  strange  ones  from  a  man  who  was 
by  turns  the  patron,  advocate,  and  tool  of  the  official 
villains  who  cheated  the  King  and  plundered  the 
people.  Bigot,  Cadet,  and  the  rest  of  the  harpies 
that  preyed  on  Canada  looked  to  Vaudreuil  for  sup 
port,  and  found  it.  It  was  but  three  or  four  weeks 
since  he  had  written  to  the  court  in  high  eulogy  of 
Bigot  and  effusive  praise  of  Cadet,  coupled  with  the 
request  that  a  patent  of  nobility  should  be  given  to 
that  notorious  public  thief.1  The  corruptions  which 
disgraced  his  government  were  rife,  not  only  in  the 
civil  administration,  but  also  among  the  officers  of  the 
colony  troops,  over  whom  he  had  complete  control. 
They  did  not,  as  has  been  seen  already,  extend  to 
the  officers  of  the  line,  who  were  outside  the  circle  of 
peculation.  It  was  these  who  were  the  habitual  asso 
ciates  of  Montcalm;  and  when  Vaudreuil  charges 
him  with  "  attaching  to  himself  the  most  disreputable 
persons,  and  using  means  to  corrupt  the  most  virtu 
ous,"  the  true  interpretation  of  his  words  is  that  the 
former  were  disreputable  because  they  disliked  him 
(the  governor),  and  the  latter  virtuous  because  they 
were  his  partisans. 

Vaudreuil  continues  thus:  "I  am  in  despair, 
Monseigneur,  to  be  under  the  necessity  of  painting 
you  such  a  portrait  after  death  of  Monsieur  the 
Marquis  of  Montcalm.  Though  it  contains  the  exact 
truth,  I  would  have  deferred  it  if  his  personal  hatred 
to  me  were  alone  to  be  considered;  but  I  feel  too 

1  See  ante,  34. 


1759.]  SLANDERS  OF  VAUDREUIL.  333 

deeply  the  loss  of  the  colony  to  hide  from  you  the 
cause  of  it.  I  can  assure  you  that  if  I  had  been  the 
sole  master,  Quebec  would  still  belong  to  the  King, 
and  that  nothing  is  so  disadvantageous  in  a  colony  as 
a  division  of  authority  and  the  mingling  of  troops  of 
the  line  with  marine  [colony]  troops.  Thoroughly 
knowing  Monsieur  de  Montcalm,  I  did  not  doubt  in 
the  least  that  unless  I  condescended  to  all  his  wishes, 
he  would  succeed  in  ruining  Canada  and  wrecking 
all  my  plans." 

He  then  charges  the  dead  man  with  losing  the 
battle  of  Quebec  by  attacking  before  he,  the  governor, 
arrived  to  take  command;  and  this,  he  says,  was 
due  to  Montcalm's  absolute  determination  to  exercise 
independent  authority,  without  caring  whether  the 
colony  was  saved  or  lost.  "  I  cannot  hide  from  you, 
Monseigneur,  that  if  he  had  had  his  way  in  past 
years  Oswego  and  Fort  George  [William  Henry} 
would  never  have  been  attacked  or  taken;  and  he 
owed  the  success  at  Ticonderoga  to  the  orders  I  had 
given  him." 1  Montcalm,  on  the  other  hand,  declared 
at  the  time  that  Vaudreuil  had  ordered  him  not  to 
risk  a  battle,  and  that  it  was  only  through  his  dis 
obedience  that  Ticonderoga  was  saved. 

Ten  days  later  Vaudreuil  wrote  again:  "I  have 
already  had  the  honor,  by  my  letter  written  in  cipher 
on  the  thirtieth  of  last  month,  to  give  you  a  sketch 
of  the  character  of  Monsieur  the  Marquis  of  Mont 
calm  ;  but  I  have  just  been  informed  of  a  stroke  so 

1   Vaudreuil  au  Ministre  de  la  Marine,  30  Octobre,  1759. 


334  FALL  OF  QUEBEC.  [1759. 

black  that  I  think,  Monseigneur,  that  I  should  fail 
in  my  duty  to  you  if  I  did  not  tell  you  of  it."  He 
goes  on  to  say  that,  a  little  before  his  death,  and  "  no 
doubt  in  fear  of  the  fate  that  befell  him,"  Montcalm 
placed  in  the  hands  of  Father  Roubaud,  missionary 
at  St.  Francis,  two  packets  of  papers  containing 
remarks  on  the  administration  of  the  colony,  and 
especially  on  the  manner  in  which  the  military  posts 
were  furnished  with  supplies ;  that  these  observations 
were  accompanied  by  certificates;  and  that  they 
involved  charges  against  him,  the  governor,  of  com 
plicity  in  peculation.  Roubaud,  he  continues,  was  to 
send  these  papers  to  France;  "but  now,  Mon 
seigneur,  that  you  are  informed  about  them,  I  feel 
no  anxiety,  and  I  am  sure  that  the  King  will  receive 
no  impression  from  them  without  acquainting  him 
self  with  their  truth  or  falsity." 

Vaudreuil's  anxiety  was  natural;  and  so  was  the 
action  of  Montcalm  in  making  known  to  the  court 
the  outrageous  abuses  that  threatened  the  King's 
service  with  ruin.  His  doing  so  was  necessary,  both 
for  his  own  justification  and  for  the  public  good ;  and 
afterwards,  when  Vaudreuil  and  others  were  brought 
to  trial  at  Paris,  and  when  one  of  the  counsel  for  the 
defence  charged  the  late  general  with  slanderously 
accusing  his  clients,  the  court  ordered  the  charge  to 
be  struck  from  the  record.1  The  papers  the  existence 
of  which,  if  they  did  exist,  so  terrified  Vaudreuil, 
have  thus  far  escaped  research.  But  the  corre- 

1  Proces  de  Bigot,  Cadet,  et  autres. 


1759.]  SLANDERS  OF  VAUDREUIL.  335 

spondence  of  the  two  rivals  with  the  chiefs  of  the 
departments  on  which  they  severally  depended  is  in 
large  measure  preserved ;  and  while  that  of  the  gov 
ernor  is  filled  with  defamation  of  Montcalm  and 
praise  of  himself,  that  of  the  general  is  neither 
egotistic  nor  abusive.  The  faults  of  Montcalm  have 
sufficiently  appeared.  They  were  those  of  an  impetu 
ous,  excitable,  and  impatient  nature,  by  no  means  free 
from  either  ambition  or  vanity;  but  they  were  never 
inconsistent  with  the  character  of  a  man  of  honor. 
His  impulsive  utterances,  reported  by  retainers  and 
.sycophants,  kept  Vaudreuil  in  a  state  of  chronic 
rage ;  and,  void  as  he  was  of  all  magnanimity,  gnawed 
with  undying  jealousy,  and  mortally  in  dread  of 
being  compromised  by  the  knaveries  to  which  he  had 
lent  his  countenance,  he  could  not  contain  himself 
within  the  bounds  of  decency  or  sense.  In  another 
letter  he  had  the  baseness  to  say  that  Montcalm  met 
his  death  in  trying  to  escape  from  the  English. 

Among  the  governor's  charges  are  some  which 
cannot  be  flatly  denied.  When  he  accuses  his  rival 
of  haste  and  precipitation  in  attacking  the  English 
army,  he  touches  a  fair  subject  of  criticism ;  but,  as 
a  whole,  he  is  as  false  in  his  detraction  of  Montcalm 
as  in  his  praises  of  Bigot  and  Cadet. 

The  letter  which  Wolfe  sent  to  Pitt  a  few  days 
before  his  death,  written  in  what  may  be  called  a 
spirit  of  resolute  despair,  and  representing  success 
as  almost  hopeless,  filled  England  with  a  dejection 
that  found  utterance  in  loud  grumblings  against  the 


336  FALL  OF   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

ministry.  Horace  Walpole  wrote  the  bad  news  to 
his  friend  Mann,  ambassador  at  Florence:  "Two 
days  ago  came  letters  from  Wolfe,  despairing  as 
much  as  heroes  can  despair.  Quebec  is  well  vict 
ualled,  Amherst  is  not  arrived,  and  fifteen  thousand 
men  are  encamped  to  defend  it.  We  have  lost  many 
men  by  the  enemy,  and  some  by  our  friends ;  that  is, 
we  now  call  our  nine  thousand  only  seven  thousand. 
How  this  little  army  will  get  away  from  a  much 
larger,  and  in  this  season,  in  that  country,  I  don't 
guess:  yes,  I  do." 

Hardly  were  these  lines  written  when  tidings  came 
that  Montcalm  was  defeated,  Quebec  taken,  and 
Wolfe  killed.  A  flood  of  mixed  emotion  swept  over 
England.  Even  Walpole  grew  half  serious  as  he 
sent  a  packet  of  newspapers  to  his  friend  the  ambas 
sador.  "  You  may  now  give  yourself  what  airs  you 
please.  An  ambassador  is  the  only  man  in  the  world 
whom  bullying  becomes.  All  precedents  are  on  your 
side:  Persians,  Greeks,  Romans,  always  insulted 
their  neighbors  when  they  took  Quebec.  Think 
how  pert  the  French  would  have  been  on  such  an 
occasion!  What  a  scene!  An  army  in  the  night 
dragging  itself  up  a  precipice  by  stumps  of  trees  to 
assault  a  town  and  attack  an  enemy  strongly  in 
trenched  and  double  in  numbers  I  The  King  is  over 
whelmed  with  addresses  on  our  victories;  he  will 
have  enough  to  paper  his  palace."1 

When,  in  soberer  mood,  he  wrote  the  annals  of 

*  Letters  of  Horace   Walpole,  iii.  254,  257  (ed.  Cunningham,  1857). 


1759.]  NEWS    OF  VICTORY.  337 

his  time,  and  turned,  not  for  the  better,  from  the 
epistolary  style  to  the  historical,  he  thus  described 
the  impression  made  on  the  English  public  by  the 
touching  and  inspiring  story  of  Wolfe's  heroism  and 
death:  "The  incidents  of  dramatic  fiction  could  not 
be  conducted  with  more  address  to  lead  an  audience 
from  despondency  to  sudden  exaltation  than  accident 
prepared  to  excite  the  passions  of  a  whole  people. 
They  despaired,  they  triumphed,  and  they  wept;  for 
Wolfe  had  fallen  in  the  hour  of  victory.  Joy, 
curiosity,  astonishment,  was  painted  on  every  coun 
tenance.  The  more  they  inquired,  the  more  their 
admiration  rose.  Not  an  incident  but  was  heroic 
and  affecting. "  l  England  blazed  with  bonfires.  In 
one  spot  alone  all  was  dark  and  silent;  for  here  a 
widowed  mother  mourned  for  a  loving  and  devoted 
son,  and  the  people  forbore  to  profane  her  grief  with 
the  clamor  of  their  rejoicings. 

New  England  had  still  more  cause  of  joy  than  Old, 
and  she  filled  the  land  with  jubilation.  The  pulpits 
resounded  with  sermons  of  thanksgiving,  some  of 
which  were  worthy  of  the  occasion  that  called  them 
forth.  Among  the  rest,  Jonathan  Mayhew,  a  young 
but  justly  celebrated  minister  of  Boston,  pictured 
with  enthusiasm  the  future  greatness  of  the  British- 
American  colonies,  with  the  continent  thrown  open 
before  them,  and  foretold  that,  "with  the  continued 
blessing  of  Heaven,  they  will  become,  in  another 
century  or  two,  a  mighty  empire ; "  adding  in  cau- 

i  Walpole,  Memoirs  of  George  II.,  ii.  384. 
VOL.  ii. — 22 


338  FALL  OF   QUEBEC.  [1759. 

tious  parenthesis,  "/  do  not  mean  an  independent 
one."  He  read  Wolfe's  victory  aright,  and  divined 
its  far-reaching  consequence. 


NOTE.  —  The  authorities  of  this  chapter  are,  in  the  main,  the 
same  as  those  of  the  preceding,  with  some  additions,  the  principal 
of  which  is  the  Me'moire  du  Sieur  de  Ramezay,  Chevalier  de  I'Ordre 
royal  et  militaire  de  St. -Louis,  cy-devant  Lieutenant  pour  le  Hoy  com 
mandant  a  Quebec,  an  sujet  de  la  Reddition  de  cette  Ville,  qui  a  &e  suivie 
de  la  Capitulation  du  18  lbre,  1759  (Archives  de  la  Marine).  To  this 
document  are  appended  a  number  of  important  "pieces  justifica- 
tives."  These,  with  the  Me'moire,  have  been  printed  by  the  Quebec 
Historical  Society.  The  letters  of  Vaudreuil  cited  in  this  chapter 
are  chiefly  from  the  Archives  Nationales. 

If  Montcalm,  as  Vaudreuil  says,  really  intrusted  papers  to  the  care 
of  the  Jesuit  missionary  Roubaud,  he  was  not  fortunate  in  his  choice 
of  a  depositary.  After  the  war  Roubaud  renounced  his  Order,  ab 
jured  his  faith,  and  went  over  to  the  English.  He  gave  various  and 
contradictory  accounts  of  the  documents  said  to  be  in  his  hands. 
On  one  occasion  he  declared  that  Montcalm's  effects  left  with  him 
at  his  mission  of  St.  Francis  had  been  burned  to  prevent  their  fall 
ing  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  (see  Verreau,  Report  on  Canadian 
Archives,  1874,  183).  Again,  he  says  that  he  had  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  King  of  England  certain  letters  of  Montcalm  (see  Mr. 
Roubaud's  Deplorable  Case,  humbly  submitted  to  Lord  North's  considera 
tion,  in  Historical  Magazine,  Second  Series,  viii.  283).  Yet  again, 
he  speaks  of  these  same  letters  as  "  pretended  "  (Verreau,  as  above). 
He  complains  that  some  of  them  had  been  published,  without  his 
consent,  "by  a  Lord  belonging  to  His  Majesty's  household"  (Mr. 
Roubaud's  Deplorable  Case). 

The  allusion  here  is  evidently  to  a  pamphlet  printed  in  London, 
in  1777,  in  French  and  English,  and  entitled,  Lettres  de  Monsieur  le 
Marquis  de  Montcalm,  Gouverneur-Ge'ne'ral  en  Canada,  a  Messieurs  de 
Berry er  et  de  la  Mole',  e'crites  dans  les  Anne'es  1757,  1758,  et  1759,  avec 
une  Version  Angloise.  They  profess  to  be  observations  by  Montcalm 
on  the  English  colonies,  their  political  character,  their  trade,  and 
their  tendency  to  independence.  They  bear  the  strongest  marks  of 
being  fabricated  to  suit  the  times,  the  colonies  being  then  in  revolt. 
The  principal  letter  is  one  addressed  to  Mol£,  and  bearing  date 
Quebec,  August  24,  1759.  It  foretells  the  loss  of  her  colonies  as  a 


1759.]  AUTHORITIES.  339 

consequence  to  England  of  her  probable  conquest  of  Canada.  I 
laid  before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  my  reasons  for 
believing  this  letter,  like  the  rest,  an  imposture  (see  the  Proceedings 
of  that  Society  for  1869-1870,  112-128).  To  these  reasons  it  may 
be  added  that  at  the  date  assigned  to  the  letter  all  correspond 
ence  was  stopped  between  Canada  and  France.  From  the  arrival 
of  the  English  fleet,  at  the  end  of  spring,  till  its  departure,  late  in 
autumn,  communication  was  completely  cut  off.  It  was  not  till 
towards  the  end  of  November,  when  the  river  was  clear  of  English 
ships,  that  the  naval  commander  Kanon  ran  by  the  batteries  of 
Quebec  and  carried  to  France  the  first  news  from  Canada.  Some 
of  the  letters  thus  sent  were  dated  a  month  before,  and  had  waited 
in  Canada  till  Kanon's  departure. 

Abbe  Verreau  —  a  high  authority  on  questions  of  Canadian  his 
tory  —  tells  me  a  comparison  of  the  handwriting  has  convinced  him 
that  these  pretended  letters  of  Montcalm  are  the  work  of  Roubaud. 

On  the  burial  of  Montcalm,  see  Appendix  J. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

1759,  1760. 
SAINTE-FOY. 

QUEBEC  AFTER  THE  SIEGE.  —  CAPTAIN  KNOX  AND  THE  NUNS.  — 
ESCAPE  OF  FRENCH  SHIPS.  —  WINTER  AT  QUEBEC.  —  THREATS 
OF  LEVIS.  —  ATTACKS.  —  SKIRMISHES.  — FEAT  OF  THE  RANGERS. 
—  STATE  OF  THE  GARRISON.  —  THE  FRENCH  PREPARE  TO  RE 
TAKE  QUEBEC.  —  ADVANCE  OF  LEVIS.  —  THE  ALARM.  —  SORTIE 
OF  THE  ENGLISH.  —  BASH  DETERMINATION  OF  MURRAY.  — 
BATTLE  OF  STE.-FOY.  —  RETREAT  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  —  LEVIS 
BESIEGES  QUEBEC.  —  SPIRIT  OF  THE  GARRISON.  —  PERIL  OF 
THEIR  SITUATION.  —  RELIEF.  —  QUEBEC  SAVED.  —  RETREAT  OF 
LEVIS.  —  THE  NEWS  IN  ENGLAND. 

THE  fleet  was  gone ;  the  great  river  was  left  a  soli 
tude  ;  and  the  chill  days  of  a  fitful  November  passed 
over  Quebec  in  alternations  of  rain  and  frost,  sun 
shine  and  snow.  The  troops,  driven  by  cold  from 
their  encampment  on  the  Plains,  were  all  gathered 
within  the  walls.  Their  own  artillery  had  so  battered 
the  place  that  it  was  not  easy  to  find  shelter.  The 
Lower  Town  was  a  wilderness  of  scorched  and  crum 
bling  walls.  As  you  ascended  Mountain  Street,  the 
Bishop's  Palace,  on  the  right,  was  a  skeleton  of  tot 
tering  masonry,  and  the  buildings  on  the  left  were  a 
mass  of  ruin,  where  ragged  boys  were  playing  at  see- 


1759.]  QUEBEC   AFTER   THE   SIEGE.  341 

saw  among  the  fallen  planks  and  timbers.1  Even  in 
the  Upper  Town  few  of  the  churches  and  public 
buildings  had  escaped.  The  Cathedral  was  burned 
to  a  shell.  The  solid  front  of  the  College  of  the 
Jesuits  was  pockmarked  by  numberless  cannon-balls, 
and  the  adjacent  church  of  the  Order  was  wofully 
shattered.  The  church  of  the  Re'collets  suffered 
still  more.  The  bombshells  that  fell  through  the 
roof  had  broken  into  the  pavement,  and  as  they  burst 
had  thrown  up  the  bones  and  skulls  of  the  dead  from 
the  graves  beneath.2  Even  the  more  distant  Hotel- 
Dieu  was  pierced  by  fifteen  projectiles,  some  of  which 
had  exploded  in  the  halls  and  chambers.3 

The  commissary-general,  Berniers,  thus  describes 
to  Bourlamaque  the  state  of  the  town:  "Quebec  is 
nothing  but  a  shapeless  mass  of  ruins.  Confusion, 
disorder,  pillage,  reign  even  among  the  inhabitants, 
for  the  English  make  examples  of  severity  every 
day.  Everybody  rushes  hither  and  thither,  without 
knowing  why.  Each  searches  for  his  possessions, 
and,  not  finding  his  own,  seizes  those  of  other  people. 
English  and  French,  all  is  chaos  alike.  The  inhab 
itants,  famished  and  destitute,  escape  to  the  country. 
Never  was  there  seen  such  a  sight."4 

Quebec  swarmed  with  troops.     There  were  guard- 

1  Drawings  made  on  the  spot  by  Richard  Short.    These  drawings, 
twelve  in  number,  were  engraved  and  published  in  1761. 

2  Short's  Views  in  Quebec,  1759.     Compare  Pontbriand,  in  N.  Y. 
Col.  Docs.,  x.  1,057. 

3  Casgrain,  H6tel-Dieu  de  Quebec,  445. 

4  Berniers  a  Bourlamaque,  27  Septembre,  1759. 


342  SAINTE-FOY.  [1759. 

houses  at  twenty  different  points ;  sentinels  paced  the 
ramparts,  squads  of  men  went  the  rounds,  soldiers 
off  duty  strolled  the  streets,  some  in  mitre  caps  and 
some  in  black  three-cornered  hats;  while  a  ceaseless 
rolling  of  drums  and  a  rigid  observance  of  military 
forms  betrayed  the  sense  of  a  still  imminent  danger. 
While  some  of  the  inhabitants  left  town,  others 
remained,  having  no  refuge  elsewhere.  They  were 
civil  to  the  victors,  but  severe  towards  their  late 
ruler.  " The  citizens, "  says  Knox,  "particularly  the 
females,  reproach  M.  Vaudreuil  upon  every  occasion, 
and  give  full  scope  to  bitter  invectives."  He  praises 
the  agreeable  manners  and  cheerful  spirit  of  the 
Canadian  ladies,  concerning  whom  another  officer 
also  writes:  "It  is  very  surprising  with  what  ease 
the  gayety  of  their  tempers  enables  them  to  bear 
misfortunes  which  to  us  would  be  insupportable. 
Families  whom  the  calamities  of  war  have  reduced 
from  the  height  of  luxury  to  the  want  of  common 
necessaries  laugh,  dance,  and  sing,  comforting 
themselves  with  this  reflection  —  Fortune  de  guerre. 
Their  young  ladies  take  the  utmost  pains  to  teach  our 
officers  French;  with  what  view  I  know  not,  if  it  is 
not  that  they  may  hear  themselves  praised,  flattered, 
and  courted  without  loss  of  time."1 

Knox  was  quartered  in  a  small  stable,  with  a  hay 
loft  above  and  a  rack  and  manger  at  one  end:  a 

1  Alexander  Campbell  to  John  Lloyd,  22  October,  1759.  Campbell 
was  a  lieutenant  of  the  Highlanders ;  Lloyd  was  a  Connecticut 
merchant. 


1759.]  WINTER-QUARTERS.  343 

lodging  better  than  fell  to  the  lot  of  many  of  his 
brother  officers ;  and,  by  means  of  a  stove  and  some 
help  from  a  carpenter,  he  says  that  he  made  himself 
tolerably  comfortable.  The  change,  however,  was 
an  agreeable  one  when  he  was  ordered  for  a  week  to 
the  General  Hospital,  a  mile  out  of  the  town,  where 
he  was  to  command  the  guard  stationed  to  protect 
the  inmates  and  watch  the  enemy.  Here  were  gath 
ered  the  sick  and  wounded  of  both  armies,  nursed 
with  equal  care  by  the  nuns,  of  whom  Knox  speaks 
with  gratitude  and  respect.  "  When  our  poor  fellows 
were  ill  and  ordered  to  be  removed  from  their  odious 
regimental  hospital  to  this  general  receptacle,  they 
were  indeed  rendered  inexpressibly  happy.  Each 
patient  has  his  bed,  with  curtains,  allotted  to  him, 
and  a  nurse  to  attend  him.  Every  sick  or  wounded 
officer  has  an  apartment  to  himself,  and  is  attended 
by  one  of  these  religious  sisters,  who  in  general  are 
young,  handsome,  courteous,  rigidly  reserved,  and 
very  respectful.  Their  office  of  nursing  the  sick 
furnishes  them  with  opportunities  of  taking  great 
latitudes  if  they  are  so  disposed;  but  I  never  heard 
any  of  them  charged  with  the  least  levity."  The 
nuns,  on  their  part,  were  well  pleased  with  the  con 
duct  of  their  new  masters,  whom  one  of  them 
describes  as  the  "most  moderate  of  all  conquerors." 

"I  lived  here,"  Knox  continues,  "at  the  French 
King's  table,  with  an  agreeable,  polite  society  of 
officers,  directors,  and  commissaries.  Some  of  the 
gentlemen  were  married,  and  their  ladies  honored  us 


344  SAINTE-FOY.  [1759. 

with  their  company.  They  were  generally  cheerful, 
except  when  we  discoursed  on  the  late  revolution  and 
the  affairs  of  the  campaign;  then  they  seemingly 
gave  way  to  grief,  uttered  by  profound  sighs,  followed 
by  an  0  mon  Dieu ! "  He  walked  in  the  garden 
with  the  French  officers,  played  at  cards  with  them, 
and  passed  the  time  so  pleasantly  that  his  short  stay 
at  the  hospital  seemed  an  oasis  in  his  hard  life  of 
camp  and  garrison. 

MSre  de  Sainte-Claude,  the  Superior,  a  sister  of 
Ramesay,  late  commandant  of  Quebec,  one  morning 
sent  him  a  note  of  invitation  to  what  she  called  an 
English  breakfast;  and  though  the  repast  answered 
10  nothing  within  his  experience,  he  says  that  he 
"  fared  exceedingly  well,  and  passed  near  two  hours 
most  agreeably  in  the  society  of  this  ancient  lady  and 
her  virgin  sisters." 

The  excellent  nuns  of  the  General  Hospital  are 
to-day  what  their  predecessors  were,  and  the  scene 
of  their  useful  labors  still  answers  at  many  points  to 
that  described  by  the  careful  pen  of  their  military 
guest.  Throughout  the  war  they  and  the  nuns  of 
the  H6tel-Dieu  had  been  above  praise  in  their  assidu 
ous  devotion  to  the  sick  and  wounded. 

Brigadier  Murray,  now  in  command  of  Quebec, 
was  a  gallant  soldier,  upright,  humane,  generous, 
eager  for  distinction,  and  more  daring  than  prudent. 
He  befriended  the  Canadians,  issued  strict  orders 
against  harming  them  in  person  or  property,  hanged 
a  soldier  who  had  robbed  a  citizen  of  Quebec,  and 


1759.]  ESCAPE  OF  FRENCH  SHIPS.  345 

severely  punished  others  for  slighter  offences  of  the 
same  sort.  In  general  the  soldiers  themselves  showed 
kindness  towards  the  conquered  people ;  during  har 
vest  they  were  seen  helping  them  to  reap  their  fields, 
without  compensation,  and  sharing  with  them  their 
tobacco  and  rations.  The  inhabitants  were  disarmed, 
and  required  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Murray 
reported  in  the  spring  that  the  whole  country,  from 
Cap-Rouge  downward,  was  in  subjection  to  the 
British  Crown.1 

Late  in  October  it  was  rumored  that  some  of  the 
French  ships  in  the  river  above  Quebec  were  prepar 
ing  to  run  by  the  batteries.  This  was  the  squadron 
which  had  arrived  in  the  spring  with  supplies,  and 
had  lain  all  summer  at  Batiscan,  in  the  Richelieu, 
and  at  other  points  beyond  reach  of  the  English. 
After  nearly  a  month  of  expectancy,  they  at  length 
appeared,  anchored  off  Sillery  on  the  twenty-first  of 
November,  and  tried  to  pass  the  town  on  the  dark 
night  of  the  twenty-fourth.  Seven  or  eight  of  them 
succeeded ;  four  others  ran  aground  and  were  set  on 
fire  by  their  crews,  excepting  one  which  was  stranded 
on  the  south  shore  and  abandoned.  Captain  Miller, 
with  a  lieutenant  and  above  forty  men,  boarded  her; 
when,  apparently  through  their  own  carelessness, 
she  blew  up.2  Most  of  the  party  were  killed  by  the 
explosion,  and  the  rest,  including  the  two  officers, 

1  Murray  to  Pitt,  25  May,  1760.    Murray,  Journal,  1759,  1760. 

2  Murray  to  Amherst,  25  January,  1760.     Not,  as  some  believed, 
by  a  train  laid  by  the  French. 


346  SAINTE-FOY.  [1759. 

were  left  in  a  horrible  condition  between  life  and 
death.  Thus  they  remained  till  a  Canadian,  ventur 
ing  on  board  in  search  of  plunder,  found  them,  called 
his  neighbors  to  his  aid,  carried  them  to  his  own 
house,  and  after  applying,  with  the  utmost  kindness, 
what  simple  remedies  he  knew,  went  over  to  Quebec 
and  told  of  the  disaster.  Fortunately  for  themselves, 
the  sufferers  soon  died. 

December  came,  and  brought  the  Canadian  winter, 
with  its  fierce  light  and  cold,  glaring  snowfields,  and 
piercing  blasts  that  scorch  the  cheek  like  a  firebrand. 
The  men  were  frost-bitten  as  they  dug  away  the  dry, 
powdery  drifts  that  the  wind  had  piled  against  the 
rampart.  The  sentries  were  relieved  every  hour;  yet 
feet  and  fingers  were  continually  frozen.  The  cloth 
ing  of  the  troops  was  ill  suited  to  the  climate,  and, 
though  stoves  had  been  placed  in  the  guard  and 
barrack  rooms,  the  supply  of  fuel  constantly  fell 
short.  The  cutting  and  dragging  of  wood  was  the 
chief  task  of  the  garrison  for  many  weeks.  Parties 
of  axemen,  strongly  guarded,  were  always  at  work 
in  the  forest  of  Ste.-Foy,  four  or  five  miles  from 
Quebec,  and  the  logs  were  brought  to  town  on  sledges 
dragged  by  the  soldiers.  Eight  of  them  were  har 
nessed  in  pairs  to  each  sledge;  and  as  there  was 
always  danger  from  Indians  and  bush-rangers,  every 
man  carried  his  musket  slung  at  his  back.  The  labor 
was  prodigious;  for  frequent  snowstorms  made  it 
necessary  again  and  again  to  beat  a  fresh  track 
through  the  drifts.  The  men  bore  their  hardships 


1759,1760.]  WINTER  AT   QUEBEC.  347 

with  admirable  good  humor;  and  once  a  party  of 
them  on  their  return,  dragging  their  load  through 
the  street,  met  a  Canadian,  also  with  a  load  of  wood, 
which  was  drawn  by  a  team  of  dogs  harnessed  much 
like  themselves.  They  accosted  them  as  yoke 
fellows,  comrades,  and  brothers;  asked  them  what 
allowance  of  pork  and  rum  they  got;  and  invited 
them  and  their  owner  to  mess  at  the  regimental 
barracks. 

The  appearance  of  the  troops  on  duty  within  the 
town,  as  described  by  Knox,  was  scarcely  less  eccen 
tric.  "Our  guards  on  the  grand  parade  make  a 
most  grotesque  appearance  in  their  different  dresses ; 
and  our  inventions  to  guard  us  against  the  extreme 
rigor  of  this  climate  are  various  beyond  imagination. 
The  uniformity  as  well  as  nicety  of  the  clean,  method 
ical  soldier  is  buried  in  the  rough,  fur-wrought  garb 
of  the  frozen  Laplander;  and  we  rather  resemble  a 
masquerade  than  a  body  of  regular  troops,  insomuch 
that  I  have  frequently  been  accosted  by  my  acquaint 
ances,  whom,  though  their  voices  were  familiar  to 
me,  I  could  not  discover,  or  conceive  who  they  were. 
Besides,  every  man  seems  to  be  in  a  continual  hurry; 
for  instead  of  walking  soberly  through  the  streets, 
we  are  obliged  to  observe  a  running  or  trotting 
pace." 

Early  in  January  there  was  a  storm  of  sleet,  fol 
lowed  by  severe  frost,  which  glazed  the  streets  with 
ice.  Knox,  being  ordered  to  mount  guard  in  the 
Lower  Town,  found  the  descent  of  Mountain  Street 


348  SAINTE-FOY.  [1759,  1760. 

so  slippery  that  it  was  impossible  to  walk  down  with 
safety,  especially  as  the  muskets  of  the  men  were 
loaded;  and  the  whole  party,  seating  themselves  on 
the  ground,  slid  one  after  another  to  the  foot  of  the 
hill.  The  Highlanders,  in  spite  of  their  natural 
hardihood,  suffered  more  from  the  cold  than  the  other 
troops,  as  their  national  costume  was  but  a  sorry 
defence  against  the  Canadian  winter.  A  detachment 
of  these  breechless  warriors  being  on  guard  at  the 
General  Hospital,  the  nuns  spent  their  scanty  leisure 
in  knitting  for  them  long  woollen  hose,  which  they 
gratefully  accepted,  though  at  a  loss  to  know  whether 
modesty  or  charity  inspired  the  gift. 

From  the  time  when  the  English  took  possession 
of  Quebec,  reports  had  come  in  through  deserters 
that  LeVis  meant  to  attack  and  recover  it.  Early  in 
November  there  was  a  rumor  that  he  was  about  to 
march  upon  it  with  fifteen  thousand  men.  In 
December  word  came  that  he  was  on  his  way,  resolved 
to  storm  it  on  or  about  the  twenty -second,  and  dine 
within  the  walls,  under  the  French  flag,  on  Christmas 
Day.  He  failed  to  appear ;  but  in  January  a  deserter 
said  that  he  had  prepared  scaling-ladders,  and  was 
training  his  men  to  use  them  by  assaults  on  mock 
ramparts  of  snow.  There  was  more  tangible  evi 
dence  that  the  enemy  was  astir.  Murray  had  estab 
lished  two  fortified  outposts,  one  at  Ste.-Foy,  and 
the  other  farther  on,  at  Old  Lorette.  War-parties 
hovered  round  both,  and  kept  the  occupants  in  alarm. 
A  large  body  of  French  grenadiers  appeared  at  the 


1760.]  SKIRMISHES.  849 

latter  place  in  February,  and  drove  off  a  herd  of 
cattle ;  when  a  detachment  of  rangers,  much  inferior 
in  number,  set  upon  them,  put  them  to  flight,  and 
recovered  the  plunder.  At  the  same  time  a  party  of 
regulars,  Canadians,  and  Indians  took  up  a  strong 
position  near  the  church  at  Point  Levi,  and  sent  a 
message  to  the  English  officers  that  a  large  company 
of  expert  hairdressers  were  ready  to  wait  upon  them 
whenever  they  required  their  services.  The  allusion 
was  of  course  to  the  scalp-lifting  practices  of  the 
Indians  and  bush-rangers. 

The  river  being  now  hard  frozen,  Murray  sent 
over  a  detachment  of  light  infantry  under  Major 
Bailing.  A  sharp  fight  ensued  on  the  snow,  around 
the  church,  and  in  the  neighboring  forest,  where  the 
English  soldiers,  taught  to  use  snowshoes  by  the 
rangers,  routed  the  enemy,  and  killed  or  captured  a 
considerable  number.  A  third  post  was  then  estab 
lished  at  the  church  and  the  priest's  house  adjacent. 
Some  days  after,  the  French  came  back  in  large  num 
bers,  fortified  themselves  with  felled  trees,  and  then 
attacked  the  English  position.  The  firing  being 
heard  at  Quebec,  the  light  infantry  went  over  to  the 
scene  of  action,  and  Murray  himself  followed  on  the 
ice,  with  the  Highlanders  and  other  troops.  Before 
he  came  up,  the  French  drew  off  and  retreated  to 
their  breastwork,  where  they  were  attacked  and  put 
to  flight,  the  nimble  Highlanders  capturing  a  few, 
while  the  .greater  part  made  their  escape. 

As  it  became  known  that  the  French  held  a  strong 


350  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

post  at  Le  Calvaire,  near  St.  Angus  tin,  two  days' 
march  from  Quebec,  Captain  Donald  MacDonald  was 
sent  with  five  hundred  men  to  attack  it.  He  found 
the  enemy  behind  a  breastwork  of  logs  protected  by 
an  abattis.  The  light  infantry  advanced  and  poured 
in  a  brisk  fire;  on  which  the  French  threw  down 
their  arms  and  fled.  About  eighty  of  them  were 
captured;  but  their  commander,  Herbin,  escaped, 
leaving  to  the  victors  his  watch,  hat  and  feather, 
wine,  liquor-case,  and  mistress.  The  English  had 
six  men  wounded  and  nearly  a  hundred  frost-bitten.1 
Captain  Hazen  and  his  rangers  soon  after  had  a 
notable  skirmish.  They  were  posted  in  a  house  not 
far  from  the  station  at  Lorette.  A  scout  came  in 
with  news  that  a  large  party  of  the  enemy  was  com 
ing  to  attack  them ;  on  which  Hazen  left  a  sergeant 
and  fourteen  men  in  the  house,  and  set  out  for 
Lorette  with  the  rest  to  ask  a  reinforcement.  On 
the  way  he  met  the  French,  who  tried  to  surround 
him ;  and  he  told  his  men  to  fall  back  to  the  house. 
They  remonstrated,  saying  that  they  "felt  spry," 
and  wanted  to  show  the  regulars  that  provincials 
could  fight  as  well  as  red-coats.  Thereupon  they 
charged  the  enemy,  gave  them  a  close  volley  of 
buckshot  and  bullets,  and  put  them  to  flight;  but 
scarcely  had  they  reloaded  their  guns  when  they  were 
fired  upon  from  behind.  Another  body  of  assailants 
had  got  into  their  rear,  in  order  to  cut  them  off. 

1  Knox,  ii.  275.     Murray,  Journal.     Eraser,  Journal.     Vaudreuil, 
in  his  usual  way,  multiplies  the  English  force  by  three. 


1760.]    FRENCH   PLAN  TO  RETAKE   QUEBEC.       351 

They  faced  about,  attacked  them,  and  drove  them 
back  like  the  first.  The  two  French  parties  then 
joined  forces,  left  Hazen  to  pursue  his  march,  and 
attacked  the  fourteen  rangers  in  the  house,  who 
met  them  with  a  brisk  fire.  Hazen  and  his  men 
hear.d  the  noise;  and,  hastening  back,  fell  upon  the 
rear  of  the  French,  while  those  in  the  house  sallied 
and  attacked  them  in  front.  They  were  again 
routed;  and  the  rangers  chased  them  two  miles,  kill 
ing  six  of  them  and  capturing  seven.  Knox,  in 
whose  eyes  provincials  usually  find  no  favor,  launches 
this  time  into  warm  commendation  of  "our  simply 
honest  New  England  men." 

Fresh  reports  came  in  from  time  to  time  that  the 
French  were  gathering  all  their  strength  to  recover 
Quebec;  and  late  in  February  these  stories  took  a 
definite  shape.  A  deserter  from  Montreal  brought 
Murray  a  letter  from  an  officer  of  rangers,  who  was 
a  prisoner  at  that  place,  warning  him  that  eleven 
thousand  men  were  on  the  point  of  marching  to 
attack  him.  Three  other  deserters  soon  after  con 
firmed  the  news,  but  added  that  the  scheme  had  met 
with  a  check;  for  as  it  was  intended  to  carry  the 
town  by  storm,  a  grand  rehearsal  had  taken  place, 
with  the  help  of  scaling-ladders  planted  against  the 
wall  of  a  church;  whereupon  the  Canadians  rushed 
with  such  zeal  to  the  assault  that  numerous  broken 
legs,  arms,  and  heads  ensued,  along  with  ruptures, 
sprains,  bruises,  and  dislocations ;  insomuch,  said  the 
story,  that  they  became  disgusted  with  the  attempt. 


352  SAINTE-FOY.  [1759,  1760. 

All  remained  quiet  till  after  the  middle  of  April, 
when  the  garrison  was  startled  by  repeated  assur 
ances  that  at  the  first  breaking  up  of  the  ice  all 
Canada  would  be  upon  them.  Murray  accordingly 
ordered  the  French  inhabitants  to  leave  the  town 
within  three  days.1 

In  some  respects  the  temper  of  the  troops  was 
excellent.  In  the  petty  warfare  of  the  past  winter 
they  had  generally  been  successful,  proving  them 
selves  a  match  for  the  bush-rangers  and  Indians  on 
their  own  ground;  so  that,  as  Sergeant  Johnson 
remarks,  in  his  odd  way,  "  Very  often  a  small  num 
ber  of  our  men  would  put  to  flight  a  considerable 
party  of  those  Cannibals."  They  began  to  think 
themselves  invincible;  yet  they  had  the  deepest 
cause  for  anxiety.  The  effective  strength  of  the 
garrison  was  reduced  to  less  than  half,  and  of  those 
that  remained  fit  for  duty,  hardly  a  man  was  entirely 
free  from  scurvy.  The  rank  and  file  had  no  fresh 
provisions;  and,  in  spite  of  every  precaution,  this 
malignant  disease,  aided  by  fever  and  dysentery, 
made  no  less  havoc  among  them  than  among  the 
crews  of  Jacques-Cartier  at  this  same  place  two  cen 
turies  before.  Of  about  seven  thousand  men  left  at 
Quebec  in  the  autumn,  scarcely  more  than  three  thou 
sand  were  fit  for  duty  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  April.2 

1  Ordonnance  faite  a  Quebec  le  21  Avril,  1760,  par  son  Excellence, 
Jacques  Murray. 

2  Return  of  the  Present  State  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  in  Garrison  at 
Quebec,  24  April,  1760  (Public  Record  Office). 


1760.]  DISEASE   AND  DEATH.  353 

About  seven  hundred  had  found  temporary  burial 
in  the  snowdrifts,  as  the  frozen  ground  was  impene 
trable  as  a  rock. 

Meanwhile  Vaudreuil  was  still  at  Montreal,  where 
he  says  that  he  "arrived  just  in  time  to  take  the 
most  judicious  measures  and  prevent  General  Amherst 
from  penetrating  into  the  colony."1  During  the 
winter  some  of  the  French  regulars  were  kept  in 
garrison  at  the  outposts,  and  the  rest  quartered  on 
the  inhabitants ;  while  the  Canadians  were  dismissed 
to  their  homes,  subject  to  be  mustered  again  at  the 
call  of  the  governor.  Both  he  and  Le'vis  were  full 
of  the  hope  of  retaking  Quebec.  He  had  spies  and 
agents  among  Murray's  soldiers;  and  though  the 
citizens  had  sworn  allegiance  to  King  George,  some 
of  them  were  exceedingly  useful  to  his  enemies. 
Vaudreuil  had  constant  information  of  the  state  of 
the  garrison.  He  knew  that  the  scurvy  was  his 
active  and  powerful  ally,  and  that  the  hospitals  and 
houses  of  Quebec  were  crowded  with  the  sick.  At 
the  end  of  March  he  was  informed  that  more  than 
half  the  British  were  on  the  sick-list;  and  it  was 
presently  rumored  that  Murray  had  only  two  thou 
sand  men  able  to  bear  arms.2  With  every  allowance 
for  exaggeration  in  these  reports,  it  was  plain  that 
the  French  could  attack  their  invaders  in  overwhelm 
ing  force. 

The  difficulty  was  to  find  means  of  transportation. 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  30  Octobre,  1759. 

2  Ibid.,  15  Avril,  1760. 
VOL.  ii.  —  23 


354  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

The  depth  of  the  snow  and  the  want  of  draught 
animals  made  it  necessary  to  wait  till  the  river  should 
become  navigable;  but  preparation  was  begun  at 
once.  LeVis  was  the  soul  of  the  enterprise.  Pro 
visions  were  gathered  from  far  and  near;  cannon, 
mortars,  and  munitions  of  war  were  brought  from 
the  frontier  posts,  and  butcher-knives  were  fitted  to 
the  muzzles  of  guns  to  serve  the  Canadians  in  place 
of  bayonets.  All  the  workmen  about  Montreal  were 
busied  in  making  tools  and  gun-carriages.  Stores 
were  impressed  from  the  merchants;  and  certain 
articles,  which  could  not  otherwise  be  had,  were 
smuggled,  with  extraordinary  address,  out  of  Quebec 
itself.1  Early  in  spring  the  militia  received  orders  to 
muster  for  the  march.  There  were  doubts  and  dis 
content;  but,  says  a  contemporary,  "sensible  people 
dared  not  speak,  for  if  they  did  they  were  set  down 
as  English."  Some  there  were  who  in  secret  called 
the  scheme  "Lid vis'  folly;"  yet  it  was  perfectly 
rational,  well  conceived,  and  conducted  with  vigor 
and  skill.  Two  frigates,  two  sloops-of-war,  and  a 
number  of  smaller  craft  still  remained  in  the  river, 
under  command  of  Vauquelin,  the  brave  officer  who 
had  distinguished  himself  at  the  siege  of  Louisbourg. 
The  stores  and  cannon  were  placed  on  board  these 
vessels,  the  army  embarked  in  a  fleet  of  bateaux,  and 
on  the  twentieth  of  April  the  whole  set  out  together 
for  the  scene  of  action.  They  comprised  eight  bat 
talions  of  troops  of  the  line  and  two  of  colony  troops ; 

1   Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  23  Avril,  1760. 


1760.]  EXPEDITION   OF   LEVIS.  355 

with  the  colonial  artillery,  three  thousand  Canadians, 
and  four  hundred  Indians.  When  they  left  Montreal, 
their  effective  strength,  besides  Indians,  is  said  by 
Le'vis  to  have  been  six  thousand  nine  hundred  and 
ten,  a  number  which  was  increased  as  he  advanced 
by  the  garrisons  of  Jacques-Cartier,  Deschambault, 
and  Pointe-aux-Trembles,  as  well  as  by  the  Canadians 
on  both  sides  of  the  St.  Lawrence  below  Three 
Rivers;  for  Vaudreuil  had  ordered  the  militia  cap 
tains  to  join  his  standard,  with  all  their  followers, 
armed  and  equipped,  on  pain  of  death.1  These 
accessions  appear  to  have  raised  his  force  to  between 
eight  and  nine  thousand. 

The  ice  still  clung  to  the  river-banks,  the  weather 
was  bad,  and  the  navigation  difficult;  but  on  the 
twenty-sixth  the  army  landed  at  St.  Augustin,  crossed 
the  river  of  Cap-Rouge  on  bridges  of  their  own  mak 
ing,  and  moved  upon  the  English  outpost  at  Old 
Lorette.  The  English  abandoned  it  and  fell  back  to 
Ste.-Foy.  Le'vis  followed.  Night  came  on,  with  a 
gale  from  the  southeast,  a  driving  rain,  and  violent 
thunder,  unusual  at  that  season.  The  road,  a  bad 
and  broken  one,  led  through  the  marsh  called  La 
Suede.  Causeways  and  bridges  broke  down  under 
the  weight  of  the  marching  columns  and  plunged  the 
men  into  water,  mud,  and  half- thawed  ice.  "  It  was 
a  frightful  night,"  says  Le'vis;  "so  dark  that  but  for 
the  flashes  of  lightning  we  should  have  been  forced 

1  Vaudreuil  aux  Capitaines  de  Milice,  16  Avril,  1760.  I  am  in 
debted  to  Abbe  H.  R.  Casgrain  for  a  copy  of  this  letter. 


356  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

to  stop."  The  break  of  day  found  the  vanguard  at 
the  edge  of  the  woods  bordering  the  farther  side  of 
the  marsh.  The  storm  had  abated;  and  they  saw 
before  them,  a  few  hundred  yards  distant,  through 
the  misty  air,  a  ridge  of  rising  ground  on  which 
stood  the  parish  church  of  Ste.-Foy,  with  a  row  of 
Canadian  houses  stretching  far  to  right  and  left. 
This  ridge  was  the  declivity  of  the  plateau  of  Quebec ; 
the  same  which  as  it  approaches  the  town,  some  five 
or  six  miles  towards  the  left,  takes  the  names  of  Cote 
d' Abraham  and  Cote  Ste.-Genevieve.  The  church 
and  the  houses  were  occupied  by  British  troops, 
who,  as  the  French  debouched  from  the  woods, 
opened  on  them  with  cannon,  and  compelled  them  to 
fall  back.  Though  the  ridge  at  this  point  is  not 
steep,  the  position  was  a  strong  one ;  but  had  Levis 
known  how  few  were  as  yet  there  to  oppose  him,  he 
might  have  carried  it  by  an  assault  in  front.  As  it 
was,  he  resolved  to  wait  till  night,  and  then  flank 
the  enemy  by  a  march  to  the  right  along  the  border 
of  the  wood. 

It  was  the  morning  of  Sunday,  the  twenty-seventh. 
Till  late  in  the  night  before,  Murray  and  the  garrison 
of  Quebec  were  unaware  of  the  immediate  danger; 
and  they  learned  it  at  last  through  a  singular  stroke 
of  fortune.  Some  time  after  midnight  the  watch  on 
board  the  frigate  "Racehorse,"  which  had  wintered 
in  the  dock  at  the  Lower  Town,  heard  a  feeble  cry 
of  distress  from  the  midst  of  the  darkness  that  covered 
the  St.  Lawrence.  Captain  Macartney  was  at  once 


1760.]  HUMANITY   REWARDED.  357 

informed  of  it ;  and,  through  an  impulse  of  humanity, 
he  ordered  a  boat  to  put  out  amid  the  drifting  ice 
that  was  sweeping  up  the  river  with  the  tide.  Guided 
by  the  faint  cries,  the  sailors  found  a  man  lying  on  a 
large  cake  of  ice,  drenched,  and  half  dead  with  cold ; 
and,  taking  him  with  difficulty  into  their  boat,  they 
carried  him  to  the  ship.  It  was  long  before  he  was 
able  to  speak  intelligibly ;  but  at  last,  being  revived 
by  cordials  and  other  remedies,  he  found  strength  to 
tell  his  benefactors  that  he  was  a  sergeant  of  artillery 
in  the  army  that  had  come  to  retake  Quebec ;  that  in 
trying  to  land  a  little  above  Cap-Rouge,  his  boat  had 
been  overset,  his  companions  drowned,  and  he  him 
self  saved  by  climbing  upon  the  cake  of  ice  where  they 
had  discovered  him ;  that  he  had  been  borne  by  the 
ebb  tide  down  to  the  Island  of  Orleans,  and  then 
brought  up  to  Quebec  by  the  flow ;  and,  finally,  that 
Le'vis  was  marching  on  the  town  with  twelve  thousand 
men  at  his  back. 

He  was  placed  in  a  hammock  and  carried  up 
Mountain  Street  to  the  quarters  of  the  general,  who 
was  roused  from  sleep  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning 
to  hear  his  story.  The  troops  were  ordered  under 
arms ;  and  soon  after  daybreak  Murray  marched  out 
with  ten  pieces  of  cannon  and  more  than  half  the 
garrison.  His  principal  object  was  to  withdraw  the 
advanced  posts  at  Ste.-Foy,  Cap-Rouge,  Sillery,  and 
Anse  du  Foulon.  The  storm  had  turned  to  a  cold, 
drizzling  rain,  and  the  men,  as  they  dragged  their 
cannon  through  snow  and  mud,  were  soon  drenched 


358  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

to  the  skin.  On  reaching  Ste.-Foy,  they  opened  a 
brisk  fire  from  the  heights  upon  the  woods  which  now 
covered  the  whole  army  of  LeVis;  and  being  rejoined 
by  the  various  outposts,  returned  to  Quebec  in  the 
afternoon,  after  blowing  up  the  church,  which  con 
tained  a  store  of  munitions  that  they  had  no  means  of 
bringing  off.  When  they  entered  Quebec  a  gill  of 
rum  was  served  out  to  each  man;  several  houses  in 
the  suburb  of  St.  Roch  were  torn  down  to  supply 
them  with  firewood  for  drying  their  clothes;  and 
they  were  left  to  take  what  rest  they  could  against 
the  morrow.  The  French,  meanwhile,  took  posses 
sion  of  the  abandoned  heights ;  and  while  some  filled 
the  houses,  barns,  and  sheds  of  Ste.-Foy  and  its 
neighborhood,  others,  chiefly  Canadians,  crossed  the 
plateau  to  seek  shelter  in  the  village  of  Sillery. 

Three  courses  were  open  to  Murray.  He  could 
defend  Quebec,  fortify  himself  outside  the  walls  on 
the  Buttes-a-Neveu,  or  fight  Lid  vis  at  all  risks.  The 
walls  of  Quebec  could  not  withstand  a  cannonade, 
and  he  had  long  intended  to  intrench  his  army  on 
the  Buttes,  as  a  better  position  of  defence;  but  the 
ground,  frozen  like  a  rock,  had  thus  far  made  the 
plan  impracticable.  Even  now,  though  the  surface 
was  thawed,  the  soil  beneath  was  still  frost-bound, 
making  the  task  of  fortification  extremely  difficult, 
if  indeed  the  French  would  give  him  time  for  it. 
Murray  was  young  in  years,  and  younger  still  in 
impulse.  He  was  ardent,  fearless,  ambitious,  and 
emulous  of  the  fame  of  Wolfe.  "The  enemy,"  he 


1760.]  RASHNESS   OF   MURRAY.  359 

soon  after  wrote  to  Pitt,  "was  greatly  superior  in 
number,  it  is  true ;  but  when  I  considered  that  our 
little  army  was  in  the  habit  of  beating  that  enemy, 
and  had  a  very  fine  train  of  field  artillery;  that  shut 
ting  ourselves  at  once  within  the  walls  was  putting 
all  upon  the  single  chance  of  holding  out  for  a  con 
siderable  time  a  wretched  fortification,  I  resolved  to 
give  them  battle ;  and,  half  an  hour  after  six  in  the 
morning,  we  marched  with  all  the  force  I  could 
muster,  namely,  three  thousand  men."1  Some  of 
these  had  left  the  hospitals  of  their  own  accord  in 
their  eagerness  to  take  part  in  the  fray. 

The  rain  had  ceased ;  but  as  the  column  emerged 
from  St.  Louis  Gate,  the  scene  before  them  was  a 
dismal  one.  As  yet  there  was  no  sign  of  spring. 
Each  leafless  bush  and  tree  was  dark  with  clammy 
moisture;  patches  of  bare  earth  lay  oozy  and  black 
on  the  southern  slopes:  but  elsewhere  the  ground 
was  still  covered  with  snow,  in  some  places  piled  in 
drifts,  and  everywhere  sodden  with  rain;  while  each 
hollow  and  depression  was  full  of  that  half-liquid, 
lead-colored  mixture  of  snow  and  water  which  New 
England  schoolboys  call  "slush,"  for  all  drainage 
was  stopped  by  the  frozen  subsoil.  The  troops  had 
with  them  two  howitzers  and  twenty  field-pieces, 
which  had  been  captured  when  Quebec  surrendered, 
and  had  formed  a  part  of  that  very  battery  which 
Ramesay  refused  to  Montcalm  at  the  battle  of  the 
autumn  before.  As  there  were  no  horses,  the  cannon 

1  Murray  to  Pitt,  25  May,  1760. 


360  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

were  dragged  by  some  of  the  soldiers,  while  others 
carried  picks  and  spades;  for  as  yet  Murray  seems 
not  to  have  made  up  his  mind  whether  to  fortify  or 
fight.  Thus  they  advanced  nearly  half  a  mile;  till 
reaching  the  Buttes-a-Neveu,  they  formed  in  order 
of  battle  along  their  farther  slopes,  on  the  same 
ground  that  Montcalm  had  occupied  on  the  morn 
ing  of  his  death. 

Murray  went  forward  to  reconnoitre.  Immediately 
before  him  was  a  rising  ground,  and,  beyond  it,  a 
tract  of  forest  called  Sillery  Wood,  a  mile  or  more 
distant.  Nearer,  on  the  left,  he  could  see  two  block 
houses  built  by  the  English  in  the  last  autumn,  not 
far  from  the  brink  of  the  plateau  above  the  Anse  du 
Foulon  where  Wolfe  climbed  the  heights.  On  the 
right,  at  the  opposite  brink  of  the  plateau,  was  a 
house  and  a  fortified  windmill  belonging  to  one 
Dumont.  The  blockhouses,  the  mill,  and  the  rising 
ground  between  them  were  occupied  by  the  vanguard 
of  L^vis'  army;  while,  behind,  he  could  descry  the 
main  body  moving  along  the  road  from  Ste.-Foy, 
then  turning,  battalion  after  battalion,  and  rapidly 
marching  across  the  plateau  along  the  edge  of  Sillery 
Wood.  The  two  brigades  of  the  leading  column  had 
already  reached  the  blockhouses  by  the  Anse  du 
Foulon,  and  formed  themselves  as  the  right  wing  of 
the  French  line  of  battle ;  but  those  behind  were  not 
yet  in  position. 

Murray,  kindling  at  the  sight,  thought  that  so 
favorable  a  moment  was  not  to  be  lost,  and  ordered 


1760.]  THE   ATTACK.  361 

an  advance.  His  line  consisted  of  eight  battalions, 
numbering  a  little  above  two  thousand.  In  the  inter 
vals  between  them  the  cannon  were  dragged  through 
slush  and  mud  by  five  hundred  men ;  and,  at  a  little 
distance  behind,  the  remaining  two  battalions  fol 
lowed  as  a  reserve.  The  right  flank  was  covered  by 
Dalling's  light  infantry;  the  left  by  Hazen's  com 
pany  of  rangers  and  a  hundred  volunteers  under  Major 
MacDonald.  They  all  moved  forward  till  they  were 
on  nearly  the  same  ground  where  Wolfe's  army  had 
been  drawn  up.  Then  the  cannon  unlimbered,  and 
opened  on  the  French  with  such  effect  that  Ldvis, 
who  was  on  horseback  in  the  middle  of  the  field,  sent 
orders  to  the  corps  of  his  left  to  fall  back  to  the  cover 
of  the  woods.  The  movement  caused  some  disorder. 
Murray  mistook  it  for  retreat,  and  commanded  a 
farther  advance.  The  whole  British  line,  extending 
itself  towards  the  right,  pushed  eagerly  forward:  in 
doing  which  it  lost  the  advantage  of  the  favorable 
position  it  had  occupied;  and  the  battalions  of  the 
right  soon  found  themselves  on  low  grounds,  wading 
in  half-melted  snow,  which  in  some  parts  was  knee 
deep.  Here  the  cannon  could  no  longer  be  worked 
with  effect.  Just  in  front,  a  small  brook  ran  along 
the  hollow,  through  soft  mud  and  saturated  snow 
drifts,  then  gurgled  down  the  slope  on  the  right,  to 
lose  itself  in  the  meadows  of  the  St.  Charles.  A  few 
rods  before  this  brook  stood  the  house  and  windmill 
of  Dumont,  occupied  by  five  companies  of  French 
grenadiers.  The  light  infantry  at  once  attacked 


362  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

them.  A  furious  struggle  ensued,  till  at  length  the 
French  gave  way,  and  the  victors  dashed  forward  to 
follow  up  their  advantage.  Their  ardor  cost  them 
dear.  The  corps  on  the  French  left,  which  had 
fallen  back  into  the  woods,  now  advanced  again  as 
the  cannon  ceased  to  play,  rushing  on  without  order 
but  with  the  utmost  impetuosity,  led  by  a  gallant  old 
officer,  Colonel  Dalquier,  of  the  battalion  of  Be'arn. 
A  bullet  in  the  body  could  not  stop  him.  The  light 
infantry  were  overwhelmed;  and  such  of  them  as 
were  left  alive  were  driven  back  in  confusion  upon 
the  battalions  behind  them,  along  the  front  of  which 
they  remained  dispersed  for  some  minutes,  prevent 
ing  the  troops  from  firing  on  the  advancing  French, 
who  thus  had  time  to  reform  their  ranks.  At  length 
the  light  infantry  got  themselves  out  of  the  way  and 
retired  to  the  rear,  where,  having  lost  nearly  all  their 
officers,  they  remained  during  the  rest  of  the  fight. 
Another  struggle  followed  for  the  house  and  mill  of 
Dumont,  of  which  the  French  again  got  possession, 
to  be  again  driven  out;  and  it  remained,  as  if  by 
mutual  consent,  unoccupied  for  some  time  by  either 
party.  For  above  an  hour  more  the  fight  was  hot 
and  fierce.  "  We  drove  them  back  as  long  as  we  had 
ammunition  for  our  cannon,"  says  Sergeant  Johnson; 
but  now  it  failed,  and  no  more  was  to  be  had, 
because,  in  the  eccentric  phrase  of  the  sergeant,  the 
tumbrils  were  "bogged  in  deep  pits  of  snow." 

While  this  was  passing  on  the  English   right,  it 
fared  still  worse  with  them  on  the  left.     The  advance 


1760.]  THE   BATTLE.  363 

of  the  line  was  no  less  disastrous  here  than  there.  It 
brought  the  troops  close  to  the  woods  which  circled 
round  to  this  point  from  the  French  rear,  and  from 
which  the  Canadians,  covered  by  the  trees,  now 
poured  on  them  a  deadly  fire.  Here,  as  on  the  right, 
LeVis  had  ordered  his  troops  to  fall  back  for  a  time ; 
but  when  the  fire  of  the  English  cannon  ceased,  they 
advanced  again,  and  their  artillery,  though  consisting 
of  only  three  pieces,  played  its  part  with  good  effect. 
Hazen's  rangers  and  MacDonald's  volunteers  attacked 
and  took  the  two  adjacent  blockhouses,  but  could  not 
hold  them.  Hazen  was  wounded,  Mac  Donald  killed, 
and  their  party  overpowered.  The  British  battalions 
held  their  ground  till  the  French,  whose  superior 
numbers  enabled  them  to  extend  themselves  on  both 
sides  beyond  the  English  line,  made  a  furious  attack 
on  the  left  wing,  in  front  and  flank.  The  reserves 
were  ordered  up,  and  the  troops  stood  for  a  time  in 
sullen  desperation  under  the  storm  of  bullets;  but 
they  were  dropping  fast  in  the  blood-stained  snow, 
and  the  order  came  at  length  to  fall  back.  They 
obeyed  with  curses :  "  Damn  it,  what  is  falling  back 
but  retreating  ?  " l  The  right  wing,  also  outflanked, 
followed  the  example  of  the  left.  Some  of  the  corps 
tried  to  drag  off  their  cannon;  but  being  prevented 
by  the  deep  mud  and  snow,  they  spiked  the  pieces 
and  abandoned  them.  The  French  followed  close, 
hoping  to  cut  off  the  fugitives  from  the  gates  of 
Quebec;  till  Le'vis,  seeing  that  the  retreat,  though 
i  Knox,  ii.  295. 


364  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

precipitate,  was  not  entirely  without  order,  thought 
best  to  stop  the  pursuit. 

The  fight  lasted  about  two  hours,  and  did  credit  to 
both  sides.  The  Canadians  not  only  showed  their 
usual  address  and  courage  when  under  cover  of 
woods,  but  they  also  fought  well  in  the  open  field; 
and  the  conduct  of  the  whole  French  force  proved 
how  completely  they  had  recovered  from  the  panic 
of  the  last  autumn.  From  the  first  they  were  greatly 
superior  in  number,  and  at  the  middle  and  end  of  the 
affair,  when  they  had  all  reached  the  field,  they  were 
more  than  two  against  one.1  The  English,  on  the 
other  hand,  besides  the  opportunity  of  attacking 
before  their  enemies  had  completely  formed,  had  a 
vastly  superior  artillery  and  a  favorable  position, 
both  which  advantages  they  lost  after  their  second 
advance. 

Some  curious  anecdotes  are  told  of  the  retreat. 
Colonel  Fraser,  of  the  Highlanders,  received  a  bullet 
which  was  no  doubt  half  spent,  and  which,  with 
excellent  precision,  hit  the  base  of  his  queue,  so 
deadening  the  shock  that  it  gave  him  no  other  incon 
venience  than  a  stiff  neck.  Captain  Hazen,  of  the 
rangers,  badly  wounded,  was  making  his  way  towards 
the  gate,  supported  by  his  servant,  when  he  saw  at  a 
great  distance  a  French  officer  leading  a  file  of  men 
across  a  rising  ground;  whereupon  he  stopped  and 
told  the  servant  to  give  him  his  gun.  A  volunteer 
named  Thompson,  who  was  near  by  and  who  tells  the 
1  See  Appendix,  K. 


1760.]  LOSSES.  365 

story,  thought  that  he  was  out  of  his  senses;  but 
Hazen  persisted,  seated  himself  on  the  ground,  took 
a  long  aim,  fired,  and  brought  down  his  man. 
Thompson  congratulated  him.  "A  chance  shot 
may  kill  the  devil,"  replied  Hazen;  and  resigning 
himself  again  to  the  arms  of  his  attendant,  he  reached 
the  town,  recovered  from  his  wound,  and  lived  to  be 
a  general  of  the  Revolution.1 

The  English  lost  above  a  thousand,  or  more  than 
a  third  of  their  whole  number,  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing.2  They  carried  off  some  of  their  wounded, 
but  left  others  behind ;  and  the  greater  part  of  these 
were  murdered,  scalped,  and  mangled  by  the  Indians, 
all  of  whom  were  converts  from  the  mission  villages. 
English  writers  put  the  French  loss  at  two  thousand 
and  upwards,  which  is  no  doubt  a  gross  exaggeration. 
Ldvis  declares  that  the  number  did  not  exceed  six 
or  eight  hundred;  but  afterwards  gives  a  list  which 
makes  it  eight  hundred  and  thirty-three. 

Murray  had  left  three  or  four  hundred  men  to 
guard  Quebec  when  the  rest  marched  out ;  and  adding 
them  to  those  who  had  returned  scathless  from  the 
fight,  he  now  had  about  twenty-four  hundred  rank 
and  file  fit  for  duty.  Yet  even  the  troops  that 
were  rated  as  effective  were  in  so  bad  a  condition 
that  the  hyperbolical  Sergeant  Johnson  calls  them 

1  Thompson,    deceived    by    Hazen's    baptismal    name,    Moses, 
thought  that  he  was  a  Jew.     (Revue  Canadienne,  iv.  865.)     He  was, 
however,  of  an  old  New  England  Puritan  family.     See  the  Hazen 
genealogy  in  Historic- Genealogical  Register,  xxxiii. 

2  Return  of  Killed,  Wounded,  and  Missing,  signed  J.  Murray. 


366  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

"half-starved,  scorbutic  skeletons."  That  worthy 
soldier,  commonly  a  model  of  dutiful  respect  to  those 
above  him,  this  time  so  far  forgets  himself  as  to  criti 
cise  his  general  for  the  "mad,  enthusiastic  zeal"  by 
which  he  nearly  lost  the  fruits  of  Wolfe's  victory. 
In  fact,  the  fate  of  Quebec  trembled  in  the  balance. 
"We  were  too  few  and  weak  to  stand  an  assault," 
continues  Johnson,  "and  we  were  almost  in  as  deep 
a  distress  as  we  could  be."  At  first  there  was  some 
drunkenness  and  some  plundering  of  private  houses ; 
but  Murray  stopped  the  one  by  staving  the  rum-barrels 
of  the  sutlers,  and  the  other  by  hanging  the  chief 
offender.  Within  three  days  order,  subordination, 
hope,  and  almost  confidence  were  completely  restored. 
Not  a  man  was  idle.  The  troops  left  their  barracks 
and  lay  in  tents  close  to  their  respective  alarm  posts. 
On  the  open  space  by  St.  Louis  Gate  a  crowd  of 
convalescents  were  busy  in  filling  sand-bags  to 
strengthen  the  defences,  while  the  sick  and  wounded 
in  the  hospitals  made  wadding  for  the  cannon.  The 
ramparts  were  faced  with  fascines,  of  which  a  large 
stock  had  been  provided  in  the  autumn;  clievaux-de- 
frise  were  planted  in  exposed  places;  an  outwork 
was  built  to  protect  St.  Louis  Gate;  embrasures  were 
cut  along  the  whole  length  of  the  walls;  and  the 
French  cannon  captured  when  the  town  was  taken 
were  planted  against  their  late  owners.  Every  man 
was  tasked  to  the  utmost  of  his  strength;  and  the 
garrison,  gaunt,  worn,  besmirched  with  mud,  looked 
less  like  soldiers  than  like  overworked  laborers. 


1760.]  BRITISH   OFFICERS.  367 

The  conduct  of  the  officers  troubled  the  spirit  of 
Sergeant  Johnson.  It  shocked  his  sense  of  the  fit 
ness  of  things  to  see  them  sharing  the  hard  work  of 
the  private  men,  and  he  thus  gives  utterance  to  his 
feelings :  "  None  but  those  who  were  present  on  the 
spot  can  imagine  the  grief  of  heart  the  soldiers  felt 
to  see  their  officers  yoked  in  the  harness,  dragging  up 
cannon  from  the  Lower  Town;  to  see  gentlemen, 
who  were  set  over  them  by  His  Majesty  to  command 
and  keep  them  to  their  duty,  working  at  the  batteries 
with  the  barrow,  pickaxe,  and  spade."  The  effect, 
however,  was  admirable.  The  spirit  of  the  men  rose 
to  the  crisis.  Murray,  no  less  than  his  officers,  had 
all  their  confidence ;  for  if  he  had  fallen  into  a  fatal 
error,  he  atoned  for  it  now  by  unconquerable  resolu 
tion  and  exhaustless  fertility  of  resource.  Deserters 
said  that  LeVis  would  assault  the  town;  and  the 
soldiers  replied :  "  Let  him  come  on ;  he  will  catch  a 
Tartar." 

Ldvis  and  his  army  were  no  less  busy  in  digging 
trenches  along  the  stony  back  of  the  Buttes-a-Neveu. 
Every  day  the  English  fire  grew  hotter;  till  at  last 
nearly  a  hundred  and  fifty  cannon  vomited  iron  upon 
them  from  the  walls  of  Quebec,  and  May  was  well 
advanced  before  they  could  plant  a  single  gun  to 
reply.  Their  vessels  had  landed  artillery  at  the  Anse 
du  Foulon;  but  their  best  hope  lay  in  the  succors 
they  daily  expected  from  the  river  below.  In  the 
autumn  Ldvis,  with  a  view  to  his  intended  enterprise, 
had  sent  a  request  to  Versailles  that  a  ship  laden 


368  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

with  munitions  and  heavy  siege-guns  should  be  sent 
from  France  in  time  to  meet  him  at  Quebec  in  April ; 
while  he  looked  also  for  another  ship,  which  had 
wintered  at  Gaspe*,  and  which  therefore  might  reach 
him  as  soon  as  navigation  opened.  The  arrival  of 
these  vessels  would  have  made  the  position  of  the 
English  doubly  critical;  and,  on  the  other  hand, 
should  an  English  squadron  appear  first,  Ldvis 
would  be  forced  to  raise  the  siege.  Thus  each  side 
watched  the  river  with  an  anxiety  that  grew  con 
stantly  more  intense;  and  the  English  presently 
descried  signals  along  the  shore  which  seemed  to  say 
that  French  ships  were  moving  up  the  St.  Lawrence. 
Meantime,  while  doing  their  best  to  compass  each 
other's  destruction,  neither  side  forgot  the  courtesies 
of  war.  LeVis  heard  that  Murray  liked  spruce-beer 
for  his  table,  and  sent  him  a  flag  of  truce  with  a 
quantity  of  spruce-boughs  and  a  message  of  compli 
ment  ;  Murray  responded  with  a  Cheshire  cheese,  and 
LeVis  rejoined  with  a  present  of  partridges. 

Bad  and  scanty  fare,  excessive  toil,  and  broken 
sleep  were  telling  ominously  on  the  strength  of  the 
garrison  when,  on  the  ninth  of  May,  Murray,  as  he 
sat  pondering  over  the  fire  at  his  quarters  in  St. 
Louis  Street,  was  interrupted  by  an  officer  who  came 
to  tell  him  that  there  was  a  ship-of-war  in  the  Basin 
beating  up  towards  the  town.  Murray  started  from 
his  revery,  and  directed  that  British  colors  should  be 
raised  immediately  on  Cape  Diamond.1  The  halyards 

1  Thompson  in  Revue  Canadienne,  iv.  866. 


1760.]  RELIEF   ARRIVES.  369 

being  out  of  order,  a  sailor  climbed  the  staff  and 
drew  up  the  flag  to  its  place.  The  news  had  spread ; 
men  and  officers,  divided  between  hope  and  fear, 
crowded  to  the  rampart  by  the  Chateau,  where  Durham 
Terrace  now  overlooks  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  every 
eye  was  strained  on  the  approaching  ship,  eager  to 
see  whether  she  would  show  the  red  flag  of  England 
or  the  white  one  of  France.  Slowly  her  colors  rose 
to  the  masthead  and  unfurled  to  the  wind  the  red 
cross  of  St.  George.  It  was  the  British  frigate 
"Lowestoffe."  She  anchored  before  the  Lower 
Town,  and  saluted  the  garrison  with  twenty-one 
guns.  "The  gladness  of  the  troops,"  says  Knox, 
"is  not  to  be  expressed.  Both  officers  and  soldiers 
mounted  the  parapet  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  and 
huzzaed  with  their  hats  in  the  air  for  almost  an  hour. 
The  garrison,  the  enemy's  camp,  the  bay,  and  cir 
cumjacent  country  resounded  with  our  shouts  and 
the  thunder  of  our  artillery;  for  the  gunners  were  so 
elated  that  they  did  nothing  but  load  and  fire  for  a 
considerable  time.  In  short,  the  general  satisfaction 
is  not  to  be  conceived,  except  by  a  person  who  had 
suffered  the  extremities  of  a  siege,  and  been  destined, 
with  his  brave  friends  and  countrymen,  to  the  scalp- 
ing-knives  of  a  faithless  conqueror  and  his  barbarous 
allies.*'  The  "Lowestoffe"  brought  news  that  a 
British  squadron  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  would  reach  Quebec  in  a  few  days. 
Ldvis,  in  ignorance  of  this,  still  clung  to  the  hope 
that  French  ships  would  arrive  strong  enough  to 
VOL.  ii. — 24 


370  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

overpower  the  unwelcome  stranger.  His  guns,  being 
at  last  in  position,  presently  opened  fire  upon  a  wall 
that  was  not  built  to  bear  the  brunt  of  heavy  shot; 
but  an  artillery  better  and  more  numerous  than  his 
own  almost  silenced  them,  and  his  gunners  were 
harassed  by  repeated  sallies.  The  besiegers  had  now 
no  real  chance  of  success  unless  they  could  carry  the 
place  by  storm,  to  which  end  they  had  provided 
abundant  scaling-ladders  as  well  as  petards  to  burst 
in  the  gates.  They  made,  however,  no  attempt  to  use 
them.  A  week  passed,  when,  on  the  evening  of  the 
fifteenth,  the  ship  of  the  line  "  Vanguard "  and 
the  frigate  "Diana"  sailed  into  the  harbor:  and  on 
the  next  morning  the  "  Diana  "  and  the  "  Lowestoffe  " 
passed  the  town  to  attack  the  French  vessels  in  the 
river  above.  These  were  six  in  all,  —  two  frigates, 
two  smaller  armed  ships,  and  two  schooners;  the 
whole  under  command  of  the  gallant  Vauquelin.  He 
did  not  belie  his  reputation;  fought  his  ship  with 
persistent  bravery  till  his  ammunition  was  spent, 
refused  even  then  to  strike  his  flag,  and  being  made 
prisoner,  was  treated  by  his  captors  with  distinguished 
honor.  The  other  vessels  made  little  or  no  resist 
ance.  One  of  them  threw  her  guns  overboard  and 
escaped ;  the  rest  ran  ashore  and  were  burned. 

The  destruction  of  his  vessels  was  a  death-blow  to 
the  hopes  of  LeVis,  for  they  contained  his  stores  of 
food  and  ammunition.  He  had  passed  the  preceding 
night  in  great  agitation ;  and  when  the  cannonade  on 
the  river  ceased,  he  hastened  to  raise  the  siege.  In  the 


1760.]  RETREAT   OF   LfiVIS.  371 

evening  deserters  from  his  camp  told  Murray  that 
the  French  were  in  full  retreat;  on  which  all  the 
English  batteries  opened,  firing  at  random  through 
the  darkness,  and  sending  cannon-balls  en  ricochet, 
bowling  by  scores  together,  over  the  Plains  of 
Abraham  on  the  heels  of  the  retiring  enemy.  Murray 
marched  out  at  dawn  of  day  to  fall  upon  their  rear; 
but,  with  a  hundred  and  fifty  cannon  bellowing  behind 
them,  they  had  made  such  speed  that,  though  he 
pushed  over  the  marsh  to  Old  Lorette,  he  could  not 
overtake  them ;  they  had  already  crossed  the  river  of 
Cap-Rouge.  Why,  with  numbers  still  superior,  they 
went  off  in  such  haste,  it  is  hard  to  say.  They  left 
behind  them  thirty-four  cannon  and  six  mortars, 
with  petards,  scaling-ladders,  tents,  ammunition, 
baggage,  intrenching  tools,  many  of  their  muskets, 
and  all  their  sick  and  wounded. 

The  effort  to  recover  Quebec  did  great  honor  to 
the  enterprise  of  the  French;  but  it  availed  them 
nothing,  served  only  to  waste  resources  that  seemed 
already  at  the  lowest  ebb,  and  gave  fresh  opportunity 
of  plunder  to  Cadet  and  his  crew,  who  failed  not  to 
make  use  of  it. 

After  the  battle  of  Ste.-Foy  Murray  sent  the  frigate 
"  Racehorse  "  to  Halifax  with  news  of  his  defeat,  and 
from  Halifax  it  was  sent  to  England.  The  British 
public  were  taken  by  surprise.  "Who  the  deuce 
was  thinking  of  Quebec?"  says  Horace  Walpole. 
"America  was  like  a  book  one  has  read  and  done 
with ;  but  here  we  are  on  a  sudden  reading  our  book 


372  SAINTE-FOY.  [1760. 

backwards."  Ten  days  passed,  and  then  came  word 
that  the  siege  was  raised  and  that  the  French  were 
gone ;  upon  which  Walpole  wrote  to  General  Conway : 
"  Well,  Quebec  is  come  to  life  again.  Last  night  I 
went  to  see  the  Holdernesses.  I  met  my  Lady  in  a 
triumphal  car,  drawn  by  a  Manx  horse,  thirteen  little 
fingers  high,  with  Lady  Emily.  Mr.  Milbank  was 
walking  by  himself  in  ovation  after  the  car,  and  they 
were  going  to  see  the  bonfire  at  the  alehouse  at  the 
corner.  The  whole  procession  returned  with  me; 
and  from  the  Countess's  dressing-room  we  saw  a 
battery  fired  before  the  house,  the  mob  crying,  '  God 
bless  the  good  news ! '  These  are  all  the  particulars 
I  know  of  the  siege.  My  Lord  would  have  showed 
me  the  journal;  but  we  amused  ourselves  much 
better  in  going  to  eat  peaches  from  the  new  Dutch 
stoves  [hot -houses]." 

NOTE.  —  On  the  battle  of  Ste.-Foy  and  the  subsequent  siege, 
Levis,  Guerre  du  Canada.  Relation  de  la  seconds  Bataille  de  Quebec 
et  du  Siege  de  cette  Ville  (there  are  several  copies  of  this  paper,  with 
different  titles  and  some  variation).  Murray  to  Amherst,  30  April, 
1760.  Murray,  Journal  kept  at  Quebec  from  September  18, 1759,  to  May 
17,  1760  (Public  Record  Office,  America  and  West  Indies,  xcix.). 
Murray  to  Pitt,  25  May,  1760.  Letter  from  an  Officer  of  the  Royal 
Americans  at  Quebec,  24  May,  1760  (in  London  Magazine  and  several 
periodical  papers  of  the  time).  Eraser,  Journal  (Quebec  Hist.  Soc.). 
Johnstone,  Campaign  of  1760  (Ibid.).  Relation  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe"  au 
Sifye  de  Quebec,  par  une  Reiigieuse  de  I'Hopital  General  (Ibid.).  Me 
moirs  of  the  Siege  of  Quebec,  by  Sergeant  John  Johnson.  Memoires 
sur  le  Canada,  1749-1760.  Letters  of  Levis,  Bourlamaque,  and 
Vaudreuil,  May,  June,  1760.  Several  letters  from  officers  at  Que 
bec  in  provincial  newspapers.  Knox,  ii.  292-322.  Plan  of  the  Battle 
and  Situation  of  the  British  and  French  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  the 
2&th  of  April,  1760,  —  an  admirable  plan,  attached  to  the  great  plan 


1760.]  EVIDENCE.  373 

of  operations  at  Quebec  before  mentioned,  and  necessary  to  an 
understanding  of  the  position  and  movements  of  the  two  armies 
(British  Museum,  King's  Maps). 

The  narratives  of  Mante,  Entick,Wynne,  Smith,  and  other  second 
ary  writers  give  no  additional  light.  On  the  force  engaged  on  each 
side,  see  Appendix,  K. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

1760. 
FALL  OF  CANADA. 

DESPERATE  SITUATION.  —  EFFORTS  OF  VAUDREUIL  AND  LEVIS.  — 
PLANS  OF  AMHERST.  —  A  TRIPLE  ATTACK.  —  ADVANCE  OF 
MURRAY.  —  ADVANCE  OF  HAVILAND.  —  ADVANCE  OF  AMHERST. 
—  CAPITULATION  OF  MONTREAL.  —  PROTEST  OF  LEVIS.  —  INJUS 
TICE  OF  LOUIS  XV.  —  JOY  IN  THE  BRITISH  COLONIES.  —  CHAR 
ACTER  OF  THE  WAR. 

THE  retreat  of  LeVis  left  Canada  little  hope  but  in 
a  speedy  peace.  This  hope  was  strong,  for  a  belief 
widely  prevailed  that,  even  if  the  colony  should  be 
subdued,  it  would  be  restored  to  France  by  treaty. 
Its  available  force  did  not  exceed  eight  or  ten  thou 
sand  men,  as  most  of  the  Canadians  below  the  district 
of  Three  Rivers  had  sworn  allegiance  to  King 
George ;  and  though  many  of  them  had  disregarded 
the  oath  to  join  the  standard  of  LeVis,  they  could 
venture  to  do  so  no  longer.  The  French  had  lost 
the  best  of  their  artillery,  their  gunpowder  was  fall 
ing  short,  their  provisions  would  barely  carry  them 
to  harvest  time,  and  no  more  was  to  be  hoped  for, 
since  a  convoy  of  ships  which  had  sailed  from  France 
at  the  end  of  winter,  laden  with  supplies  of  all  kinds, 
had  been  captured  by  the  English.  The  blockade  of 


1760.]  PLANS  OF   AMHERST.  375 

the  St.  Lawrence  was  complete.  The  Western 
Indians  would  not  fight,  and  even  those  of  the 
mission  villages  were  wavering  and  insolent. 

Yet  Vaudreuil  and  Ldvis  exerted  themselves  for 
defence  with  an  energy  that  does  honor  to  them  both. 
"Far  from  showing  the  least  timidity,"  says  the 
ever-modest  governor,  "I  have  taken  positions  such 
as  may  hide  our  weakness  from  the  enemy."1  He 
stationed  Rochbeaucourt  with  three  hundred  men  at 
Pointe-aux-Trembles ;  Repentigny  with  two  hundred 
at  Jacques-Cartier;  and  Dumas  with  twelve  hundred 
at  Deschambault  to  watch  the  St.  Lawrence  and,  if 
possible,  prevent  Murray  from  moving  up  the  river. 
Bougainville  was  stationed  at  Isle-aux-Noix  to  bar 
the  approach  from  Lake  Champlain,  and  a  force 
under  La  Corne  was  held  ready  to  defend  the  rapids 
above  Montreal,  should  the  English  attempt  that 
dangerous  passage.  Prisoners  taken  by  war-parties 
near  Crown  Point  gave  exaggerated  reports  of  hostile 
preparation,  and  doubled  and  trebled  the  forces  that 
were  mustering  against  Canada. 

These  forces  were  nevertheless  considerable. 
Amherst  had  resolved  to  enter  the  colony  by  all  its 
three  gates  at  once,  and,  advancing  from  east,  west, 
and  south,  unite  at  Montreal  and  crush  it  as  in  the 
jaws  of  a  vice.  Murray  was  to  ascend  the  St. 
Lawrence  from  Quebec,  while  Brigadier  Haviland 
forced  an  entrance  by  way  of  Lake  Champlain,  and 
Amherst  himself  led  the  main  army  down  the  St. 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  22  Juin,  1760. 


376  FALL  OF  CANADA.  [1760. 

Lawrence  from  Lake  Ontario.  This  last  route  was 
long,  circuitous,  difficult,  and  full  of  danger  from 
the  rapids  that  obstructed  the  river.  His  choice  of 
it  for  his  chief  line  of  operation,  instead  of  the 
shorter  and  easier  way  of  Lake  Champlain,  was 
meant,  no  doubt,  to  prevent  the  French  army  from 
escaping  up  the  Lakes  to  Detroit  and  the  other  wil 
derness  posts,  where  it  might  have  protracted  the 
war  for  an  indefinite  time:  while  the  plan  adopted, 
if  successful,  would  make  its  capture  certain.  The 
plan  was  a  critical  one.  Three  armies  advancing 
from  three  different  points,  hundreds  of  miles  apart, 
by  routes  full  of  difficulty,  and  with  no  possibility 
of  intercommunication,  were  to  meet  at  the  same 
place  at  the  same  time,  or,  failing  to  do  so,  run  the 
risk  of  being  destroyed  in  detail.  If  the  French 
troops  could  be  kept  together,  and  if  the  small  army 
of  Murray  or  of  Haviland  should  reach  Montreal  a 
few  days  before  the  co-operating  forces  appeared,  it 
might  be  separately  attacked  and  overpowered.  In 
this  lay  the  hope  of  Vaudreuil  and  Le'vis.1 

After  the  siege  of  Quebec  was  raised,  Murray  had 
an  effective  force  of  about  twenty- five  hundred  rank 
and  file.2  As  the  spring  opened  the  invalids  were 
encamped  on  the  Island  of  Orleans,  where  fresh  air, 
fresh  provisions,  and  the  change  from  the  pestiferous 
town  hospitals  wrought  such  wonders  on  the  scorbutic 

1  Levis  a  Bourlamaque,  Juillet,  Aout,  1760. 

2  Return  of  the  Present  State  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  in  Garrison 
at  Quebec,  21  May,  1760. 


1760.]  ADVANCE  OF  MURRAY.  377 

patients  that  in  a  few  weeks  a  considerable  number 
of  them  were  again  fit  for  garrison  duty,  if  not  for 
the  field.  Thus  it  happened  that  on  the  second  of 
July  twenty-four  hundred  and  fifty  men  and  officers 
received  orders  to  embark  for  Montreal ;  and  on  the 
fifteenth  they  set  sail,  in  thirty-two  vessels,  with  a 
number  of  boats  and  bateaux.1  They  were  followed 
some  time  after  by  Lord  Rollo,  with  thirteen  hundred 
additional  men  just  arrived  from  Louisbourg,  the 
King  having  ordered  that  fortress  to  be  abandoned 
and  dismantled.  They  advanced  slowly,  landing 
from  time  to  time,  skirmishing  with  detachments  of 
the  enemy  who  followed  them  along  the  shore,  or 
more  frequently  trading  with  the  farmers  who 
brought  them  vegetables,  poultry,  eggs,  and  fresh 
meat.  They  passed  the  fortified  hill  of  Jacques- 
Cartier,  whence  they  were  saluted  with  shot  and 
shell,  stopped  at  various  parishes,  disarmed  the 
inhabitants,  administered  oaths  of  neutrality,  which 
were  taken  without  much  apparent  reluctance,  and 
on  the  fourth  of  August  came  within  sight  of  Three 
Rivers,  then  occupied  by  a  body  of  troops  expecting 
an  attack.  "But,"  says  Knox,  "a  delay  here  would 
be  absurd,  as  that  wretched  place  must  share  the  fate 
of  Montreal.  Our  fleet  sailed  this  morning.  The 
French  troops,  apparently  about  two  thousand,  lined 
their  different  works,  and  were  in  general  clothed  as 
regulars,  except  a  very  few  Canadians  and  about  fifty 
naked  Picts  or  savages,  their  bodies  being  painted  of 

i  Knox,  ii.  344,  348. 


378  FALL  OF  CANADA.  [1760. 

a  reddish  color  and  their  faces  of  different  colors, 
which  I  plainly  discerned  with  my  glass.  Their  light 
cavalry,  who  paraded  along  shore,  seemed  to  be  well 
appointed,  clothed  in  blue,  faced  with  scarlet;  but 
their  officers  had  white  uniforms.  In  fine,  their 
troops,  batteries,  fair-looking  houses;  their  situation 
on  the  banks  of  a  delightful  river;  our  fleet  sailing 
triumphantly  before  them,  with  our  floating  batteries 
drawn  up  in  line  of  battle ;  the  country  on  both  sides 
interspersed  with  neat  settlements,  together  with  the 
verdure  of  the  fields  and  trees  and  the  clear,  pleasant 
weather,  afforded  as  agreeable  a  prospect  as  the  most 
lively  imagination  can  conceive." 

This  excellent  lover  of  the  picturesque  was  still 
more  delighted  as  the  fleet  sailed  among  the  islands 
of  St.  Peter.  "I  think  nothing  could  equal  the 
beauties  of  our  navigation  this  morning:  the  mean 
dering  course  of  the  narrow  channel ;  the  awfulness 
and  solemnity  of  the  dark  forests  with  which  these 
islands  are  covered ;  the  f ragrancy  of  the  spontaneous 
fruits,  shrubs,  and  flowers;  the  verdure  of  the  water 
by  the  reflection  of  the  neighboring  woods ;  the  wild 
chirping  notes  of  the  feathered  inhabitants;  the 
masts  and  sails  of  ships  appearing  as  if  among  the 
trees,  both  ahead  and  astern:  formed  altogether  an 
enchanting  diversity." 

The  evening  recalled  him  from  dreams  to  realities ; 
for  towards  seven  o'clock  they  reached  the  village  of 
Sorel,  where  they  found  a  large  body  of  troops  and 
militia  intrenched  along  the  strand,  Bourlamaque 


1760.]  DESERTION   OF   CANADIANS.  379 

was  in  command  here  with  two  or  three  thousand 
men,  and  Dumas,  with  another  body,  was  on  the 
northern  shore.  Both  had  orders  to  keep  abreast  of 
the  fleet  as  it  advanced ;  and  thus  French  and  Eng 
lish  alike  drew  slowly  towards  Montreal,  where  lay 
the  main  French  force  under  Levis,  ready  to  unite 
with  Bourlamaque  and  Dumas,  and  fall  upon  Murray 
at  the  first  opportunity.  Montreal  was  now  but  a 
few  leagues  distant,  and  the  situation  was  becoming 
delicate.  Murray  sent  five  rangers  towards  Lake 
Champlain  to  get  news  of  Haviland,  and  took 
measures  at  the  same  time  to  cause  the  desertion  of 
the  Canadians,  who  formed  the  largest  part  of  the 
opposing  force.  He  sent  a  proclamation  among  the 
parishes,  advising  the  inhabitants  to  remain  peace 
fully  at  home,  promising  that  those  who  did  so  should 
be  safe  in  person  and  property,  and  threatening  to 
burn  every  house  from  which  the  men  of  the  family 
were  absent.  These  were  not  idle  words.  A  detach 
ment  sent  for  the  purpose  destroyed  a  settlement 
near  Sorel,  the  owners  of  which  were  in  arms  under 
Bourlamaque.  "I  was  under  the  cruel  necessity  of 
burning  the  greatest  part  of  these  poor  unhappy 
people's  houses,"  wrote  Murray.  "I  pray  God  this 
example  may  suffice,  for  my  nature  revolts  when  this 
becomes  a  necessary  part  of  my  duty."1  On  the 
other  hand,  he  treated  with  great  kindness  all  who 
left  the  army  and  returned  to  their  families.  The 
effect  was  soon  felt.  The  Canadians  carne  in  by 

1  Murray  to  Pitt,  24  August,  1760. 


380  FALL   OF   CANADA.  [1760. 

scores  and  by  hundreds  to  give  up  their  arms  and 
take  the  oath  of  neutrality,  till,  before  the  end  of 
August,  half  Bourlamaque's  force  had  disappeared. 
Murray  encamped  on  Isle  St.-Therese,  just  below 
Montreal,  and  watched  and  waited  for  Haviland  and 
Amherst  to  appear.1 

Vaudreuil  on  his  part  was  not  idle.  He  sent  a 
counter-proclamation  through  the  parishes  as  an 
antidote  to  that  of  Murray.  "I  have  been  com 
pelled,"  he  writes  to  the  minister,  "to  decree  the 
pain  of  death  to  the  Canadians  who  are  so  dastardly 
as  to  desert  or  give  up  their  arms  to  the  enemy,  and 
to  order  that  the  houses  of  those  who  do  not  join  our 
army  shall  be  burned."2  Execution  was  to  be  sum 
mary,  without  court-martial.3  Yet  desertion  in 
creased  daily.  The  Canadians  felt  themselves  doubly 
ruined,  for  it  became  known  that  the  court  had 
refused  to  redeem  the  paper  that  formed  the  whole 
currency  of  the  colony;  and,  in  their  desperation, 
they  preferred  to  trust  the  tried  clemency  of  the 
enemy  rather  than  exasperate  him  by  persisting  in  a 
vain  defence.  Vaudreuil  writes  in  his  usual  strain: 
"I  am  taking  the  most  just  measures  to  unite  our 
forces,  and,  if  our  situation  permits,  fight  a  battle,  or 
several  battles.  It  is  to  be  feared  that  we  shall  go 
down  before  an  enemy  so  numerous  and  strong ;  but, 
whatever  may  be  the  event,  we  will  save  the  honor 

1  Knox,  ii.  382,  384.    Mante,  340. 

2  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  29  Aout,  1760. 
8  Ltvis  a  Bourlamaque,  25  Aoutt  1760. 


1760.]  PROMISES  OF  VAUDREUIL.  381 

of  the  King's  arms.  I  have  the  honor  to  repeat  to 
you,  Monseigneur,  that  if  any  resource  were  left  me, 
whatever  the  progress  the  English  might  make,  I 
would  maintain  myself  in  some  part  of  the  colony 
with  my  remaining  troops,  after  having  fought  with 
the  greatest  obstinacy ;  but  I  am  absolutely  without 
the  least  remnant  of  the  necessary  means.  In  these 
unhappy  circumstances  I  shall  continue  to  use  every 
manoeuvre  and  device  to  keep  the  enemy  in  check ; 
but  if  we  succumb  in  the  battles  we  shall  fight,  I 
shall  apply  myself  to  obtaining  a  capitulation  which 
may  avert  the  total  ruin  of  a  people  who  will  remain 
forever  French,  and  who  could  not  survive  their 
misfortunes  but  for  the  hope  of  being  restored  by  the 
treaty  of  peace  to  the  rule  of  His  Most  Christian 
Majesty.  It  is  with  this  view  that  I  shall  remain  in 
this  town,  the  Chevalier  de  Le'vis  having  represented 
to  me  that  it  would  be  an  evil  to  the  colonists  past 
remedy  if  any  accident  should  happen  to  me."  Le'vis 
was  willing  to  go  very  far  in  soothing  the  suscepti 
bilities  of  the  governor;  but  it  may  be  suspected  this 
time  that  he  thought  him  more  useful  within  four 
walls  than  in  the  open  field. 

There  seemed  good  hope  of  stopping  the  advance 
of  Haviland.  To  this  end  Vaudreuil  had  stationed 
Bougainville  at  Isle-aux-Noix  with  seventeen  hundred 
men,  and  Roquemaure  at  St.  John,  a  few  miles  dis 
tant,  with  twelve  or  fifteen  hundred  more,  besides  all 
the  Indians.1  Haviland  embarked  at  Crown  Point  with 

1   Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  29  Aout,  1760. 


382  FALL  OF   CANADA.  [1760. 

thirty-four  hundred  regulars,  provincials,  and  Indians.1 
Four  days  brought  him  to  Isle-aux-Noix ;  he  landed, 
planted  cannon  in  the  swamp,  and  opened  fire. 
Major  Darby  with  the  light  infantry,  and  Rogers 
with  the  rangers,  dragged  three  light  pieces  through 
the  forest,  and  planted  them  on  the  river-bank  in  the 
rear  of  Bougainville's  position,  where  lay  the  French 
naval  force,  consisting  of  three  armed  vessels  and 
several  gunboats.  The  cannon  were  turned  upon 
the  principal  ship;  a  shot  cut  her  cable,  and  a  strong 
west  wind  drove  her  ashore  into  the  hands  of  her 
enemies.  The  other  vessels  and  gunboats  made  all 
sail  for  St.  John,  but  stranded  in  a  bend  of  the  river, 
where  the  rangers,  swimming  out  with  their  toma 
hawks,  boarded  and  took  one  of  them,  and  the  rest 
soon  surrendered.  It  was  a  fatal  blow  to  Bougain 
ville,  whose  communications  with  St.  John  were 
now  cut  off.  In  accordance  with  instructions  from 
Vaudreuil,  he  abandoned  the  island  on  the  night  of 
the  twenty-seventh  of  August,  and,  making  his  way 
with  infinite  difficulty  through  the  dark  forest,  joined 
Roquemaure  at  St.  John,  twelve  miles  below.  Havi- 
land  followed,  the  rangers  leading  the  way.  Bougain 
ville  and  Roquemaure  fell  back,  abandoned  St.  John 
and  Chambly,  and  joined  Bouiiamaque  on  the  banks 
of  the  St.  Lawrence,  where  the  united  force  at  first 
outnumbered  that  of  Haviland,  though  fast  melted 

1  A.  List  of  the  Forces  employed  in  the  Expedition  against  Canada, 
1760.  Compare  Mante,  340,  Knox,  ii.  392,  and  Rogers,  188.  Chev 
alier  Johnstone,  who  was  with  Bougainville,  says  "  about  four  thou 
sand,"  which  Vaudreuil  multiplies  to  twelve  thousand. 


1760.]  FORT  LEVIS.  383 

away  by  discouragement  and  desertion.  Haviland 
opened  communication  with  Murray,  and  they  both 
looked  daily  for  the  arrival  of  Amherst,  whose 
approach  was  rumored  by  prisoners  and  deserters.1 

The  army  of  Amherst  had  gathered  at  Oswego  in 
July.  On  the  tenth  of  August  it  was  all  afloat  on 
Lake  Ontario,  to  the  number  of  ten  thousand  one 
hundred  and  forty-two  men,  besides  about  seven  hun 
dred  Indians  under  Sir  William  Johnson.2  Before 
the  fifteenth  the  whole  had  reached  La  Presentation, 
otherwise  called  Oswegatchie  or  La  Galette,  the  seat 
of  Father  Piquet's  mission.  Near  by  was  a  French 
armed  brig,  the  "Ottawa,"  with  ten  cannon  and  a 
hundred  men,  threatening  destruction  to  Amherst's 
bateaux  and  whaleboats.  Five  gunboats  attacked 
and  captured  her.  Then  the  army  advanced  again, 
and  were  presently  joined  by  two  armed  vessels  of 
their  own  which  had  lingered  behind,  bewildered 
among  the  channels  of  the  Thousand  Islands. 

Near  the  head  of  the  rapids,  a  little  below  La 
Galette,  stood  Fort  Ldvis,  built  the  year  before  on 
an  islet  in  mid-channel.  Amherst  might  have  passed 
its  batteries  with  slight  loss,  continuing  his  voyage 
without  paying  it  the  honor  of  a  siege ;  and  this  was 
what  the  French  commanders  feared  that  he  would 
do.  "We  shall  be  fortunate,"  LeVis  wrote  to 

1  Rogers,  Journals.     Diary  of  a  Sergeant  in  the  Army  of  Haviland. 
Johnstone,  Campaign  0/1760.     Bigot  au  Ministre,  29  Aout,  1760. 

2  A.  List  of  the  Forces  employed  in  the  Expedition  against  Canada. 
Compare  Mante,  301,  and  Knox,  ii.  403. 


384  FALL  OF  CANADA.  [1760. 

Bourlamaque,  "  if  the  enemy  amuse  themselves  with 
capturing  it.  My  chief  anxiety  is  lest  Amherst 
should  reach  Montreal  so  soon  that  we  may  not  have 
time  to  unite  our  forces  to  attack  Haviland  or 
Murray."  If  he  had  better  known  the  English  com 
mander,  LeVis  would  have  seen  that  he  was  not  the 
man  to  leave  a  post  of  the  enemy  in  his  rear  under 
any  circumstances;  and  Amherst  had  also  another 
reason  for  wishing  to  get  the  garrison  into  his  hands 
for  he  expected  to  find  among  them  the  pilots  whom 
he  needed  to  guide  his  boats  down  the  rapids.  He 
therefore  invested  the  fort,  and,  on  the  twenty-third, 
cannonaded  it  from  his  vessels,  the  mainland,  and 
the  neighboring  islands.  It  was  commanded  by 
Pouchot,  the  late  commandant  of  Niagara,  made 
prisoner  in  the  last  campaign,  and  since  exchanged. 
As  the  rocky  islet  had  but  little  earth,  the  defences, 
though  thick  and  strong,  were  chiefly  of  logs,  which 
flew  in  splinters  under  the  bombardment.  The 
French,  however,  made  a  brave  resistance.  The 
firing  lasted  all  day,  was  resumed  in  the  morning, 
and  continued  two  days  more ;  when  Pouchot,  whose 
works  were  in  ruins,  surrendered  himself  and  his 
garrison.  On  this,  Johnson's  Indians  prepared  to 
kill  the  prisoners;  and,  being  compelled  to  desist, 
three  fourths  of  them  went  home  in  a  rage.1 

Now  began  the  critical  part  of  the  expedition,  the 

1  On  the  capture  of  Fort  Levis,  Amherst  to  Pitt,  26  August,  1760. 
Amherst  to  Monclcton,  same  date.  Pouchot,  ii.  264-282.  Knox,  ii. 
405-413.  Mante,  303-306.  All  Canada  in  the  Hands  of  the  English 
(Boston,  1760).  Journal  of  Colonel  Nathaniel  Woodhull 


1760.]  MONTREAL.  385 

descent  of  the  rapids.  The  Galops,  the  Rapide  Plat, 
the  Long  Saut,  the  Coteau  du  Lac,  were  passed  in 
succession,  with  little  loss,  till  they  reached  the 
Cedars,  the  Buisson,  and  the  Cascades,  where  the 
reckless  surges  dashed  and  bounded  in  the  sun, 
beautiful  and  terrible  as  young  tigers  at  play.  Boat 
after  boat,  borne  on  their  foaming  crests,  rushed 
madly  down  the  torrent.  Forty-six  were  totally 
wrecked,  eighteen  were  damaged,  and  eighty-four 
men  were  drowned.1  La  Corne  was  watching  the 
rapids  with  a  considerable  body  of  Canadians ;  and  it 
is  difficult  to  see  why  this  bold  and  enterprising  chief 
allowed  the  army  to  descend  undisturbed  through 
passes  so  dangerous.  At  length  the  last  rapid  was 
left  behind;  and  the  flotilla,  gliding  in  peace  over 
the  smooth  breast  of  Lake  St.  Louis,  landed  at  Isle 
Perrot,  a  few  leagues  from  Montreal.  In  the  morn 
ing,  September  sixth,  the  troops  embarked  again, 
landed  unopposed  at  La  Chine,  nine  miles  from  the 
city,  marched  on  without  delay,  and  encamped  before 
its  walls. 

The  Montreal  of  that  time  was  a  long,  narrow 
assemblage  of  wooden  or  stone  houses,  one  or  two 
stories  high,  above  which  rose  the  peaked  towers  of 
the  Seminaiy,  the  spires  of  three  churches,  the  walls 
of  four  convents,  with  the  trees  of  their  adjacent 
gardens,  and,  conspicuous  at  the  lower  end,  a  high 
mound  of  earth,  crowned  by  a  redoubt,  where  a  few 
cannon  were  mounted.  The  whole  was  surrounded 

1  Amherst  to  Pitt,  8  September,  1760. 
VOL.  ii.  — 25 


FALL  OF   CANADA.  [1760. 

by  a  shallow  moat  and  a  bastioned  stone  wall,  made 
for  defence  against  Indians,  and  incapable  of  resist 
ing  cannon.1 

On  the  morning  after  Amherst  encamped  above 
the  place,  Murray  landed  to  encamp  below  it;  and 
Vaudreuil,  looking  across  the  St.  Lawrence,  could 
see  the  tents  of  Haviland's  little  army  on  the  southern 
shore.  Bourlamaque,  Bougainville,  and  Roquemaure, 
abandoned  by  all  their  militia,  had  crossed  to  Mont 
real  with  the  few  regulars  that  remained  with  them. 
The  town  was  crowded  with  non-combatant  refugees. 
Here,  too,  was  nearly  all  the  remaining  force  of 
Canada,  consisting  of  twenty-two  hundred  troops  of 
the  line  and  some  two  hundred  colony  troops ;  for  all 
the  Canadians  had  by  this  time  gone  home.  Many 
of  the  regulars,  especially  of  the  colony  troops,  had 
also  deserted ;  and  the  rest  were  so  broken  in  disci 
pline  that  their  officers  were  forced  to  use  entreaties 
instead  of  commands.  The  three  armies  encamped 
around  the  city  amounted  to  seventeen  thousand 
men;2  Amherst  was  bringing  up  his  cannon  from 

1  An  East  View  of  Montreal,  drawn  on  the  Spot  by  Thomas  Patten 
(King's  Maps,  British  Museum),  Plan  of  Montreal,  1759.     A  Descrip 
tion  of  Montreal,  in  several  magazines  of    the  time.     The  recent 
Canadian  publication  called  Le  Vieux  Montreal,  is  exceedingly  in 
correct  as  to  the  numbers  of  the  British  troops  and  the  position 
of  their  camps. 

2  A  List  of  the  Forces  employed  in  the  Expedition  against  Canada. 
See  Smith,  History  of  Canada,  i.     Appendix  xix.     Vaudreuil  writes 
to  Charles  Langlade,  on  the  ninth,  that  the  three  armies  amount  to 
twenty  thousand,  and  raises  the  number  to  thirty-two  thousand  in  a 
letter  to  the  minister  on  the  next  day.     Berniers  says  twenty  thou- 


1760.]  AMHERST   INEXORABLE.  387 

La  Chine,  and  the  town  wall  would  have  crumbled 
before  them  in  an  hour. 

On  the  night  when  Amherst  arrived,  the  governor 
called  a  council  of  war.1  It  was  resolved  that  since 
all  the  militia  and  many  of  the  regulars  had  aban 
doned  the  army,  and  the  Indian  allies  of  France  had 
gone  over  to  the  enemy,  further  resistance  was  impos 
sible.  Vaudreuil  laid  before  the  assembled  officers 
a  long  paper  that  he  had  drawn  up,  containing  fifty- 
five  articles  of  capitulation  to  be  proposed  to  the 
English;  and  these  were  unanimously  approved.2  In 
the  morning  Bougainville  carried  them  to  the  tent  of 
Amherst.  He  granted  the  greater  part,  modified 
some,  and  flatly  refused  others.  That  which  the 
French  officers  thought  more  important  than  all  the 
rest  was  the  provision  that  the  troops  should  march 
out  with  arms,  cannon,  and  the  honors  of  war;  to 
which  it  was  replied :  "  The  whole  garrison  of  Mont 
real  and  all  other  French  troops  in  Canada  must  lay 
down  their  arms,  and  shall  not  serve  during  the 
present  war."  This  demand  was  felt  to  be  intoler 
able.  The  governor  sent  Bougainville  back  to 
remonstrate;  but  Amherst  was  inflexible.  Then 
LeVis  tried  to  shake  his  resolution,  and  sent  him  an 
officer  with  the  following  note :  "  I  send  your  Excel 
lency  M.  de  la  Pause,  Assistant  Quartermaster- 
sand  ;  Levis,  for  obvious  reasons,  exaggerates  the  number  to  forty 
thousand. 

1  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  10  Septembre,  1760. 

2  Proces-verbal  de  la  Deliberation  du  Conseil  de  Guerre  tenu  a  Mont- 
rtal,  6  Septembre,  1760. 


388  FALL  OF  CANADA.  [1760. 

General  of  the  Army,  on  the  subject  of  the  too 
rigorous  article  which  you  dictate  to  the  troops  by 
the  capitulation,  to  which  it  would  not  be  possible  for 
us  to  subscribe."  Amherst  answered  the  envoy:  "I 
am  fully  resolved,  for  the  infamous  part  the  troops  of 
France  have  acted  in  exciting  the  savages  to  per 
petrate  the  most  horrid  and  unheard  of  barbarities  in 
the  whole  progress  of  the  war,  and  for  other  open 
treacheries  and  flagrant  breaches  of  faith,  to  manifest 
to  all  the  world  by  this  capitulation  my  detestation 
of  such  practices ;  "  and  he  dismissed  La  Pause  with 
a  short  note,  refusing  to  change  the  conditions. 

On  the  next  morning,  September  eighth,  Vaudreuil 
yielded,  and  signed  the  capitulation.  By  it  Canada 
and  all  its  dependencies  passed  to  the  British  Crown. 
French  officers,  civil  and  military,  with  French 
troops  and  sailors,  were  to  be  sent  to  France  in  British 
ships.  Free  exercise  of  religion  was  assured  to  the 
people  of  the  colony,  and  the  religious  communities 
were  to  retain  their  possessions,  rights,  and  privileges. 
All  persons  who  might  wish  to  retire  to  France  were 
allowed  to  do  so,  and  the  Canadians  were  to  remain 
in  full  enjoyment  of  feudal  and  other  property,  includ 
ing  negro  and  Indian  slaves.1 

The  greatest  alarm  had  prevailed  among  the  inhab 
itants  lest  they  should  suffer  violence  from  the  English 
Indians,  and  Vaudreuil  had  endeavored  to  provide 
that  these  dangerous  enemies  should  be  sent  back  at 
once  to  their  villages.  This  was  refused,  with  the 

1  Articles  of  Capitulation,  8  September,  1760.  Amherst  to  Pitt,  same 
date. 


1760.]  VAUDREUIL   REPROVED.  389 

remark :  "  There  never  have  been  any  cruelties  com 
mitted  by  the  Indians  of  our  army."  Strict  precau 
tions  were  taken  at  the  same  time,  not  only  against 
the  few  savages  whom  the  firm  conduct  of  Johnson 
at  Fort  Levis  had  not  driven  away,  but  also  against 
the  late  allies  of  the  French,  now  become  a  peril  to 
them.  In  consequence,  not  a  man,  woman,  or  child 
was  hurt.  Amherst,  in  general  orders,  expressed  his 
confidence  "that  the  troops  will  not  disgrace  them 
selves  by  the  least  appearance  of  inhumanity,  or  by 
any  unsoldierlike  behavior  in  seeking  for  plunder; 
and  that  as  the  Canadians  are  now  become  British 
subjects,  they  will  feel  the  good  effects  of  His 
Majesty's  protection."  They  were  in  fact  treated 
with  a  kindness  that  seemed  to  surprise  them. 

LeVis  was  so  incensed  at  the  demand  that  the 
troops  should  lay  down  their  arms  and  serve  no 
longer  during  the  war  that,  before  the  capitulation 
was  signed,  he  made  a  formal  protest1  in  his  own 
name  and  that  of  the  officers  from  France,  and 
insisted  that  the  negotiation  should  be  broken  off. 
"If,"  he  added,  "the  Marquis  de  Yaudreuil,  through 
political  motives,  thinks  himself  obliged  to  surrender 
the  colony  at  once,  we  ask  his  permission  to  with 
draw  with  the  troops  of  the  line  to  the  Island  of  St. 
Helen,  in  order  to  uphold  there,  on  our  own  behalf, 

1  Protet  de  M.  de  Levis  a  M.  de  Vaudreuil  contre  la  Clause  dans  les 
Articles  de  Capitulation  qui  extge  que  les  Troupes  mettront  bas  les  Armes, 
avec  I'Ordre  de  M.  de  Vaudreuil  au  Chevalier  de  Levis  de  se  conformer 
a  la  Capitulation  propose'e.  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre  de  la  Marine,  10 
Septembre,  1760.  Levis  au  Ministre  de  la  Guerre,  27  Novembre,  1760. 


390  FALL   OF   CANADA.  [1760. 

the  honor  of  the  King's  arms."  The  proposal  was  of 
course  rejected,  as  Le'vis  knew  that  it  would  be,  and 
he  and  his  officers  were  ordered  to  conform  to  the 
capitulation.  When  Vaudreuil  reached  France, 
three  months  after,  he  had  the  mortification  to  receive 
from  the  colonial  minister  a  letter  containing  these 
words :  "  Though  His  Majesty  was  perfectly  aware  of 
the  state  of  Canada,  nevertheless,  after  the  assurances 
you  had  given  to  make  the  utmost  efforts  to  sustain 
the  honor  of  his  arms,  he  did  not  expect  to  hear  so 
soon  of  the  surrender  of  Montreal  and  the  whole 
colony.  But,  granting  that  capitulation  was  a  neces 
sity,  his  Majesty  was  not  the  less  surprised  and  ill 
pleased  at  the  conditions,  so  little  honorable,  to  which 
you  submitted,  especially  after  the  representations 
made  you  by  the  Chevalier  de  Le'vis."1  The  brother 
of  Vaudreuil  complained  to  the  minister  of  the  terms 
of  this  letter,  and  the  minister  replied :  "  I  see  with 
regret,  Monsieur,  that  you  are  pained  by  the  letter  I 
wrote  your  brother;  but  I  could  not  help  telling  him 
what  the  King  did  rne  the  honor  to  say  to  me ;  and 
it  would  have  been  unpleasant  for  him  to  hear  it 
from  anybody  else."2 

It  is  true  that  Vaudreuil  had  in  some  measure 
drawn  this  reproach  upon  himself  by  his  boastings 
about  the  battles  he  would  fight;  yet  the  royal  dis 
pleasure  was  undeserved.  The  governor  had  no 

1  Le  Ministre  a  Vaudreuil,  5  De'cembre,  1760. 

2  Le  Ministre  au  Vicomte  de  Vaudreuil,  Frere  du  Gouverneur,  21 
De'cembre,  1760. 


1760.]  SERMONS  OF  THANKSGIVING.  391 

choice  but  to  give  up  the  colony;  for  Amherst  had 
him  in  his  power,  and  knew  that  he  could  exact 
what  terms  he  pleased.  Further  resistance  could 
only  have  ended  in  surrender  at  the  discretion  of  the 
victor,  and  the  protest  of  Le'vis  was  nothing  but  a 
device  to  save  his  own  reputation  and  that  of  his 
brother  officers  from  France.  Vaudreuil  had  served 
the  King  and  the  colony  in  some  respects  with  abil 
ity,  always  with  an  unflagging  zeal ;  and  he  loved  the 
land  of  his  birth  with  a  jealous  devotion  that  goes  far 
towards  redeeming  his  miserable  defects.  The  King 
himself,  and  not  the  servants  whom  he  abandoned  to 
their  fate,  was  answerable  for  the  loss  of  New  France. 
Half  the  continent  had  changed  hands  at  the 
scratch  of  a  pen.  Governor  Bernard,  of  Massachu 
setts,  proclaimed  a  day  of  thanksgiving  for  the  great 
event,  and  the  Boston  newspapers  recount  how  the 
occasion  was  celebrated  with  a  parade  of  the  cadets 
and  other  volunteer  corps,  a  grand  dinner  in  Faneuil 
Hall,  music,  bonfires,  illuminations,  firing  of  cannon, 
and,  above  all,  by  sermons  in  every  church  of  the 
province ;  for  the  heart  of  early  New  England  always 
found  voice  through  her  pulpits.  Before  me  lies  a 
bundle  of  these  sermons,  rescued  from  sixscore  years 
of  dust,  scrawled  on  their  titlepages  with  names  of 
owners  dead  long  ago,  worm-eaten,  dingy,  stained 
with  the  damps  of  time,  and  uttering  in  quaint  old 
letterpress  the  emotions  of  a  buried  and  forgotten 
past.  Triumph,  gratulation,  hope,  breathe  in  every 
line,  but  no  ill-will  against  a  fallen  enemy.  Thomas 


392  FALL   OF  CANADA.  [1760. 

Foxcroft,  pastor  of  the  "Old  Church  in  Boston," 
preaches  from  the  text,  "  The  Lord  hath  done  great 
things  for  us,  whereof  we  are  glad."  "Long, "he 
says,  "had  it  been  the  common  opinion,  Delenda  est 
Carthago,  Canada  must  be  conquered,  or  we  could 
hope  for  no  lasting  quiet  in  these  parts ;  and  now, 
through  the  good  hand  of  our  God  upon  us,  we  see 
the  happy  day  of  its  accomplishment.  We  behold 
His  Majesty's  victorious  troops  treading  upon  the 
high  places  of  the  enemy,  their  last  fortress  delivered 
up,  and  their  whole  country  surrendered  to  the  King 
of  Britain  in  the  person  of  his  general,  the  intrepid, 
the  serene,  the  successful  Amherst." 

The  loyal  John  Mellen,  pastor  of  the  Second 
Church  in  Lancaster,  exclaims,  boding  nothing  of 
the  tempest  to  come:  "Let  us  fear  God  and  honor 
the  King,  and  be  peaceable  subjects  of  an  easy  and 
happy  government.  And  may  the  blessing  of  Heaven 
be  ever  upon  those  enemies  of  our  country  that  have 
now  submitted  to  the  English  Crown,  and  according 
to  the  oath  they  have  taken  lead  quiet  lives  in  all 
godliness  and  honesty."  Then  he  ventures  to  pre 
dict  that  America,  now  thrown  open  to  British 
colonists,  will  be  peopled  in  a  century  and  a  half 
with  sixty  million  souls:  a  prophecy  likely  to  be 
more  than  fulfilled. 

"  God  has  given  us  to  sing  this  day  the  downfall 
of  New  France,  the  North  American  Babylon,  New 
England's  rival,"  cries  Eli  Forbes  to  his  congregation 
of  sober  farmers  and  staid  matrons  at  the  rustic  vil- 


1760.]  HOPES  AND  PREDICTIONS.  393 

lage  of  Brookfield.  Like  many  of  his  flock,  he  had 
been  to  the  war,  having  served  two  years  as  chaplain 
of  Ruggles's  Massachusetts  regiment;  and  something 
of  a  martial  spirit  breathes  through  his  discourse. 
He  passes  in  review  the  events  of  each  campaign 
down  to  their  triumphant  close.  "Thus  God  was 
our  salvation  and  our  strength ;  yet  he  who  directs 
the  great  events  of  war  suffered  not  our  joy  to  be 
uninterrupted,  for  we  had  to  lament  the  fall  of  the 
valiant  and  good  General  Wolfe,  whose  death  demands 
a  tear  from  every  British  eye,  a  sigh  from  every 
Protestant  heart.  Is  he  dead?  I  recall  myself. 
Such  heroes  are  immortal;  he  lives  on  every  loyal 
tongue ;  he  lives  in  every  grateful  breast ;  and  charity 
bids  me  give  him  a  place  among  the  princes  of  heaven." 
Nor  does  he  forget  the  praises  of  Amherst,  "the 
renowned  general,  worthy  of  that  most  honorable  of 
all  titles,  the  Christian  hero ;  for  he  loves  his  enemies, 
and  while  he  subdues  them  he  makes  them  happy. 
He  transplants  British  liberty  to  where  till  now  it 
was  unknown.  He  acts  the  General,  the  Briton,  the 
Conqueror,  and  the  Christian.  What  fair  hopes  arise 
from  the  peaceful  and  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  this 
good  land,  and  the  blessing  of  our  gracious  God  with 
it!  Methinks  I  see  towns  enlarged,  settlements 
increased,  and  this  howling  wilderness  become  a 
fruitful  field  which  the  Lord  hath  blessed;  and,  to 
complete  the  scene,  I  see  churches  rise  and  flourish 
in  every  Christian  grace  where  has  been  the  seat  of 
Satan  and  Indian  idolatry." 


394  FALL  OF   CANADA.  [1760. 

Nathaniel  Appleton,  of  Cambridge,  hails  the  dawn 
ing  of  a  new  era.  "  Who  can  tell  what  great  and 
glorious  things  God  is  about  to  bring  forward  in  the 
world,  and  in  this  world  of  America  in  particular? 
Oh,  may  the  time  come  when  these  deserts,  which  for 
ages  unknown  have  been  regions  of  darkness  and 
habitations  of  cruelty,  shall  be  illuminated  with  the 
light  of  the  glorious  Gospel,  and  when  this  part  of 
the  world,  which  till  the  later  ages  was  utterly 
unknown,  shall  be  the  glory  and  joy  of  the  whole 
earth !  " 

On  the  American  continent  the  war  was  ended, 
and  the  British  colonists  breathed  for  a  space,  as 
they  drifted  unwittingly  towards  a  deadlier  strife. 
They  had  learned  hard  and  useful  lessons.  Their 
mutual  jealousies  and  disputes,  the  quarrels  of  their 
governors  and  assemblies,  the  want  of  any  general 
military  organization,  and  the  absence,  in  most  of 
them,  of  military  habits,  joined  to  narrow  views  of 
their  own  interest,  had  unfitted  them  to  the  last 
degree  for  carrying  on  offensive  war.  Nor  were  the 
British  troops  sent  for  their  support  remarkable  in 
the  beginning  for  good  discipline  or  efficient  com 
mand.  When  hostilities  broke  out,  the  army  of 
Great  Britain  was  so  small  as  to  be  hardly  worth 
the  name.  A  new  one  had  to  be  created;  and  thus 
the  inexperienced  Shirley  and  the  incompetent 
London,  with  the  futile  Newcastle  behind  them,  had, 
besides  their  own  incapacity,  the  disadvantage  of  raw 
troops  and  half-formed  officers;  while  against  them 


1760.]  CONDUCT   OF   THE   WAR.  395 

stood  an  enemy  who,  though  weak  in  numbers,  was 
strong  in  a  centralized  military  organization,  skilful 
leaders  armed  with  untrammelled  and  absolute 
authority,  practised  soldiers,  and  a  population  not 
only  brave,  but  in  good  part  inured  to  war. 

The  nature  of  the  country  was  another  cause  that 
helped  to  protract  the  contest.  "Geography,"  says 
Von  Moltke,  "is  three-fourths  of  military  science;" 
and  never  was  the  truth  of  his  words  more  fully 
exemplified.  Canada  was  fortified  with  vast  out 
works  of  defence  in  the  savage  forests,  marshes, 
and  mountains  that  encompassed  her,  where  the 
thoroughfares  were  streams  choked  with  fallen  trees 
and  obstructed  by  cataracts.  Never  was  the  problem 
of  moving  troops,  encumbered  with  baggage  and 
artillery,  a  more  difficult  one.  The  question  was 
less  how  to  fight  the  enemy  than  how  to  get  at  him. 
If  a  few  practicable  roads  had  crossed  this  broad 
tract  of  wilderness,  the  war  would  have  been  short 
ened  and  its  character  changed. 

From  these  and  other  reasons,  the  numerical  supe 
riority  of  the  English  was  to  some  extent  made 
unavailing.  This  superiority,  though  exaggerated 
by  French  writers,  was  nevertheless  immense  if 
estimated  by  the  number  of  men  called  to  arms ;  but 
only  a  part  of  these  could  be  employed  in  offensive 
operations.  The  rest  garrisoned  forts  and  block 
houses  and  guarded  the  far  reach  of  frontier  from 
Nova  Scotia  to  South  Carolina,  where  a  wily  enemy, 
silent  and  secret  as  fate,  choosing  their  own  time  and 


396  FALL   OF   CANADA.  [1760. 

place  of  attack,  and  striking  unawares  at  every  un 
guarded  spot,  compelled  thousands  of  men,  scattered 
at  countless  points  of  defence,  to  keep  unceasing 
watch  against  a  few  hundred  savage  marauders.  Full 
half  the  levies  of  the  colonies,  and  many  of  the 
regulars,  were  used  in  service  of  this  kind. 

In  actual  encounters  the  advantage  of  numbers 
was  often  with  the  French,  through  the  comparative 
ease  with  which  they  could  concentrate  their  forces 
at  a  given  point.  Of  the  ten  considerable  sieges  or 
battles  of  the  war,  five,  besides  the  great  bush-fight 
in  which  the  Indians  defeated  Braddock,  were  vic 
tories  for  France ;  and  in  four  of  these  —  Oswego, 
Fort  William  Henry,  Montmorenci,  and  Ste.-Foy  — 
the  odds  were  greatly  on  her  side. 

Yet  in  this  the  most  picturesque  and  dramatic  of 
American  wars,  there  is  nothing  more  noteworthy 
than  the  skill  with  which  the  French  and  Canadian 
leaders  used  their  advantages ;  the  indomitable  spirit 
with  which,  slighted  and  abandoned  as  they  were, 
they  grappled  with  prodigious  difficulties,  and  the 
courage  with  which  they  were  seconded  by  regulars 
and  militia  alike.  In  spite  of  occasional  lapses,  the 
defence  of  Canada  deserves  a  tribute  of  admiration. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

1758-1763. 
THE  PEACE  OF  PAEIS. 

EXODUS  or  CANADIAN  LEADERS.  —  WRECK  OF  THE  "AUGUSTE."  — 
TRIAL  OF  BIGOT  AND  HIS  CONFEDERATES.  —  FREDERIC  OF 
PRUSSIA  :  HIS  TRIUMPHS  ;  HIS  REVERSES  ;  HIS  PERIL  ;  HIS 
FORTITUDE.  —  DEATH  OF  GEORGE  II.  —  CHANGE  OF  POLICY.  — 
CHOISEUL  ;  HIS  OVERTURES  OF  PEACE.  —  THE  FAMILY  COM 
PACT.  —  FALL  OF  PITT.  —  DEATH  OF  THE  CZARINA.  —  FRED 
ERIC  SAVED. — WAR  WITH  SPAIN.  —  CAPTURE  OF  HAVANA. — 
NEGOTIATIONS.  —  TERMS  OF  PEACE.  —  SHALL  CANADA  BE  RE 
STORED? —  SPEECH  OF  PITT.  —  THE  TREATY  SIGNED.  —  END  OF 
THE  SEVEN  YEARS'  WAR. 

IN  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  capitulation 
of  Montreal,  the  French  military  officers,  with  such 
of  the  soldiers  as  could  be  kept  together,  as  well  as 
all  the  chief  civil  officers  of  the  colony,  sailed  for 
France  in  vessels  provided  by  the  conquerors.  They 
were  voluntarily  followed  by  the  principal  members 
of  the  Canadian  noblesse,  and  by  many  of  the  mer 
chants  who  had  no  mind  to  swear  allegiance  to  King 
George.  The  peasants  and  poorer  colonists  remained 
at  home  to  begin  a  new  life  under  a  new  flag. 

Though  this  exodus  of  the  natural  leaders  of 
Canada  was  in  good  part  deferred  till  the  next  year, 
and  though  the  number  of  persons  to  be  immediately 


398  THE   PEACE   OF   PARIS.  [1760. 

embarked  was  reduced  by  the  desertion  of  many 
French  soldiers  who  had  married  Canadian  wives, 
yet  the  English  authorities  were  sorely  perplexed  to 
find  vessels  enough  for  the  motle}T  crowd  of  passen 
gers.  When  at  last  they  were  all  on  their  way,  a 
succession  of  furious  autumnal  storms  fell  upon 
them.  The  ship  that  carried  Le*vis  barely  escaped 
wreck,  arid  that  which  bore  Vaudreuil  and  his  wife 
fared  little  better.1  Worst  of  all  was  the  fate  of  the 
"Auguste,"  on  board  of  which  was  the  bold  but 
ruthless  partisan,  Saint-Luc  de  la  Corne,  his  brother, 
his  children,  and  a  party  of  Canadian  officers,  together 
with  ladies,  merchants,  and  soldiers.  A  worthy 
ecclesiastical  chronicler  paints  the  unhappy  vessel  as 
a  floating  Babylon,  and  sees  in  her  fate  the  stern 
judgment  of  Heaven.2  It  is  true  that  New  France 
ran  riot  in  the  last  years  of  her  existence ;  but  before 
the  "Auguste "  was  well  out  of  the  St.  Lawrence  she 
was  so  tossed  and  buffeted,  so  lashed  with  waves  and 
pelted  with  rain,  that  the  most  alluring  forms  of  sin 
must  have  lost  their  charm,  and  her  inmates  passed 
days  rather  of  penance  than  transgression.  There 
was  a  violent  storm  as  the  ship  entered  the  Gulf; 
then  a  calm,  during  which  she  took  fire  in  the  cook's 
galley.  The  crew  and  passengers  subdued  the  flames 
after  desperate  efforts;  but  their  only  food  thence 
forth  was  dry  biscuit.  Off  the  coast  of  Cape  Breton 
another  gale  rose.  They  lost  their  reckoning  and 

1  Levis  a  Belleisle,  27  Novembre,  1760. 

2  Faillon,  Vie  de  Mademoiselle  Le  Ber,  363-370. 


1760,  1761.]      TRIAL  OF   THE   PECULATORS.  399 

lay  tossing  blindly  amid  the  tempest.  The  exhausted 
sailors  took,  in  despair,  to  their  hammocks,  from 
which  neither  commands  nor  blows  could  rouse  them, 
while  amid  shrieks,  tears,  prayers,  and  vows  to 
Heaven,  the  "Auguste"  drove  towards  the  shore, 
struck,  and  rolled  over  on  her  side.  La  Corne  with 
six  others  gained  the  beach;  and  towards  night  they 
saw  the  ship  break  asunder,  and  counted  a  hundred 
and  fourteen  corpses  strewn  along  the  sand.  Aided 
by  Indians  and  by  English  officers,  La  Corne  made 
his  way  on  snow-shoes  up  the  St.  John,  and  by  a 
miracle  of  enduring  hardihood  reached  Quebec  before 
the  end  of  winter.1 

The  other  ships  weathered  the  November  gales, 
and  landed  their  passengers  on  the  shores  of  France, 
where  some  of  them  found  a  dismal  welcome,  being 
seized  and  thrown  into  the  Bastille.  These  were 
Vaudreuil,  Bigot,  Cadet,  Pean,  Bre'ard,  Varin,  Le 
Mercier,  Penisseault,  Maurin,  Corpron,  and  others 
accused  of  the  frauds  and  peculations  that  had  helped 
to  ruin  Canada.  In  the  next  year  they  were  all  put 
on  trial,  whether  as  an  act  of  pure  justice  or  as  a 
device  to  turn  public  indignation  from  the  govern 
ment.  In  December,  1761,  judges  commissioned  for 
the  purpose  began  their  sessions  at  the  Chatelet,  and 
a  prodigious  mass  of  evidence  was  laid  before  them. 
Cadet,  with  brazen  effrontery,  at  first  declared  him 
self  innocent,  but  ended  with  full  and  unblushing 

1  Journal  du  Voyage  de  M.  Saint-Luc  de  la  Corne.  This  is  his 
own  narrative 


400  THE   PEACE   OF  PARIS.  [1760. 

confession.  Bigot  denied  everything  till  silenced 
point  by  point  with  papers  bearing  his  own  signature. 
The  prisoners  defended  themselves  by  accusing  each 
other.  Bigot  and  Vaudreuil  brought  mutual  charges, 
while  all  agreed  in  denouncing  Cadet.  Vaudreuil, 
as  before  mentioned,  was  acquitted.  Bigot  was 
banished  from  France  for  life,  his  property  was  con 
fiscated,  and  he  was  condemned  to  pay  fifteen  hun 
dred  thousand  francs  by  way  of  restitution.  Cadet 
was  banished  for  nine  years  from  Paris  and  required 
to  refund  six  millions ;  while  others  were  sentenced 
in  sums  varying  from  thirty  thousand  to  eight  hun 
dred  thousand  francs,  and  were  ordered  to  be  held  in 
prison  till  the  money  was  paid.  Of  twenty-one 
persons  brought  to  trial  ten  were  condemned,  six 
were  acquitted,  three  received  an  admonition,  and 
two  were  dismissed  for  want  of  evidence.  Thirty- 
four  failed  to  appear,  of  whom  seven  were  sentenced 
in  default,  and  judgment  was  reserved  in  the  case  of 
the  rest.1  Even  those  who  escaped  from  justice 
profited  little  by  their  gains,  for  unless  they  had 
turned  them  betimes  into  land  or  other  substantial 
values,  they  lost  them  in  a  discredited  paper  currency 
and  dishonored  bills  of  exchange. 

While  on  the  American  continent  the  last  scenes 
of  the  war  were  drawing  to  their  close,  the  contest 
raged  in  Europe  with  unabated  violence.  England 
was  in  the  full  career  of  success ;  but  her  great  ally, 

1  Jugement  rendu  souverainement  et  en  dernier  Ressort  dans  I' Affaire 
du  Canada.  Papers  at  the  Chatelet  of  Paris,  cited  by  Dussieux. 


1758,  1759.]         FREDERIC   OF  PRUSSIA.  401 

Frederic  of  Prussia,  seemed  tottering  to  his  ruin.  In 
the  summer  of  1758  his  glory  was  at  its  height. 
French,  Austrians,  and  Russians  had  all  fled  before 
him.  But  the  autumn  brought  reverses;  and  the 
Austrian  general,  Daun,  at  the  head  of  an  over 
whelming  force,  gained  over  him  a  partial  victory, 
which  his  masterly  strategy  robbed  of  its  fruits.  It 
was  but  a  momentary  respite.  His  kingdom  was 
exhausted  by  its  own  triumphs.  His  best  generals 
were  dead,  his  best  soldiers  killed  or  disabled,  his 
resources  almost  spent,  the  very  chandeliers  of  his 
palace  melted  into  coin;  and  all  Europe  was  in  arms 
against  him.  The  disciplined  valor  of  the  Prussian 
troops  and  the  supreme  leadership  of  their  undespair- 
ing  King  had  thus  far  held  the  invading  hosts  at 
bay;  but  now  the  end  seemed  near.  Frederic  could 
not  be  everywhere  at  once ;  and  while  he  stopped  one 
leak  the  torrent  poured  in  at  another.  The  Russians 
advanced  again,  defeated  General  Wedell,  whom  he 
sent  against  them,  and  made  a  junction  with  the 
Austrians.  In  August,  1759,  he  attacked  their 
united  force  at  Kunersdorf,  broke  their  left  wing  to 
pieces,  took  a  hundred  and  eighty  cannon,  forced 
their  centre  to  give  ground,  and  after  hours  of  furious 
lighting  was  overwhelmed  at  last.  In  vain  he  tried 
to  stop  the  rout.  The  bullets  killed  two  horses 
under  him,  tore  his  clothes,  and  crushed  a  gold 
snuff-box  in  his  waistcoat  pocket.  "  Is  there  no  b — 
of  a  shot  that  can  hit  me,  then?"  he  cried  in  his 
bitterness,  as  his  aides-de-camp  forced  him  from  the 
VOL.  ii. — 26 


402  THE   PEACE  OF   PARIS.        [1759,1760. 

field.  For  a  few  days  he  despaired;  then  rallied  to 
his  forlorn  task,  and  with  smiles  on  his  lip  and 
anguish  at  his  heart  watched,  manoeuvred,  and  fought 
with  cool  and  stubborn  desperation.  To  his  friend 
D'Argens  he  wrote  soon  after  his  defeat:  "Death  is 
sweet  in  comparison  to  such  a  life  as  mine.  Have 
pity  on  me  and  it;  believe  that  I  still  keep  to  myself 
a  great  many  evil  things,  not  wishing  to  afflict  or 
disgust  anybody  with  them,  and  that  I  would  not 
counsel  you  to  fly  these  unlucky  countries  if  I  had 
any  ray  of  hope.  Adieu,  mon  cher ! "  It  was  well 
for  him  and  for  Prussia  that  he  had  strong  allies  in 
the  dissensions  and  delays  of  his  enemies.  But  his 
cup  was  not  yet  full,  Dresden  was  taken  from  him, 
eight  of  his  remaining  generals  and  twelve  thousand 
men  were  defeated  and  captured  at  Maxen,  and  "  this 
infernal  campaign,"  as  he  calls  it,  closed  in  thick 
darkness. 

"I  wrap  myself  in  my  stoicism  as  best  I  can,"  he 
writes  to  Voltaire.  "If  you  saw  me  you  would 
hardly  know  me:  I  am  old,  broken,  gray-headed, 
wrinkled.  If  this  goes  on  there  will  be  nothing  left 
of  me  but  the  mania  of  making  verses  and  an  invio 
lable  attachment  to  my  duties  and  to  the  few  virtuous 
men  I  know.  But  you  will  not  get  a  peace  signed 
by  my  hand  except  on  conditions  honorable  to  my 
nation.  Your  people,  blown  up  with  conceit  and 
folly,  may  depend  on  this." 

The  same  stubborn  conflict  with  overmastering 
odds,  the  same  intrepid  resolution,  the  same  subtle 


1760,  1761.]         FREDERIC   OF   PRUSSIA.  403 

strategy,  the  same  skill  in  eluding  the  blow  and 
lightning-like  quickness  in  retorting  it,  marked 
Frederic's  campaign  of  1760.  At  Liegnitz  three 
armies,  each  equal  to  his  own,  closed  round  him,  and 
he  put  them  all  to  flight.  While  he  was  fighting  in 
Silesia,  the  Allies  marched  upon  Berlin,  took  it,  and 
held  it  three  days,  but  withdrew  on  his  approach. 
For  him  there  was  no  peace.  "  Why  weary  you  with 
the  details  of  my  labors  and  my  sorrows?"  he  wrote 
again  to  his  faithful  D'Argens.  "My  spirits  have 
forsaken  me;  all  gayety  is  buried  with  the  loved 
noble  ones  to  whom  my  heart  was  bound."  He  had 
lost  his  mother  and  his  devoted  sister  Wilhelmina. 
"You  as  a  follower  of  Epicurus  put  a  value  upon 
life ;  as  for  me,  I  regard  death  from  the  Stoic  point 
of  view.  I  have  told  you,  and  I  repeat  it,  never 
shall  my  hand  sign  a  humiliating  peace.  Finish  this 
campaign  I  will,  resolved  to  dare  all,  to  succeed, 
or  find  a  glorious  end."  Then  came  the  victory  of 
Torgau,  the  last  and  one  of  the  most  desperate  of  his 
battles :  a  success  dearly  bought,  and  bringing  neither 
rest  nor  safety.  Once  more  he  wrote  to  D'Argens: 
"  Adieu,  dear  Marquis ;  write  to  me  sometimes.  Don't 
forget  a  poor  devil  who  curses  his  fatal  existence  ten 
times  a  day."  "I  live  like  a  military  monk.  Endless 
business,  and  a  little  consolation  from  my  books.  I 
don't  know  if  I  shall  outlive  this  war,  but  if  I  do  I 
am  firmly  resolved  to  pass  the  rest  of  my  life  in  soli 
tude  in  the  bosom  of  philosophy  and  friendship. 
Your  nation,  you  see,  is  blinder  than  you  thought. 


404  THE  PEACE  OF  PARIS.        [1760,  1761. 

These  fools  will  lose  their  Canada  and  Pondicherry 
to  please  the  Queen  of  Hungary  and  the  Czarina." 

The  campaign  of  1761  was  mainly  defensive  on 
the  part  of  Frederic.  In  the  exhaustion  of  his 
resources  he  could  see  no  means  of  continuing  the 
struggle.  "  It  is  only  Fortune, "  says  the  royal  sceptic, 
44  that  can  extricate  me  from  the  situation  I  am  in.  I 
escape  out  of  it  by  looking  at  the  universe  on  the 
great  scale  like  an  observer  from  some  distant  planet. 
All  then  seems  to  be  so  infinitely  small  that  I  could 
almost  pity  my  enemies  for  giving  themselves  so 
much  trouble  about  so  very  little.  I  read  a  great 
deal,  I  devour  my  books.  But  for  them  I  think 
hypochondria  would  have  had  me  in  Bedlam  before 
now.  In  fine,  dear  Marquis,  we  live  in  troublous 
times  and  desperate  situations.  I  have  all  the 
properties  of  a  stage  hero ;  always  in  danger,  always 
on  the  point  of  perishing."1  And  in  another  mood: 
"  I  begin  to  feel  that,  as  the  Italians  say,  revenge  is 
a  pleasure  for  the  gods.  My  philosophy  is  worn  out 
by  suffering.  I  am  no  saint,  and  I  will  own  that  I 
should  die  content  if  only  I  could  first  inflict  a  part 
of  the  misery  that  I  endure." 

While  Frederic  was  fighting  for  life  and  crown, 
an  event  took  place  in  England  that  was  to  have 
great  influence  on  the  war.  Walpole  recounts  it 
thus,  writing  to  George  Montagu  on  the  twenty-fifth 
of  October,  1760 :  "  My  man  Harry  tells  me  all  the 

1  The  above  extracts  are  as  translated  by  Carlyle  in  his  History 
of  Frederick  II.  of  Prussia. 


1760.]  GEORGE  III.  405 

amusing  news.  He  first  told  me  of  the  late  Prince 
of  Wales's  death,  and  to-day  of  the  King's;  so  I 
must  tell  you  all  I  know  of  departed  majesty.  He 
went  to  bed  well  last  night,  rose  at  six  this  morning 
as  usual,  looked,  I  suppose,  if  all  his  money  was  in 
his  purse,  and  called  for  his  chocolate.  A  little 
after  seven  he  went  into  the  closet;  the  German 
valet-de-chambre  heard  a  noise,  listened,  heard  some 
thing  like  a  groan,  ran  in,  and  found  the  hero  of 
Oudenarde  and  Dettingen  on  the  floor  with  a  gash  on 
his  right  temple  by  falling  against  the  corner  of  a 
bureau.  He  tried  to  speak,  could  not,  and  expired. 
The  great  ventricle  of  the  heart  had  burst.  What 
an  enviable  death ! " 

The  old  King  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson, 
George  III.,  a  mirror  of  domestic  virtues,  conscien 
tious,  obstinate,  narrow.  His  accession  produced 
political  changes  that  had  been  preparing  for  some 
time.  His  grandfather  was  German  at  heart,  loved 
his  Continental  kingdom  of  Hanover,  and  was  eager 
for  all  measures  that  looked  to  its  defence  and  preser 
vation.  Pitt,  too,  had  of  late  vigorously  supported 
the  Continental  war,  saying  that  he  would  conquer 
America  in  Germany.  Thus  with  different  views  the 
King  and  the  minister  had  concurred  in  the  same 
measures.  But  George  III.  was  English  by  birth, 
language,  and  inclination.  His  ruling  passion  was 
the  establishment  and  increase  of  his  own  authority. 
He  disliked  Pitt,  the  representative  of  the  people. 
He  was  at  heart  averse  to  a  war,  the  continuance  of 


406  THE   PEACE   OF   PARIS.        [1760,  1761. 

which  would  make  the  Great  Commoner  necessary, 
and  therefore  powerful,  and  he  wished  for  a  peace 
that  would  give  free  scope  to  his  schemes  for  strength 
ening  the  prerogative.  He  was  not  alone  in  his 
pacific  inclinations.  The  enemies  of  the  haughty 
minister,  who  had  ridden  rough-shod  over  men  far 
above  him  in  rank,  were  tired  of  his  ascendency, 
and  saw  no  hope  of  ending  it  but  by  ending  the  war. 
Thus  a  peace  party  grew  up,  and  the  young  King 
became  its  real,  though  not  at  first  its  declared, 
supporter. 

The  Tory  party,  long  buried,  showed  signs  of 
resurrection.  There  were  those  among  its  members 
who,  even  in  a  king  of  the  hated  line  of  Hanover, 
could  recognize  and  admire  the  same  spirit  of  arbi 
trary  domination  that  had  marked  their  fallen  idols, 
the  Stuarts ;  and  they  now  joined  hands  with  the  dis 
contented  Whigs  in  opposition  to  Pitt.  The  horrors 
of  war,  the  blessings  of  peace,  the  weight  of  taxation, 
the  growth  of  the  national  debt,  were  the  rallying 
cries  of  the  new  party;  but  the  mainspring  of  their 
zeal  was  hostility  to  the  great  minister.  Even  his 
own  colleagues  chafed  under  his  spirit  of  mastery; 
the  chiefs  of  the  Opposition  longed  to  inherit  his 
power;  and  the  King  had  begun  to  hate  him  as  a 
lion  in  his  path.  Pitt  held  to  his  purpose  regardless 
of  the  gathering  storm.  That  purpose,  as  proclaimed 
by  his  adherents,  was  to  secure  a  solid  and  lasting 
peace,  which  meant  the  reduction  of  France  to  so 
low  an  estate  that  she  could  no  more  be  a  danger  to 


1761.]  CHOISEUL.  407 

her  rival.  In  this  he  had  the  sympathy  of  the  great 
body  of  the  nation. 

Early  in  1761  the  King,  a  fanatic  for  prerogative, 
set  his  enginery  in  motion.  The  elections  for  the 
new  Parliament  were  manipulated  in  his  interest.  If 
he  disliked  Pitt  as  the  representative  of  the  popular 
will,  he  also  disliked  his  colleague,  the  shuffling  and 
uncertain  Newcastle,  as  the  representative  of  a  too 
powerful  nobility.  Elements  hostile  to  both  were 
introduced  into  the  Cabinet  and  the  great  offices. 
The  King's  favorite,  the  Earl  of  Bute,  supplanted 
Holdernesse  as  Secretary  of  State  for  the  Northern 
Department;  Charles  Townshend,  an  opponent  of 
Pitt,  was  made  Secretary  of  War;  Legge,  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  was  replaced  by  Viscount  Barring- 
ton,  who  was  sure  for  the  King ;  while  a  place  in  the 
Cabinet  was  also  given  to  the  Duke  of  Bedford,  one 
of  the  few  men  who  dared  face  the  formidable  min 
ister.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  King  and  his  follow 
ing  to  abandon  Prussia,  hitherto  supported  by  British 
subsidies,  make  friends  with  Austria  and  Russia  at 
her  expense,  and  conclude  a  separate  peace  with 
France. 

France  was  in  sore  need  of  peace.  The  infatua 
tion  that  had  turned  her  from  her  own  true  interest 
to  serve  the  passions  of  Maria  Theresa  and  the 
Czarina  Elizabeth  had  brought  military  humiliation 
and  financial  ruin.  Abbd  de  Bernis,  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  had  lost  the  favor  of  Madame  de 
Pompadour,  and  had  been  supplanted  by  the  Due  de 


408  THE  PEACE   OF   PARIS.  [1761. 

Choiseul.  The  new  minister  had  gained  his  place  by 
pleasing  the  favorite ;  but  he  kept  it  through  his  own 
ability  and  the  necessities  of  the  time.  The  English 
man  Stanley,  whom  Pitt  sent  to  negotiate  with  him, 
drew  this  sketch  of  his  character :  "  Though  he  may 
have  his  superiors,  not  only  in  experience  of  business, 
but  in  depth  and  refinement  as  a  statesman,  he  is  a 
person  of  as  bold  and  daring  a  spirit  as  any  man 
whatever  in  our  country  or  in  his  own.  Madame 
Pompadour  has  ever  been  looked  upon  by  all  preced 
ing  courtiers  and  ministers  as  their  tutelary  deity, 
under  whose  auspices  only  they  could  exist,  and  who 
was  as  much  out  of  their  reach  as  if  she  were  of  a 
superior  class  of  beings ;  but  this  Minister  is  so  far 
from  being  in  subordination  to  her  influence  that  he 
seized  the  first  opportunity  of  depriving  her  not  of 
an  equality,  but  of  any  share  of  power,  reducing  her 
to  the  necessity  of  applying  to  him  even  for  those 
favors  that  she  wants  for  herself  and  her  dependents. 
He  has  effected  this  great  change,  which  every  other 
man  would  have  thought  impossible,  in  the  interior 
of  the  Court,  not  by  plausibility,  flattery,  and 
address,  but  with  a  high  hand,  with  frequent  rail 
leries  and  sarcasms  which  would  have  ruined  any 
other,  and,  in  short,  by  a  clear  superiority  of  spirit 
and  resolution."1 

Choiseul  was  vivacious,  brilliant,  keen,  penetrat 
ing;  believing   nothing,    fearing    nothing;    an    easy 

1  Stanley  to  Pitt,  6  August,  1761,  in  Grenville  Correspondence,  i.  367, 
note. 


1761.]  ARROGANCE  OF  PITT.  409 

moralist,  an  uncertain  ally,  a  hater  of  priests ;  light- 
minded,  inconstant;  yet  a  kind  of  patriot,  eager  to 
serve  France  and  retrieve  her  fortunes. 

He  flattered  himself  with  no  illusions.  "Since 
we  do  not  know  how  to  make  war,"  he  said,  "we 
must  make  peace;"1  and  he  proposed  a  congress  of 
all  the  belligerent  Powers  at  Augsburg.  At  the 
same  time,  since  the  war  in  Germany  was  distinct 
from  the  maritime  and  colonial  war  of  France  and 
England,  he  proposed  a  separate  negotiation  with  the 
British  court  in  order  to  settle  the  questions  between 
them  as  a  preliminary  to  the  general  pacification. 
Pitt  consented,  and  Stanley  went  as  envoy  to 
Versailles;  while  M.  de  Bussy  came  as  envoy  to 
London  and,  in  behalf  of  Choiseul,  offered  terms  of 
peace,  the  first  of  which  was  the  entire  abandonment 
of  Canada  to  England.2  But  the  offers  were  accom 
panied  by  the  demand  that  Spain,  which  had  com 
plaints  of  its  own  against  England,  should  be 
admitted  as  a  party  to  the  negotiation,  and  even  hold 
in  some  measure  the  attitude  of  a  mediator.  Pitt 
spurned  the  idea  with  fierce  contempt.  "Time 
enough  to  treat  of  all  that,  sir,  when  the  Tower  of 
London  is  taken  sword  in  hand."3  He  bore  his  part 
with  the  ability  that  never  failed  him,  and  with  a 
supreme  arrogance  that  rose  to  a  climax  in  his 


1  Flassan,  Diplomatic  Franqaise,  v.  376  (Paris, 

2  See  the  proposals  in  Entick,  v.  161. 

3  Beatson,  Military  Memoirs,  ii.  434.     The  Count  de  Fuentes  to  the 
Earl  ofEgremont,  25  December,  1761,  in  Entick,  v.  264. 


410  THE   PEACE  OF  PARIS.  [1761. 

demand  that  the  fortress  of  Dunkirk  should  be 
demolished,  not  because  it  was  any  longer  dangerous 
to  England,  but  because  the  nation  would  regard  its 
destruction  "as  an  eternal  monument  of  the  yoke 
imposed  on  France."1 

Choiseul  replied  with  counter-propositions  less 
humiliating  to  his  nation.  When  the  question  of 
accepting  or  rejecting  them  came  before  the  ministry, 
the  views  of  Pitt  prevailed  by  a  majority  of  one,  and, 
to  the  disappointment  of  Bute  and  the  King,  the 
conferences  were  broken  off.  Choiseul,  launched 
again  on  the  billows  of  a  disastrous  war,  had  seen 
and  provided  against  the  event.  Ferdinand  VI.  of 
Spain  had  died,  and  Carlos  III.  had  succeeded  to  his 
throne.  Here,  as  in  England,  change  of  kings 
brought  change  of  policy.  While  negotiating  vainly 
with  Pitt,  the  French  minister  had  negotiated  secretly 
and  successfully  with  Carlos ;  and  the  result  was  the 
treaty  known  as  the  Family  Compact,  having  for  its 
object  the  union  of  the  various  members  of  the 
House  of  Bourbon  in  common  resistance  to  the  grow 
ing  power  of  England.  It  provided  that  in  any 
future  war  the  Kings  of  France  and  Spain  should  act 
as  one  towards  foreign  Powers,  insomuch  that  the 
enemy  of  either  should  be  the  enemy  of  both;  and 

1  On  this  negotiation,  see  Memoire  historique  sur  la  Negotiation  de 
la  France  et  de  I'Angleterre  (Paris,  1761),  a  French  government  pub 
lication  containing  papers  on  both  sides.  The  British  ministry  also 
published  sucli  documents  as  they  saw  fit,  under  the  title  of  Papers 
relating  to  the  Rupture  with  Spain.  Compare  Adolphus,  George  III., 
i.  31-39. 


1761.]  PITT   AND   HIS   COLLEAGUES.  411 

the  Bourbon  princes  of  Italy  were  invited  to  join  in 
the  covenant.1  What  was  more  to  the  present  pur 
pose,  a  special  agreement  was  concluded  on  the  same 
day,  by  which  Spain  bound  herself  to  declare  war 
against  England  unless  that  Power  should  make 
peace  with  France  before  the  first  of  May,  1762. 
For  the  safety  of  her  colonies  and  her  trade  Spain 
felt  it  her  interest  to  join  her  sister  nation  in  putting 
a  check  on  the  vast  expansion  of  British  maritime 
power.  She  could  bring  a  hundred  ships  of  war  to 
aid  the  dilapidated  navy  of  France,  and  the  wealth 
of  the  Indies  to  aid  her  ruined  treasury. 

Pitt  divined  the  secret  treaty,  and  soon  found 
evidence  of  it.  He  resolved  to  demand  at  once  full 
explanation  from  Spain;  and,  failing  to  receive  a 
satisfactory  reply,  attack  her  at  home  and  abroad 
before  she  was  prepared.  On  the  second  of  October 
he  laid  his  plan  before  a  Cabinet  Council  held  at  a 
house  in  St.  James  Street.  There  were  present  the 
Earl  of  Bute,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  Earl  Granville, 
Earl  Temple,  and  others  of  the  ministry.  Pitt  urged 
his  views  with  great  warmth.  "  This,"  he  exclaimed, 
"is  the  time  for  humbling  the  whole  House  of 
Bourbon ! "  2  His  brother-in-law,  Temple,  supported 
him.  Newcastle  kept  silent.  Bute  denounced  the 
proposal,  and  the  rest  were  of  his  mind.  "  If  these 
views  are  to  be  followed,"  said  Pitt,  "this  is  the  last 
time  I  can  sit  at  this  board.  I  was  called  to  the 

1  Flassan,  Diplomatic  Fran$aise,  v.  317  (Paris,  1809). 

2  Beatson,  ii.  438. 


412  THE  PEACE  OF  PARIS.  [1761. 

administration  of  affairs  by  the  voice  of  the  people ; 
to  them  I  have  always  considered  myself  as  account 
able  for  my  conduct;  and  therefore  cannot  remain  in 
a  situation  which  makes  me  responsible  for  measures 
I  am  no  longer  allowed  to  guide."  Nothing  could 
be  more  offensive  to  George  III.  and  his  adherents. 

The  veteran  Carteret,  Earl  Granville,  replied 
angrily :  "  I  find  the  gentleman  is  determined  to  leave 
us ;  nor  can  I  say  I  am  sorry  for  it,  since  otherwise 
he  would  certainly  have  compelled  us  to  leave  him. 
But  if  he  is  resolved  to  assume  the  office  of  exclu 
sively  advising  His  Majesty  and  directing  the  opera 
tions  of  the  war,  to  what  purpose  are  we  called  to 
this  council  ?  When  he  talks  of  being  responsible  to 
the  people,  he  talks  the  language  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  forgets  that  at  this  board  he  is  respon 
sible  only  to  the  King.  However,  though  he  may 
possibly  have  convinced  himself  of  his  infallibility, 
still  it  remains  that  we  should  be  equally  convinced 
before  we  can  resign  our  understandings  to  his  direc 
tion,  or  join  with  him  in  the  measure  he  proposes."1 

Pitt  resigned,  and  his  colleagues  rejoiced.2  Power 
fell  to  Bute  and  the  Tories ;  and  great  was  the  fall. 
The  mass  of  the  nation  was  with  the  defeated  min 
ister.  On  Lord  Mayor's  Day  Bute  and  Barrington 
were  passing  St.  Paul's  in  a  coach,  which  the  crowd 

1  Annual  Register,  1761,   p.  44.      Adolphus,    George  III.,  i.  40. 
Thackeray,  Life  of  Chatham,  i.  592. 

2  Walpole,   George  III.,  i.  80,  and  note  by  Sir  Denis  Le  Mar- 
chant,  80-82. 


1762.]  THE  NEW  CZAR.  413 

mistook  for  that  of  Pitt,  and  cheered  lustily;  till  one 
man,  looking  in  at  the  window,  shouted  to  the  rest : 
"  This  is  n't  Pitt;  it 's  Bute,  and  be  damned  to  him  ! " 
The  cheers  turned  forthwith  to  hisses,  mixed  with 
cries  of  "  No  Bute  !  "  "  No  Newcastle  salmon !  " 
"Pitt  forever!"  Handfuls  of  mud  were  showered 
against  the  coach,  and  Barrington's  ruffles  were 
besmirched  with  it.1 

The  fall  of  Pitt  was  like  the  knell  of  doom  to 
Frederic  of  Prussia.  It  meant  abandonment  by  his 
only  ally,  and  the  loss  of  the  subsidy  which  was  his 
chief  resource.  The  darkness  around  him  grew 
darker  yet,  and  not  a  hope  seemed  left ;  when  as  by 
miracle  the  clouds  broke,  and  light  streamed  out  of 
the  blackness.  The  bitterest  of  his  foes,  the  Czarina 
Elizabeth,  she  whom  he  had  called  infcime  catin  du 
Nord,  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  her  nephew,  Peter 
III.  Here  again,  as  in  England  and  Spain,  a  new 
sovereign  brought  new  measures.  The  young  Czar, 
simple  and  enthusiastic,  admired  the  King  of  Prussia, 
thought  him  the  paragon  of  heroes,  and  proclaimed 
himself  his  friend.  No  sooner  was  he  on  the  throne 
than  Russia  changed  front.  From  the  foe  of  Frederic 
she  became  his  ally ;  and  in  the  opening  campaign  of 
1762  the  army  that  was  to  have  aided  in  crushing 
him  was  ranged  on  his  side.  It  was  a  turn  of  for 
tune  too  sharp  and  sudden  to  endure.  Ill-balanced 
and  extreme  in  all  things,  Peter  plunged  into  head- 

1  Nuthall  to  Lady  Chatham,  12  November,  1761,  in  Chatham  Cor 
respondence,  ii.  166. 


414  THE  PEACE  OF  PARIS.  [1762. 

long  reforms,  exasperated  the  clergy  and  the  army, 
and  alienated  his  wife,  Catherine,  who  had  hoped  to 
rule  in  his  name,  and  who  now  saw  herself  sup 
planted  by  his  mistress.  Within  six  months  he  was 
deposed  and  strangled.  Catherine,  one  of  whose 
lovers  had  borne  part  in  the  murder,  reigned  in  his 
stead,  conspicuous  by  the  unbridled  disorders  of  her 
life,  and  by  powers  of  mind  that  mark  her  as  the 
ablest  of  female  sovereigns.  If  she  did  not  share  her 
husband's  enthusiasm  for  Frederic,  neither  did  she 
share  Elizabeth's  hatred  of  him.  He,  on  his  part, 
taught  by  hard  experience,  conciliated  instead  of 
insulting  her,  and  she  let  him  alone. 

Peace  with  Russia  brought  peace  with  Sweden, 
and  Austria  with  the  Germanic  Empire  stood  alone 
against  him.  France  needed  all  her  strength  to  hold 
her  own  against  the  mixed  English  and  German  force 
under  Ferdinand  of  Brunswick  in  the  Rhine  coun 
tries.  She  made  spasmodic  efforts  to  seize  upon 
Hanover,  but  the  result  was  humiliating  defeat. 

In  England  George  III.  pursued  his  policy  of 
strengthening  the  prerogative,  and,  jealous  of  the 
Whig  aristocracy,  attacked  it  in  the  person  of  New 
castle.  In  vain  the  old  politician  had  played  false 
with  Pitt,  and  trimmed  to  please  his  young  master. 
He  was  worried  into  resigning  his  place  in  the 
Cabinet,  and  Bute,  the  obsequious  agent  of  the  royal 
will,  succeeded  him  as  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury. 
Into  his  weak  and  unwilling  hands  now  fell  the  task 
of  carrying  on  the  war;  for  the  nation,  elated  with 


1762.]  WAR  WITH   SPAIN.  415 

triumphs  and  full  of  fight,  still  called  on  its  rulers 
for  fresh  efforts  and  fresh  victories.  Pitt  had  proved 
a  true  prophet,  and  his  enemies  were  put  to  shame ; 
for  the  attitude  of  Spain  forced  Bute  and  his  col 
leagues  to  the  open  rupture  with  her  which  the  great 
minister  had  vainly  urged  upon  them;  and  a  new 
and  formidable  war  was  now  added  to  the  old.1 
Their  counsels  were  weak  and  half-hearted;  but  the 
armies  and  navies  of  England  still  felt  the  impulsion 
that  the  imperial  hand  of  Pitt  had  given  and  the 
unconquerable  spirit  that  he  had  roused. 

This  spirit  had  borne  them  from  victory  to  victory. 
In  Asia  they  had  driven  the  French  from  Pondicherry 
and  all  their  Indian  possessions ;  in  Africa  they  had 
wrested  from  them  Gore*e  and  the  Senegal  country; 
in  the  West  Indies  they  had  taken  Guadeloupe  and 
Dominica;  in  the  European  seas  they  had  captured 
ship  after  ship,  routed  and  crippled  the  great  fleet  of 
Admiral  Conflans,  seized  Belleisle,  and  defeated  a 
bold  attempt  to  invade  Ireland.  The  navy  of  France 
was  reduced  to  helplessness.  Pitt,  before  his  resig 
nation,  had  planned  a  series  of  new  operations, 
including  an  attack  on  Martinique,  with  other  West 
Indian  islands  still  left  to  France,  and  then  in  turn 
on  the  Spanish  possessions  of  Havana,  Panama, 
Manila,  and  the  Philippines.  Now,  more  than  ever 
before,  the  war  appeared  in  its  true  character.  It 
was  a  contest  for  maritime  and  colonial  ascendency ; 

1  Declaration  of  War  against  the  King  of  Spain,  4  January,  1762. 


416  THE  PEACE   OF  PARIS.  [1762. 

and   England  saw  herself  confronted   by  both   her 
great  rivals  at  once. 

Admiral  Rodney  sailed  for  Martinique,  and  Briga 
dier  Monckton  joined  him  with  troops  from  America. 
Before  the  middle  of  February  the  whole  island  was 
in  their  hands;  and  Grenada,  St.  Lucia,  and  St. 
Vincent  soon  shared  its  fate.  The  Earl  of  Albemarle 
and  Admiral  Sir  George  Pococke  sailed  in  early 
spring  on  a  more  important  errand,  landed  in  June 
near  Havana  with  eleven  thousand  soldiers,  and 
attacked  Moro  Castle,  the  key  of  the  city.  The 
pitiless  sun  of  the  tropic  midsummer  poured  its 
fierce  light  and  heat  on  the  parched  rocks  where  the 
men  toiled  at  the  trenches.  Earth  was  so  scarce  that 
hardly  enough  could  be  had  to  keep  the  fascines  in 
place.  The  siege  works  were  little  else  than  a  mass 
of  dry  fagots;  and  when,  after  exhausting  toil,  the 
grand  battery  opened  on  the  Spanish  defences,  it 
presently  took  fire,  was  consumed,  and  had  to  be 
made  anew.  Fresh  water  failed,  and  the  troops  died 
by  scores  from  thirst;  fevers  set  in,  killed  many,  and 
disabled  nearly  half  the  army.  The  sea  was  strewn 
with  floating  corpses,  and  carrion-birds  in  clouds 
hovered  over  the  populous  graveyards  and  infected 
camps.  Yet  the  siege  went  on:  a  formidable  sally 
was  repulsed;  Moro  Castle  was  carried  by  storm; 
till  at  length,  two  months  and  eight  days  after  the 
troops  landed,  Havana  fell  into  their  hands.1  At  the 

1  Journal  of  the  Siege,  by  the  Chief  Engineer,  in  Beatson,  ii.  544. 
Mante,  398-465.  Entick,  v.  363-383. 


1762.]    FINANCIAL  CONDITION  OF  FRANCE.        417 

same  time  Spain  was  attacked  at  the  antipodes,  and 
the  loss  of  Manila  and  the  Philippines  gave  her  fresh 
cause  to  repent  her  rash  compact  with  France.  She 
was  hardly  more  fortunate  near  home;  for  having 
sent  an  army  to  invade  Portugal,  which  was  in  the 
interest  of  England,  a  small  British  force,  under 
Brigadier  Burgoyne,  foiled  it,  and  forced  it  to  retire. 

The  tide  of  British,  success  was  checked  for  an 
instant  in  Newfoundland,  where  a  French  squadron 
attacked  St.  John's  and  took  it,  with  its  garrison  of 
sixty  men.  The  news  reached  Amherst  at  New 
York;  his  brother,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Amherst, 
was  sent  to  the  scene  of  the  mishap.  St.  John's  was 
retaken,  and  its  late  conquerors  were  made  prisoners 
of  war. 

The  financial  condition  of  France  was  desperate. 
Her  people  were  crushed  with  taxation;  her  debt 
grew  apace;  and  her  yearly  expenditure  was  nearly 
double  her  revenue.  Choiseul  felt  the  need  of  imme 
diate  peace ;  and  George  III.  and  Bute  were  hardly 
less  eager  for  it,  to  avert  the  danger  of  Pitt's  return 
to  power  and  give  free  scope  to  their  schemes  for 
strengthening  the  prerogative.  Therefore,  in  Septem 
ber,  1762,  negotiations  were  resumed.  The  Duke 
of  Bedford  was  sent  to  Paris  to  settle  the  prelimi 
naries,  and  the  Due  de  Nivernois  came  to  London  on 
the  same  errand.  The  populace  were  still  for  war. 
Bedford  was  hissed  as  he  passed  through  the  streets 
of  London,  and  a  mob  hooted  at  the  puny  figure  of 
Nivernois  as  he  landed  at  Dover. 
VOL.  ii.  —  27 


418  THE  PEACE  OF  PARIS.  [1762. 

The  great  question  was,  Should  Canada  be  restored  ? 
Should  France  still  be  permitted  to  keep  a  foothold 
on  the  North  American  continent?  Ever  since  the 
capitulation  of  Montreal  a  swarm  of  pamphlets  had 
discussed  the  momentous  subject.  Some  maintained 
that  the  acquisition  of  Canada  was  not  an  original 
object  of  the  war ;  that  the  colony  was  of  little  value 
and  ought  to  be  given  back  to  its  old  masters ;  that 
Guadeloupe  should  be  kept  instead,  the  sugar-trade 
of  that  island  being  worth  far  more  than  the  Cana 
dian  fur-trade ;  and,  lastly,  that  the  British  colonists, 
if  no  longer  held  in  check  by  France,  would  spread 
themselves  over  the  continent,  learn  to  supply  all 
their  own  wants,  grow  independent,  and  become 
dangerous.  Nor  were  these  views  confined  to  Eng 
lishmen.  There  were  foreign  observers  who  clearly 
saw  that  the  adhesion  of  her  colonies  to  Great  Britain 
would  be  jeopardized  by  the  extinction  of  French 
power  in  America.  Choiseul  warned  Stanley  that 
they  "would  not  fail  to  shake  off  their  dependence 
the  moment  Canada  should  be  ceded;"  while  thir 
teen  years  before,  the  Swedish  traveller  Kalm 
declared  that  the  presence  of  the  French  in  America 
gave  the  best  assurance  to  Great  Britain  that  its  own 
colonies  would  remain  in  due  subjection.1 

The  most  noteworthy  argument  on  the  other  side 
was  that  of  Franklin,  whose  words  find  a  strange 
commentary  in  the  events  of  the  next  few  years.  He 
affirmed  that  the  colonies  were  so  jealous  of  each 

1  Kalm,  Travels  in  North  America,  i.  207. 


1762.]  THE  PRELIMINARIES.  419 

other  that  they  would  never  unite  against  England. 
"  If  they  could  not  agree  to  unite  against  the  French 
and  Indians,  can  it  reasonably  be  supposed  that  there 
is  any  danger  of  their  uniting  against  their  own 
nation,  which  it  is  well  known  they  all  love  much 
more  than  they  love  one  another?  I  will  venture  to 
say  union  amongst  them  for  such  a  purpose  is  not 
merely  improbable,  it  is  impossible;"  that  is,  he 
prudently  adds,  without  "  the  most  grievous  tyranny 
and  oppression,"  like  the  bloody  rule  of  "  Alva  in  the 
Netherlands."1 

If  Pitt  had  been  in  office  he  would  have  demanded 
terms  that  must  ruin  past  redemption  the  maritime 
and  colonial  power  of  France;  but  Bute  was  less 
exacting.  In  November  the  plenipotentiaries  of 
England,  France,  and  Spain  agreed  on  preliminaries 
of  peace,  in  which  the  following  were  the  essential 
points.  France  ceded  to  Great  Britain  Canada  and 
all  her  possessions  on  the  North  American  continent 
east  of  the  river  Mississippi,  except  the  city  of  New 
Orleans  and  a  small  adjacent  district.  She  renounced 
her  claims  to  Acadia,  and  gave  up  to  the  conqueror 

1  Interest  of  Great  Britain  in  regard  to  her  Colonies  (London, 
1760). 

Lord  Bath  argues  for  retaining  Canada  in  A  Letter  addressed  to 
Two  Great  Men  on  the  Prospect  of  Peace  (1759).  He  is  answered  by  an 
other  pamphlet  called  Remarks  on  the  Letter  to  Two  Great  Men  (1760). 
The  Gentleman's  Magazine  for  1759  has  an  ironical  article  styled 
Reasons  for  restoring  Canada  to  the  French  ;  and  in  1761  a  pamphlet 
against  the  restitution  appeared  under  the  title,  Importance  of 
Canada  considered  in  Two  Letters  to  a  Noble  Lord.  These  are  but 
a  part  of  the  writings  on  the  question. 


420  THE  PEACE  OF  PARIS.  [1762. 

the  Island  of  Cape  Breton,  with  all  other  islands  in 
the  Gulf  and  River  of  St.  Lawrence.  Spain  received 
back  Havana,  and  paid  for  it  by  the  cession  of  Florida, 
with  all  her  other  possessions  east  of  the  Mississippi. 
France,  subject  to  certain  restrictions,  was  left  free 
to  fish  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  off  a  part  of 
the  coast  of  Newfoundland;  and  the  two  little 
islands  of  St.  Pierre  and  Miquelon  were  given  her 
as  fishing  stations  on  condition  that  she  should  not 
fortify  or  garrison  them.  In  the  West  Indies,  Eng 
land  restored  the  captured  islands  of  Guadeloupe, 
Marigalante,  De*sirade,  and  Martinique,  and  France 
ceded  Grenada  and  the  Grenadines;  while  it  was 
agreed  that  of  the  so-called  neutral  islands,  St. 
Vincent,  Dominica,  and  Tobago  should  belong  to 
England,  and  St.  Lucia  to  France.  In  Europe,  each 
side  promised  to  give  no  more  help  to  its  allies  in  the 
German  war.  France  restored  Minorca,  and  Eng 
land  restored  Belleisle ;  France  gave  up  such  parts  of 
Hanoverian  territory  as  she  had  occupied,  and  evacu 
ated  certain  fortresses  belonging  to  Prussia,  pledging 
herself  at  the  same  time  to  demolish,  under  the 
inspection  of  English  engineers,  her  own  maritime 
fortress  of  Dunkirk.  In  Africa  France  ceded  Senegal, 
and  received  back  the  small  Island  of  Gore*e.  In 
India  she  lost  everything  she  had  gained  since  the 
peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle ;  recovered  certain  trading 
stations,  but  renounced  the  right  of  building  forts 
or  maintaining  troops  in  Bengal. 

On  the  day  when  the  preliminaries  were  signed, 


1762.]  THE  PRELIMINARIES.  421 

France  made  a  secret  agreement  with  Spain,  by  which 
she  divested  herself  of  the  last  shred  of  her  posses 
sions  on  the  North  American  continent.  As  com 
pensation  for  Florida,  which  her  luckless  ally  had 
lost  in  her  quarrel,  she  made  over  to  the  Spanish 
Crown  the  city  of  New  Orleans,  and  under  the  name 
of  Louisiana  gave  her  the  vast  region  spreading  west 
ward  from  the  Mississippi  towards  the  Pacific. 

On  the  ninth  of  December  the  question  of  approv 
ing  the  preliminaries  came  up  before  both  Houses  of 
Parliament.  There  was  a  long  debate  in  the  Com 
mons.  Pitt  was  not  present,  confined,  it  was  said, 
by  gout;  till  late  in  the  day  the  House  was  startled 
by  repeated  cheers  from  the  outside.  The  doors 
opened,  and  the  fallen  minister  entered,  carried  in 
the  arms  of  his  servants,  and  followed  by  an  applaud 
ing  crowd.  His  bearers  set  him  down  within  the 
bar,  and  by  the  help  of  a  crutch  he  made  his  way 
with  difficulty  to  his  seat.  "  There  was  a  mixture  of 
the  very  solemn  and  the  theatric  in  this  apparition," 
says  Walpole,  who  was  present.  "  The  moment  was 
so  well  timed,  the  importance  of  the  man  and  his 
services,  the  languor  of  his  emaciated  countenance, 
and  the  study  bestowed  on  his  dress  were  circum 
stances  that  struck  solemnity  into  a  patriot  mind, 
and  did  a  little  furnish  ridicule  to  the  hardened  and 
insensible.  He  was  dressed  in  black  velvet,  his  legs 
and  thighs  wrapped  in  flannel,  his  feet  covered  with 
buskins  of  black  cloth,  and  his  hands  with  thick 
gloves."  Not  for  the  first  time,  he  was  utilizing  his 


422  THE  PEACE   OF   PARIS.  [1763. 

maladies  for  purposes  of  stage  effect.  He  spoke  for 
about  three  hours,  sometimes  standing,  and  some 
times  seated ;  sometimes  with  a  brief  burst  of  power, 
more  often  with  the  accents  of  pain  and  exhaustion. 
He  highly  commended  the  retention  of  Canada,  but 
denounced  the  leaving  to  France  a  share  in  the  fish 
eries,  as  well  as  other  advantages  tending  to  a 
possible  revival  of  her  maritime  power.  But  the 
Commons  listened  coldly,  and  by  a  great  majority 
approved  the  preliminaries  of  peace. 

These  preliminaries  were  embodied  in  the  definitive 
treaty  concluded  at  Paris  on  the  tenth  of  February, 
1763.  Peace  between  France  and  England  brought 
peace  between  the  warring  nations  of  the  Continent. 
Austria,  bereft  of  her  allies,  and  exhausted  by  vain 
efforts  to  crush  Frederic,  gave  up  the  attempt  in 
despair,  and  signed  the  treaty  of  Hubertsburg.  The 
Seven  Years'  War  was  ended. 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 
1763-1884. 

CONCLUSION. 

KESDLTS  OF  THE  WAR. —  GERMANY.  —  FRANCE.  —  ENGLAND.  — 
CANADA.  —  THE  BRITISH  PROVINCES. 

"THIS, "said  Earl  Granville  on  his  death-bed,  "has 
been  the  most  glorious  war  and  the  most  triumphant 
peace  that  England  ever  knew."  Not  all  were  so 
well  pleased,  and  many  held  with  Pitt  that  the 
House  of  Bourbon  should  have  been  forced  to  drain 
the  cup  of  humiliation  to  the  dregs.  Yet  the  fact 
remains  that  the  Peace  of  Paris  marks  an  epoch  than 
which  none  in  modern  history  is  more  fruitful  of 
grand  results.  With  it  began  a  new  chapter  in  the 
annals  of  the  world.  To  borrow  the  words  of  a  late 
eminent  writer,  "It  is  no  exaggeration  to  say  that 
three  of  the  many  victories  of  the  Seven  Years'  War 
determined  for  ages  to  come  the  destinies  of  man 
kind.  With  that  of  Rossbach  began  the  re-creation 
of  Germany;  with  that  of  Plassey  the  influence  of 
Europe  told  for  the  first  time  since  the  days  of 
Alexander  on  the  nations  of  the  East;  with  the 
triumph  of  Wolfe  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham 
began  the  history  of  the  United  States."1 

1  Green,  History  of  the  English  people,  iv.  193  (London,  1880). 


424  CONCLUSION.  [1763-1884. 

So  far,  however,  as  concerns  the  war  in  the  Ger 
manic  countries,  it  was  to  outward  seeming  but  a 
mad  debauch  of  blood  and  rapine,  ending  in  nothing 
but  the  exhaustion  of  the  combatants.  The  havoc 
had  been  frightful.  According  to  the  King  of 
Prussia's  reckoning,  853,000  soldiers  of  the  various 
nations  had  lost  their  lives,  besides  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  non-combatants  who  had  perished  from 
famine,  exposure,  disease,  or  violence.  And  with 
all  this  waste  of  life  not  a  boundary  line  had  been 
changed.  The  rage  of  the  two  empresses  and  the 
vanity  and  spite  of  the  concubine  had  been  com 
pletely  foiled.  Frederic  had  defied  them  all,  and  had 
come  out  of  the  strife  intact  in  his  own  hereditary 
dominions  and  master  of  all  that  he  had  snatched 
from  the  Empress-Queen;  while  Prussia,  portioned 
out  by  her  enemies  as  their  spoil,  lay  depleted  indeed, 
and  faint  with  deadly  striving,  but  crowned  with 
glory,  and  with  the  career  before  her  which,  through 
tribulation  and  adversity,  was  to  lead  her  at  last  to 
the  headship  of  a  united  Germany. 

Through  centuries  of  strife  and  vicissitude  the 
French  monarchy  had  triumphed  over  nobles,  parlia 
ments,  and  people,  gathered  to  itself  all  the  forces  of 
the  State,  beamed  with  illusive  splendors  under  Louis 
the  Great,  and  shone  with  the  phosphorescence  of 
decay  under  his  contemptible  successor;  till  now, 
robbed  of  prestige,  burdened  with  debt,  and  mined 
with  corruption,  it  was  moving  swiftly  and  more 
swiftly  towards  the  abyss  of  ruin. 


1763-1884.]  FRANCE.  425 

While  the  war  hastened  the  inevitable  downfall 
of  the  French  monarchy,  it  produced  still  more 
notable  effects.  France  under  Colbert  had  embarked 
on  a  grand  course  of  maritime  and  colonial  enter 
prise,  and  followed  it  with  an  activity  and  vigor  that 
promised  to  make  her  a  great  and  formidable  ocean 
power.  It  was  she  who  led  the  way  in  the  East, 
first  trained  the  natives  to  fight  her  battles,  and 
began  that  system  of  mixed  diplomacy  and  war  which, 
imitated  by  her  rival,  enabled  a  handful  of  Europeans 
to  master  all  India.  In  North  America  her  vast 
possessions  dwarfed  those  of  every  other  nation.  She 
had  built  up  a  powerful  navy  and  created  an  exten 
sive  foreign  trade.  All  this  was  now  changed.  In 
India  she  was  reduced  to  helpless  inferiority,  with 
total  ruin  in  the  future;  and  of  all  her  boundless 
territories  in  North  America  nothing  was  left  but  the 
two  island  rocks  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland  that 
the  victors  had  given  her  for  drying  her  codfish.  Of 
her  navy  scarcely  forty  ships  remained ;  all  the  rest 
were  captured  or  destroyed.  She  was  still  great  on 
the  continent  of  Europe,  but  as  a  world  power  her 
grand  opportunities  were  gone. 

In  England  as  in  France  the  several  members  of 
the  State  had  battled  together  since  the  national  life 
began,  and  the  result  had  been,  not  the  unchecked 
domination  of  the  Crown,  but  a  system  of  balanced 
and  adjusted  forces,  in  which  King,  Nobility,  and 
Commons  all  had  their  recognized  places  and  their 
share  of  power.  Thus  in  the  war  just  ended  two 


426  CONCLUSION.  [1763-1884. 

great  conditions  of  success  had  been  supplied:  a 
people  instinct  with  the  energies  of  ordered  freedom, 
and  a  masterly  leadership  to  inspire  and  direct  them. 
All,  and  more  than  all,  that  France  had  lost  Eng 
land  had  won.  Now,  for  the  first  time,  she  was 
beyond  dispute  the  greatest  of  maritime  and  colonial 
Powers.  Portugal  and  Holland,  her  precursors  in 
ocean  enterprise,  had  long  ago  fallen  hopelessly 
behind.  Two  great  rivals  remained,  and  she  had 
humbled  the  one  and  swept  the  other  from  her  path. 
Spain,  with  vast  American  possessions,  was  sinking 
into  the  decay  which  is  one  of  the  phenomena  of 
modern  history;  while  France,  of  late  a  most  formi 
dable  competitor,  had  abandoned  the  contest  in 
despair.  England  was  mistress  of  the  seas,  and  the 
world  was  thrown  open  to  her  merchants,  explorers, 
and  colonists.  A  few  years  after  the  Peace  the  navi 
gator  Cook  began  his  memorable  series  of  voyages, 
and  surveyed  the  strange  and  barbarous  lands  which 
after  times  were  to  transform  into  other  Englands, 
vigorous  children  of  this  great  mother  of  nations. 
It  is  true  that  a  heavy  blow  was  soon  to  fall  upon 
her;  her  own  folly  was  to  alienate  the  eldest  and 
greatest  of  her  offspring.  But  nothing  could  rob  her 
of  the  glory  of  giving  birth  to  the  United  States; 
and,  though  politically  severed,  this  gigantic  progeny 
were  to  be  not  the  less  a  source  of  growth  and  pros 
perity  to  the  parent  that  bore  them,  joined  with  her 
in  a  triple  kinship  of  laws,  language,  and  blood. 
The  war  or  series  of  wars  that  ended  with  the  Peace 


1763-1884.]  CANADA.  427 

of  Paris  secured  the  opportunities  and  set  in  action 
the  forces  that  have  planted  English  homes  in  every 
clime,  and  dotted  the  earth  with  English  garrisons 
and  posts  of  trade. 

With  the  Peace  of  Paris  ended  the  checkered  story 
of  New  France;  a  story  which  would  have  been  a 
history  if  faults  of  constitution  and  the  bigotry  and 
folly  of  rulers  had  not  dwarfed  it  to  an  episode.  Yet 
it  is  a  noteworthy  one  in  both  its  lights  and  its 
shadows:  in  the  disinterested  zeal  of  the  founder  of 
Quebec,  the  self-devotion  of  the  early  missionary 
martyrs,  and  the  daring  enterprise  of  explorers;  in 
the  spiritual  and  temporal  vassalage  from  which  the 
only  escape  was  to  the  savagery  of  the  wilderness ; 
and  in  the  swarming  corruptions  which  were  the 
natural  result  of  an  attempt  to  rule,  by  the  absolute 
hand  of  a  master  beyond  the  Atlantic,  a  people  bereft 
of  every  vestige  of  civil  liberty.  Civil  liberty  was 
given  them  by  the  British  sword ;  but  the  conqueror 
left  their  religious  system  untouched,  and  through  it 
they  have  imposed  upon  themselves  a  weight  of 
ecclesiastical  tutelage  that  finds  few  equals  in  the 
most  Catholic  countries  of  Europe.  Such  guardian 
ship  is  not  without  certain  advantages.  When  faith 
fully  exercised  it  aids  to  uphold  some  of  the  tamer 
virtues,  if  that  can  be  called  a  virtue  which  needs 
the  constant  presence  of  a  sentinel  to  keep  it  from 
escaping:  but  it  is  fatal  to  mental  robustness  and 
moral  courage ;  and  if  French  Canada  would  fulfil  its 
aspirations  it  must  cease  to  be  one  of  the  most  priest- 
ridden  communities  of  the  modern  world. 


428  CONCLUSION.  [1763-1884. 

Scarcely  were  they  free  from  the  incubus  of 
France  when  the  British  provinces  showed  symptoms 
of  revolt.  The  measures  on  the  part  of  the  mother- 
country  which  roused  their  resentment,  far  from  being 
oppressive,  were  less  burdensome  than  the  navigation 
laws  to  which  they  had  long  submitted;  and  they 
resisted  taxation  by  Parliament  simply  because  it 
was  in  principle  opposed  to  their  rights  as  freemen. 
They  did  not,  like  the  American  provinces  of  Spain 
at  a  later  day,  sunder  themselves  from  a  parent  fallen 
into  decrepitude ;  but  with  astonishing  audacity  they 
affronted  the  wrath  of  England  in  the  hour  of  her 
triumph,  forgot  their  jealousies  and  quarrels,  joined 
hands  in  the  common  cause,  fought,  endured,  and 
won.  The  disunited  colonies  became  the  United 
States.  The  string  of  discordant  communities  along 
the  Atlantic  coast  has  grown  to  a  mighty  people, 
joined  in  a  union  which  the  earthquake  of  civil  war 
served  only  to  compact  and  consolidate.  Those  who 
in  the  weakness  of  their  dissensions  needed  help  from 
England  against  the  savage  on  their  borders  have 
become  a  nation  that  may  defy  every  foe  but  that 
most  dangerous  of  all  foes,  herself,  destined  to  a 
majestic  future  if  she  will  shun  the  excess  and  per 
version  of  the  principles  that  made  her  great,  prate 
less  about  the  enemies  of  the  past  and  strive  more 
against  the  enemies  of  the  present,  resist  the  mob  and 
the  demagogue  as  she  resisted  Parliament  and  King, 
rally  her  powers  from  the  race  for  gold  and  the 
delirium  of  prosperity  to  make  firm  the  foundations 


1763-1884.]  THE  UNITED  STATES.  '  429 

on  which  that  prosperity  rests,  and  turn  some  fair 
proportion  of  her  vast  mental  forces  to  other  objects 
than  material  progress  and  the  game  of  party  politics. 
She  has  tamed  the  savage  continent,  peopled  the 
solitude,  gathered  wealth  untold,  waxed  potent, 
imposing,  redoubtable;  and  now  it  remains  for  her 
to  prove,  if  she  can,  that  the  rule  of  the  masses  is 
consistent  with  the  highest  growth  of  the  individual ; 
that  democracy  can  give  the  world  a  civilization  as 
mature  and  pregnant,  ideas  as  energetic  and  vitalizing, 
and  types  of  manhood  as  lofty  and  strong,  as  any  of 
the  systems  which  it  boasts  to  supplant. 


APPENDIX. 


A. 

CHAPTEE   III.     CONFLICT   FOE   THE   WEST. 

Piquet  and  his  War-Party. —  "  Ce  parti  [de  guerre]  pour 
lequel  M.  le  General  a  donne  son  consentement,  sera  de 
plus  de  3, 800  homines.  .  .  .  500  homines  de  nos  domicilies, 
700  des  Cinq  nations  a  Pexclusion  des  Agniers  [Mohawks] 
qui  ne  sont  plus  regardes  que  comme  des  anglais,  600  tant 
Iroquois  que  d'autres  nations  le  long  de  la  Belle  Eivi- 
ere  d'ou  ils  esperent  chasser  les  anglais  qui  y  forment 
des  iCtablissemens  contraires  au  bien  des  guerriers, 
2,000  hommes  qu'ils  doivent  prendre  aux  tetes  plates 
[Choctaws]  ou  ils  s'arresteront,  c'est  la  ou  les  deux  chefs 
de  guerre  doivent  proposer  a  Parmee  1'expedition  des 
Miamis  au  retour  de  celle  contre  la  Nation  du  Chien 
[  Cherokees"].  Un  vieux  levain,  quelques  anciennes  que- 
relles  leur  feront  tout  entreprendre  contre  les  anglais  de 
la  Virginie  s'ils  donnent  encore  quelques  secours  a  cette 
derniere  nation,  ce  qui  ne  manquera  pas  d'arriver.  .  .  . 

"  C'est  un  grand  miracle  que  malgre  1'envie,  les  con 
tradictions,  1'opposition  presque  generale  de  tous  les 
Villages  sauvages,  j'aye  forme  en  moins  de  3  ans  une 
des  plus  florissantes  missions  du  Canada.  .  .  .  Je  me 
trouve  done,  Messieurs,  dans  Toccasion  de  pouvoir  etendre 
1'empire  de  Jesus  Christ  et  du  Eoy  mes  bons  maitres 


432  APPENDIX. 

jusqu'aux  extremites  de  ce  nouveau  monde,  et  de  plus 
faire  avec  quelques  secours  que  vous  me  procurerez  que 
la  France  et  Fangleterre  ne  pourraient  faire  avec  plu- 
sieurs  millions  et  toutes  leur  troupes."  Copie  de  la 
Lettre  ecrite  par  M.  I' Abbe  Picquet,  dattee  a  la  Presenta 
tion  du  8  Fev.  1752  (Archives  de  la  Marine). 

I  saw  in  the  possession  of  the  late  Jacques  Viger,  of 
Montreal,  an  illuminated  drawing  of  one  of  Piquet's 
banners,  said  to  be  still  in  existence,  in  which  the  cross, 
the  emblems  of  the  Virgin  and  the  Saviour,  the  fleur  de 
lis,  and  the  Iroquois  totems  are  all  embroidered  and 
linked  together  by  strings  of  wampum  beads  wrought 
into  the  silk. 

Directions  of  the  French  Colonial  Minister  for  the 
Destruction  of  Oswego.  —  "  La  seule  voye  dont  on  puisse 
faire  usage  en  temps  de  paix  pour  une  pareille  operation 
est  celle  des  Iroquois  des  cinq  nations.  Les  terres  sur 
lesquelles  le  poste  a  ete  e*tabli  leur  appartiennent  et  ce 
n'est  qu'avec  leur  consentement  que  les  anglois  s'y  sont 
places.  Si  en  faisant  regarder  a  ces  sauvages  un  pareil 
e*tablissement  comme  contraire  a  leur  liberte  et  comine 
une  usurpation  dont  les  anglois  pretendent  faire  usage 
pour  acquerir  la  propriete  de  leur  terre  on  pourrait  les 
determiner  a  entreprendre  de  les  detruire,  une  pareille 
operation  ne  seroit  pas  a  negliger  ;  mais  M.  le  Marquis 
de  la  Jonquiere  doit  sentir  avec  quelle  circonspection 
une  affaire  de  cette  espece  doit  §tre  conduite  et  il  faut  en 
effet  qu'il  y  travaille  de  fa§on  a  ne  se  point  compromet- 
tre."  Le  Ministre  a  MM.  de  la  Jonquiere  et  Bigot,  15 
ily  1750  (Archives  de  la  Marine). 


APPENDIX.  433 

B. 

CHAPTER   IV.     ACADIA. 

English  Treatment  of  Acadians.  —  "  Les  Anglois  dans 
la  vue  de  la  Conquete  du  Canada  ont  voulu  donner  aux 
peuples  franqois  de  ces  Colonies  un  exemple  frappant 
de  la  douceur  de  leur  gouvernement  dans  leur  conduite  a 
1'egard  des  Accadiens. 

"  Us  leur  ont  fourni  pendant  plus  de  35  ans  le  simple 
necessaire,  sans  elever  la  fortune  d'aucun,  ils  leur  ont 
fourni  ce  necessaire  souvent  a  credit,  avec  un  exces  de 
confiance,  sans  fatiguer  les  debiteurs,  sans  les  presser, 
sans  vouloir  les  forcer  au  payement. 

"  Ils  leur  ont  laisse  une  apparence  de  liberte  si  exces 
sive  qu'ils  n'ont  voulu  prendre  aucune  difference  [sic]  de 
leur  differents,  pas  m§me  pour  les  crimes.  .  .  .  Ils  ont 
souffert  que  les  accadiens  leur  refusassent  insolemment 
certains  rentes  de  grains,  modiques  &  tres-legitimement 
dues. 

"  Ils  ont  dissiinule  le  refus  meprisant  que  les  accadiens 
ont  fait  de  prendre  d'eux  des  concessions  pour  les  nou- 
veaux  terreins  qu'ils  voulaient  occuper. 

"Les  fruits  que  cette  conduite  a  produit  dans  la 
derniere  guerre  nous  le  savons  [sic]  et  les  anglois  n'en 
ignorent  rien.  Qu'on  juge  la-dessus  de  leur  ressentiment 
et  des  vues  de  vengeance  de  cette  nation  cruelle.  .  .  . 
Je  prevois  notamment  la  dispersion  des  jeunes  accadiens 
sur  les  vaisseaux  de  guerre  anglois,  ou  la  seule  regie 
pour  la  ration  du  pain  suffit  pour  les  detruire  jusqu'au 
dernier."  Roma,  Officier  a  VIsle  Royale  ti ,  1750. 

Indians,  directed  by  Missionaries,  to  attack  the  English 
in  Time  of  Peace.  —  "  La  lettre  de  M.  PAbbe  Le  Loutre 
VOL.  ii 28 


434  APPENDIX. 

me  paroit  si  interessante  que  j'ay  Phonneur  de  vous  en 
envoyer  Copie.  .  .  .  Les  trois  sauvages  qui  m'ont  porte 
ces  de'peches  m'ont  parle*  relativement  a  ce  que  M. 
PAbbe  Le  Loutre  marque  dans  sa  lettre  ;  je  n'ay  eu  garde 
de  leur  donner  aucun  Conseil  la-dessus  et  je  me  suis 
borne  a  leur  proniettre  que  je  ne  les  abandonnerai 
point,  aussy  ai-je  pourvu  a  tout,  soit  pour  les  armes, 
munitions  de  guerre  et  de  bouche,  soit  pour  les  autres 
choses  ndcessaires. 

"II  seroit  a  souhaiter  que  ces  Sauvages  rassembles 
pussent  parvenir  a  traverser  les  anglois  dans  leurs  en- 
treprises,  m§me  dans  celle  de  Chibouctou  \_Halif ax],  ils 
sont  dans  cette  resolution  et  s'ils  peuvent  mettre  h 
execution  ce  qu'ils  ont  projette  il  esfc  assure  qu'ils  seront 
fort  incommodes  aux  Anglois  et  que  les  vexations  qu'ils 
exerceront  sur  eux  leur  seront  un  tres  grand  obstacle. 

"  Ces  sauvages  doivent  agir  seuls,  il  n'y  aura  ny  soldat 
ny  habitant,  tout  se  fera  de  leur  pur  mouvement,  et  sans 
qu'il  paraisse  que  j'en  eusse  connoissance. 

"Cela  est  tres  essentiel,  aussy  ai-je  ecrit  au  Si1  de 
Boishebert  d'observer  beaucoup  de  prudence  dans  ses 
demarches  et  de  les  faire  tres  secretement  pour  que  les 
Anglois  ne  puissent  pas  s'apercevoir  que  nous  pourvoy- 
ons  aux  besoins  des  dits  sauvages. 

"Ce  seront  les  missionnaires  qui  feront  toutes  les 
negociations  et  qui  dirigeront  les  pas  des  dits  sauvages, 
ils  sont  en  tres  bonnes  mains,  le  K.  P.  Germain  et 
M.  PAbbd  Le  Loutre  etant  fort  au  fait  d'en  tirer  tout 
le  party  possible  et  le  plus  avantageux  pour  nos  in- 
terets,  ils  menageront  leur  intrigue  de  fagon  a  n'y  pas 
paroitre.  .  .  . 

"  Je  sens,  Monseigneur,  toute  la  delicatesse  de  cette 
negociation,  soyez  persuade  que  je  la  conduirai  avec  tant 
de  precautions  que  les  anglois  ne  pourront  pas  dire  que 


APPENDIX.  435 

mes  ordres  y  ont  eu  part."  La  Jonquiere  au  Ministre,  9 
Oct.  1749. 

Missionaries  to  be  encouraged  in  their  Efforts  to  make 
the  Indians  attack  the  English.  —  "  Les  sauvages  .  .  .  se 
distinguent,  depuis  la  paix,  daus  les  mouvements  qu'il  y 
a  du  cote  de  1'Acadie,  et  sur  lesquels  Sa  Majeste  juge  a 
propos  d'entrer  dans  quelques  details  avec  le  Sieur  de 
Raymond.  .  .  . 

"  Sa  Majest^  luy  a  deja  observe  que  les  sauvages  ont 
ete  jusqu'a  present  dans  les  dispositions  les  plus  favo- 
rables.  II  est  de  la  plus  grande  importance,  et  pour  le 
present  et  pour  1'avenir,  de  ne  rien  negliger  pour  les 
y  maintenir.  Les  missionnaires  qui  sont  aupres  d'eux 
sont  plus  a  portes  d'y  contribuer  que  personne,  et  Sa 
Majeste  a  lieu  d'etre  satisfaite  des  soins  qu'ils  y  donnent. 
Le  S*  de  Kaymond  doit  exciter  ces  missionnaires  a  ne 
point  se  relacher  sur  cela ;  mais  en  mgme  temps  il  doit 
les  avertir  de  contenir  leur  zele  de  maniere  qu'ils  ne  se 
comprornettent  pas  mal  a  propos  avec  les  anglois  et  qu'ils 
ne  donnent  point  de  justes  sujets  de  plaintes."  Memoir e 
du  Roy  pour  servir  d' Instruction  au  Comte  de  Raymond, 
24  Avril,  1751. 

Acadians  to  join  the  Indians  in  attacking  the  English. 
—  "Pour  que  ces  Sauvages  agissent  avec  beaucoup  de 
Courage,  quelques  accadiens  habilles  et  mataches  comme 
les  Sauvages  pourront  se  joindre  a  eux  pour  faire  coup 
sur  les  Anglois.  Je  ne  puis  eviter  de  consentir  a  ce  que 
ces  Sauvages  feront  puisque  nous  avons  les  bras  lies  et 
que  nous  ne  pouvons  rien  faire  par  nous-memes,  au 
surplus  je  ne  crois  pas  qu'il  y  ait  de  1'inconvenient  de 
laisser  meler  les  accadiens  parmi  les  Sauvages,  parceque 
s'ils  sont  pris,  nous  dirons  qu'ils  ont  agi  de  leur  propre 
mouvement."  La  Jonquiere  au  Ministre,  1  Mai,  1751. 

Cost  of  Le  Loutre's  Intrigues.  —  a  J'ay  deja  fait  payer 


436  APPENDIX. 

a  M.  Le  Loutre  depuis  1'annee  derniere  la  somme  de 
11183Z.  185.  pour  acquitter  les  depenses  qu'il  fait  jour- 
nellement  et  je  ne  cesse  de  luy  recommander  de  s'en 
tenir  aux  indispensables  en  evitant  toujours  de  rien 
corapromettre  avec  le  gouvernement  anglois."  Prevost 
au  Ministre,  22  Juillet,  1750. 

Payment  for  English  Scalps  in  Time  of  Peace.  —  "  Les 
Sauvages  out  pris,  il  y  a  un  mois,  18  chevelures  angloises 
{English  scalps'],  et  M.  Le  Loutre  a  ete  oblige  de  les 
payer  1800Z.,  argent  de  1'Acadie,  dont  je  luy  ay  fait  le 
remboursement."  Ibid.,  16  Aout,  1753. 

Many  pages  might  be  filled  with  extracts  like  the 
above.  These,  with  most  of  the  other  French  documents 
used  in  Chapter  IV.,  are  taken  from  the  Archives  de  la 
Marine  et  des  Colonies. 


c. 

CHAPTER  V.   WASHINGTON. 

Washington  and  the  Capitulation  at  Fort  Necessity.  — 
Villiers,  in  his  Journal,  boasts  that  he  made  Washington 
sign  a  virtual  admission  that  he  had  assassinated  Jumon- 
ville.  In  regard  to  this  point,  a  letter,  of  which  the 
following  is  an  extract,  is  printed  in  the  provincial 
papers  of  the  time.  It  is  from  Captain  Adam  Stephen, 
an  officer  in  the  action,  writing  to  a  friend  five  weeks 
after. 

"  When  Mr.  Vanbraam  returned  with  the  French  pro 
posals,  we  were  obliged  to  take  the  sense  of  them  from 
his  mouth ;  it  rained  so  heavy  that  he  could  not  give  us 
a  written  translation  of  them ;  we  could  scarcely  keep 


APPENDIX.  437 

the  candle  lighted  to  read  them  by ;  they  were  written 
in  a  bad  hand,  on  wet  and  blotted  paper,  so  that  no 
person  could  read  them  but  Vanbraam,  who  had  heard 
them  from  the  mouth  of  the  French  officer.  Every 
officer  there  is  ready  to  declare  that  there  was  no  such 
word  as  assassination  mentioned.  The  terms  expressed 
were,  the  death  of  Jumonville.  If  it  had  been  mentioned 
we  would  by  all  means  have  had  it  altered,  as  the  French, 
during  the  course  of  the  interview,  seemed  very  conde 
scending,  and  desirous  to  bring  things  to  an  issue."  He 
then  gives  several  other  points  in  which  Vanbraam  had 
misled  them. 

Dinwiddie,  recounting  the  affair  to  Lord  Albemarle, 
says  that  Washington,  being  ignorant  of  French,  was 
deceived  by  the  interpreter,  who,  through  poltroonery, 
suppressed  the  word  assassination. 

Captain  Mackay,  writing  to  Washington  in  September, 
after  a  visit  to  Philadelphia,  says :  "  I  had  several  dis 
putes  about  our  capitulation ;  but  I  satisfied  every  person 
that  mentioned  the  subject  as  to  the  articles  in  question, 
that  they  were  owing  to  a  bad  interpreter,  and  contrary 
to  the  translation  made  to  us  when  we  signed  them." 

At  the  next  meeting  of  the  burgesses  they  passed  a 
vote  of  thanks  for  gallant  conduct  to  Washington  and  all 
his  officers  by  name,  except  Vanbraam  and  the  major  of 
the  regiment,  the  latter  being  charged  with  cowardice, 
and  the  former  with  treacherous  misinterpretation  of 
the  articles. 

Sometime  after,  Washington  wrote  to  a  correspondent 
who  had  questioned  him  on  the  subject :  "  That  we  were 
wilfully  or  ignorantly  deceived  by  our  interpreter  in 
regard  to  the  word  assassination  I  do  aver,  and  will  to 
my  dying  moment ;  so  will  every  officer  that  was  present. 
The  interpreter  was  a  Dutchman  little  acquainted  with 


438  APPENDIX. 

the  English  tongue,  therefore  might  not  advert  to  the 
tone  and  meaning  of  the  word  in  English  ;  but,  whatever 
his  motives  for  so  doing,  certain  it  is  that  he  called  it 
the  death  or  the  loss  of  the  Sieur  Jumonville.  So  we 
received  and  so  we  understood  it,  until,  to  our  great 
surprise  and  mortification,  we  found  it  otherwise  in  a 
literal  translation."  Sparks,  Writings  of  Washington, 
ii.  464,  465. 


D. 

CHAPTER  VII.     BRADDOCK. 

IT  has  been  said  that  Beaujeu,  and  not  Contrecoeur, 
commanded  at  Fort  Duquesne  at  the  time  of  Braddock's 
expedition.  Some  contemporaries,  and  notably  the  chap 
lain  of  the  fort,  do,  in  fact,  speak  of  him  as  in  this 
position ;  but  their  evidence  is  overborne  by  more  num 
erous  and  conclusive  authorities,  among  them  Vaudreuil, 
governor  of  Canada,  and  Contrecoeur  himself,  in  an 
official  report.  Vaudreuil  says  of  him  :  "  Ce  comman 
dant  s'occupa  le  8  \_Juillef]  a  former  un  parti  pour  aller 
au  devant  des  Anglois ;  "  and  adds  that  this  party  was 
commanded  by  Beaujeu  and  consisted  of  250  French  and 
650  Indians  ( Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Aout,  1755).  In 
the  autumn  of  1756  Vaudreuil  asked  the  Colonial  Minister 
to  procure  a  pension  for  Contrecoeur  and  Ligneris.  He 
says :  "  Le  premier  de  ces  Messieurs  a  commande  long- 
temps  au  fort  Duquesne ;  c'est  luy  qui  a  ordonne  et 
dirige  tous  les  mouvements  qui  se  sont  faits  dans  cette 
partie,  soit  pour  faire  abandonner  le  premier  etablisse- 
ment  des  Anglois,  soit  pour  les  forcer  a  se  retirer  du  fort 
Necessite,  et  soit  enfin  pour  aller  au  devant  de  1'armee 


APPENDIX.  439 

du  General  Braddock  qui  a  ete  entierement  defaite " 
(Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  8  Nov.  1756).  Beaujeu,  who 
had  lately  arrived  with  a  reinforcement,  had  been  named 
to  relieve  Contrecoeur  (Dumas  au  Ministre,  24  Juillet, 
1756),  but  had  not  yet  done  so. 

As  the  report  of  Contrecoeur  has  never  been  printed,  I 
give  an  extract  from  it  (Contrecceur  a  Vaudreuil,  14 
Juillet,  1755,  in  Archives  de  la  Marine)  :  — 

"  Le  meme  jour  [8  Juillet]  je  formai  un  party  de  tout 
ce  que  je  pouvois  mettre  hors  du  fort  pour  aller  a  leur 
rencontre.  II  etoit  compose  de  250  Francois  et  de  650 
sauvages,  ce  qui  faisoit  900  hommes.  M.  de  Beaujeu, 
capitaine,  le  commandoit.  II  y  avoit  deux  capitaines 
qui  estoient  Mre  Dumas  et  Ligneris  et  plusieurs  autres 
officiers  subalternes.  Ce  parti  se  mit  en  niarche  le  9  a  8 
heures  du  matin,  et  se  trouva  a  rnidi  et  demie  en  presence 
des  Anglois  a  environ  3  lieues  du  fort.  On  commenga 
a  faire  feu  de  part  et  d'autre.  Le  feu  de  Partillerie  en- 
nemie  fit  reculer  un  peu  par  deux  fois  notre  parti.  M. 
de  Beaujeu  fut  tue  a  la  troisieme  decharge.  M.  Dumas 
prit  le  commandement  et  s'en  acquitta  au  mieux.  Nos 
Francois,  pleins  de  courage,  souteuus  par  les  sauvages, 
quoiqu'ils  n'eussent  point  d'artillerie,  firent  a  leur  tour 
plier  les  Anglois  qui  se  battirent  en  ordre  de  bataille  et 
en  bonne  contenance.  Et  ces  derniers  voyant  Pardeur 
de  nos  gens  qui  fonqoient  avec  une  vigeur  infinie  furent 
enfin  obliges  de  plier  tout  a  fait  apres  4  heures  d'un 
grand  feu.  Mr.s  Dumas  et  Ligneris  qui  n'avoient  plus 
avec  eux  q'une  vingtaine  de  Francois  ne  s'engagerent 
point  dans  la  poursuite.  Us  rentrerent  dans  le  fort, 
parceq'une  grande  partie  des  Canadiens  qui  n'estoient 
malheureusement  que  des  enfants  s'estoient  retires  a  la 
premiere  decharge." 


440  APPENDIX. 

The  letter  of  Dumas  cited  in  the  text  has  been  equally 
unknown.  It  was  written  a  year  after  the  battle  in  order 
to  draw  the  attention  of  the  minister  to  services  which 
the  writer  thought  had  not  been  duly  recognized.  The 
following  is  an  extract  (Dumas  au  Ministre,  24  Juillet, 
1756,  in  Archives  de  la  Marine)  :  — 

"  M.  de  Beaujeu  marcha  done,  et  sous  ses  ordres  M.  de 
Ligneris  et  rnoi.  II  attaqua  avec  beaucoup  d'audace  mais 
sans  nulle  disposition ;  notre  premiere  decharge  fut  faite 
hors  de  portee;  1'ennenii  fit  la  sienne  de  plus  pres,  et 
dans  le  premier  instant  du  combat,  cent  miliciens,  qui 
fasaient  la  moitie  de  nos  Frar^ais  Inherent  honteuse- 
ment  le  pied  en  criant  *  Sauve  qui  peut.'  Deux  cadets 
qui  depuis  ont  ete  faits  officiers  autorisait  cette  fuite  par 
leur  exemple.  Ce  mouvement  en  arriere  ay  ant  encour 
age  1'ennemi,  il  fit  retentir  ses  cris  de  Vive  le  Eoi  et 
avan^a  sur  nous  a  grand  pas.  Son  artillerie  s'etant  pre- 
paree  pendant  ce  temps  Ik  commenQa  a  faire  feu  ce  qui 
epouvanta  tellement  les  Sauvages  que  tout  prit  la  fuite ; 
1'ennemi  faisait  sa  troisieme  decharge  de  mousqueterie 
quand  M.  de  Beaujeu  fut  tue. 

"  Notre  deroute  se  presenta  a  mes  yeux  sous  le  plus 
desagreable  point  de  vue,  et  pour  n'etre  point  charge  de 
la  mauvaise  manoeuvre  d'autrui,  je  ne  songeai  plus  qu'a 
me  faire  tuer.  Ce  fut  alors,  Monseigneur,  qu'excitant 
de  la  voix  et  du  geste  le  pen  de  soldats  qui  restart,  je 
m'avanc^ai  avec  la  contenance  qui  donne  le  desespoir. 
Mon  peloton  fit  un  feu  si  vif  que  1'ennemi  en  parut 
etonne  ;  il  grossit  insensiblement  et  les  Sauvages  voyant 
que  mon  attaque  faisait  cesser  les  cris  de  1'ennemi  re- 
vinrent  a  moi.  Dans  ce  moment  j'envoyai  M.  le  Chevf  Le 
Borgne  et  M.  de  Kocheblave  dire  aux  ofnciers  qui  etaient 
a  la  tete  des  Sauvages  de  prendre  1'ennemi  en  flanc.  Le 
canon  qui  battit  en  tete  donna  faveur  a  mes  ordres. 
L'ennemi,  pris  de  tous  cotes,  combattit  avec  la  fermete' 


APPENDIX.  441 

la  plus  opiniatre.  Des  rangs  entiers  tombaient  a  la  fois ; 
presque  tous  les  officiers  perirent ;  et  le  desordre  s'etant 
mis  par  la  dans  cette  colonne,  tout  prit  la  fuite." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  conduct  of  the  Canadian 
militia,  the  French  officers  behaved  with  the  utmost 
courage,  and  shared  with  the  Indians  the  honors  of  the 
victory.  The  partisan  chief  Charles  Langlade  seems 
also  to  have  been  especially  prominent.  His  grandson, 
the  aged  Pierre  Grignon,  declared  that  it  was  he  who 
led  the  attack  (Draper,  Recollections  of  Grignon,  in  the 
Collections  of  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society,  iii.). 
Such  evidence,  taken  alone,  is  of  the  least  possible 
weight ;  but  both  the  traveller  Anbury  and  General 
John  Burgoyne,  writing  many  years  after  the  event, 
speak  of  Langlade,  who  was  then  alive,  as  the  author  of 
Braddock's  defeat.  Hence  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
he  took  an  important  part  in  it,  though  the  contempo 
rary  writers  do  not  mention  his  name.  Compare  Tasse, 
Notice  sur  Charles  Langlade.  The  honors  fell  to  Con- 
trecceur,  Dumas,  and  Ligneris,  all  of  whom  received 
the  cross  of  the  Order  of  St.  Louis  (jOrdres  du  Roy  et 
Dep&ches  des  Ministres,  1755). 


E. 

CHAPTER  XIV.   MONTCALM. 

To  show  the  style  of  Montcalm's  familiar  letters,  I  give 
a  few  examples.     Literal  translation  is  often  impossible. 

A  MADAME  DE  MONTCALM,  A  MONTREAL,  16  AVRIL,  1757. 

(Extrait.) 

"Ma  sante  assez  bonne,  malgre  beaucoup  de  travail, 
surtout   d'ecriture.     Esteve,   mon   secretaire!,   se   marie. 


442  APPENDIX. 

Beau  caractere.  Bon  autographe,  ecrivant  vite.  Je  lui 
procure  un  eraploi  et  le  moyen  de  faire  fortune  s'il  veut. 
II  fait  un  meilleur  mariage  que  ne  lui  appartient ;  malgre' 
cela  je  crains  qu'il  ne  la  fasse  pas  comme  un  autre ;  fat, 
frivole,  joueur,  glorieux,  petit-maitre,  depensier.  J'ai 
toujours  Marcel,  des  soldats  copistes  dans  le  besoin.  .  .  . 
Tous  les  soldats  de  Montpellier  se  portants  bien,  hors  le 
fils  de  Pierre  mort  chez  moi.  Tout  est  hors  de  prix. 
II  faut  vivre  honorablement  et  je  le  fais,  tous  les  jours 
seize  personnes.  Une  fois  tous  les  quinze  jours  chez  M. 
le  Gouverneur  general  et  Mf  le  Chev.  de  Levis  qui  vit 
aussi  tres  bien.  II  a  donne  trois  beaux  grands  bals. 
Pour  moi  jusqu'au  careme,  outre  les  diners,  de  grands 
soupers  de  dames  trois  fois  la  semaine.  Le  jour  des 
devotes  prudes,  des  concerts.  Les  jours  des  jeunes  des 
violons  d'hazard,  parcequ'on  me  les  dernaiidait,  cela  ne 
menait  que  jusqu'a  deux  heures  du  matin  et  il  se  joignait 
Papres-souper  compagnie  dansante  sans  §tre  prie*e,  mais 
sure  d'etre  bien  reque  a  celle  qui  avait  soupe.  Fort  cher, 
peu  amusant,  et  souvent  ennuyeux.  .  .  .  Vous  connais- 
siez  ma  maison,  je  Pai  augmentee  d'un  cocher,  d'un 
frotteur,  un  gargon  de  cuisine,  et  j'ai  marie  mon  aide  de 
cuisine ;  car  je  travaille  a  peupler  la  colonie  :  80  mari- 
ages  de  soldats  cet  hiver  et  deux  d'officiers.  Germain  a 
perdu  sa  fille.  II  a  epouse  mieux  que  lui ;  bonne  femme 
mais  sans  bien,  comme  toutes.  .  .  ." 

A  MADAME  DE  MONTCALM,  A  MONTREAL,  6  JUIN,  1757. 

(Extrait.) 

"  J'addresse  la  premiere  de  cette  lettre  a  ma  mere.  II 
n'y  a  pas  une  heure  dans  la  journee  que  je  ne  songe  a 
vous,  k  elle,  et  a  mes  enfants.  J'embrasse  ma  fille ;  je 
vous  adore,  ma  tres  chere,  ainsi  que  ma  mere.  Mille 


APPENDIX.  443 

choses  a  mes  soeurs.  Je  n'ai  pas  le  temps  de  leur  ecrire, 
iii  a  Naujac,  ni  aux  abbesses.  .  .  .  Des  compliments  au 
chateau  d'Arbois,  aux  Du  Cay  la,  et  aux  G-ivard.  P.  S. 
N'oubliez  pas  d'envoyer  une  douzaine  de  bouteilles 
d'Angleterre  de  pinte  d'eau  de  lavande ;  vous  en  mettrez 
quatre  pour  chaque  envoi." 

A  BOURLAMAQUE,  A   MONTREAL,    20  FEVRIER,    1757. 

(Extrait.) 

"Dimanche  j'avais  rassemble  les  dames  de  France 
hors  Mad.  de  Parfouru  qui  m'a  fait  Phonneur  de  me 
venir  voir  il  y  a  trois  jours  et  en  la  voyant  je  me  suis 
appergu  que  Pamour  avait  des  traits  de  puissance  dont  on 
ne  pouvait  pas  rendre  raison,  non  pas  par  Pimpression 
qu'elle  a  faite  sur  mon  coeur,  mais  bien  par  celle  qu'elle 
a  faite  sur  celui  de  son  epoux.  Mercredi  une  assemblee 
chez  Mad.  Yarin.  Jeudi  un  bal  chez  le  Chev.  de  Levis 
qui  avait  prie  65  Dames  ou  demoiselles ;  II  n'y  en  avait 
que  trente  —  autant  d'hommes  qu'a  la  guerre.  Sa  salle 
bien  eclairee,  aussi  grand  que  celle  de  PIntendance, 
beaucoup  d'ordre,  beaucoup  d'attention,  des  rafraichisse- 
ments  en  abondance  toute  la  nuit  de  tout  genre  et  de 
toute  espece  et  on  ne  se  retira  qu'a  sept  heures  du  matin. 
Pour  inoi  qui  ay  quitte  le  sejour  de  Quebec,  Je  me 
couchai  de  bonne  heure.  J'avais  eu  ce  jour-la  huit  dames 
a  souper  et  ce  souper  etait  dedie  a  Mad.  Varin.  Demain 
j'en  aurai  une  demi  douzaine.  Je  ne  scai  encore  a  qui  il 
est  dedie,  Je  suis  tente  de  croire  que  c'est  a  La  Koche 
Beaucourt  Le  galant  Chevf  nous  donne  encore  un  bal." 


444  APPENDIX. 


F. 

CHAPTER  XV.     FORT  WILLIAM  HENRY. 

WEBB  TO  LOUDON,  FORT  EDWARD,  11  AUG.  1757. 

Public  Record  Office.     (Extract.) 

"  ON  leaving  the  Camp  Yesterday  Morning  they  [the 
English  soldiers^  were  stript  by  the  Indians  of  every 
thing  they  had  both  Officers  and  Men  the  Women  and 
Children  drag'd  from  among  them  and  most  inhumanly 
butchered  before  their  faces,  the  party  of  about  three 
hundred  Men  which  were  given  them  as  an  escort  were 
during  this  time  quietly  looking  on,  from  this  and  other 
circumstances  we  are  too  well  convinced  these  barbarities 
must  have  been  connived  at  by  the  French,  After  hav 
ing  destroyed  the  women  and  children  they  fell  upon  the 
rear  of  our  Men  who  running  in  upon  the  Front  soon 
put  the  whole  to  a  most  precipitate  flight  in  which  con 
fusion  part  of  them  came  into  this  Camp  about  two 
o'Clock  yesterday  morning  in  a  most  distressing  situa 
tion,  and  have  continued  dropping  in  ever  since,  a  great 
many  men  and  we  are  afraid  several  Officers  were 
massacred." 

The  above  is  independent  of  the  testimony  of  Frye, 
who  did  not  reach  Fort  Edward  till  the  day  after  Webb's 
letter  was  written. 

FRYE  TO  THOMAS  HUBBARD,  SPEAKER  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF 
REPRESENTATIVES  OF  MASSACHUSETTS,  ALBANY,  16  AUG.  1757. 

Public  Record  Office.     (Extract.) 

"We  did  not  march  till  ye  10th  at  which  time  the 
Savages  were  let  loose  upon  us,  Strips,  Kills,  &  Scalps 


APPENDIX.  445 

our  people  drove  them  into  Disorder  Eendered  it  im 
possible  to  Rally,  the  Erench  Gaurds  we  were  promised 
shou'd  Escort  us  to  Fort  Edward  Could  or  would  not 
protect  us  so  that  there  Opened  the  most  horrid  Scene 
of  Barbarity  immaginable,  I  was  strip'd  myself  of  my 
Arms  &  Cloathing  that  I  had  nothing  left  but  Bridies 
Stockings  Shoes  &  Shirt,  the  Indians  round  me  with 
their  Tomehawks  Spears  &c  threatening  Death  I  flew  to 
the  Officers  of  the  Erench  Gaurds  for  Protection  but  they 
would  afford  me  none,  therefore  was  Oblig'd  to  fly  and 
was  in  the  woods  till  the  12th  in  the  Morning  of  which 
I  arriv'd  at  Fort  Edward  almost  Famished.  .  .  .  with 
what  of  Fatigue  Starving  &c  I  am  obliged  to  break  off 
but  as  soon  as  I  can  Recollect  myself  shall  write  to  you 
more  fully." 

FRYE,  JOURNAL  OP  THE  ATTACK  OF  FORT  WILLIAM  HENRY. 

Public  Record  Office.     (Extract.) 

"  Wednesday,  August  10th.  —  Early  this  morning  we 
were  ordered  to  prepare  for  our  march,  but  found  the 
Indians  in  a  worse  temper  (if  possible)  than  last  night, 
every  one  having  a  tomahawk,  hatchett  or  some  other 
instrument  of  death,  and  Constantly  plundering  from  the 
officers  their  arms  &ca  this  Col?  Monro  Complained  of, 
as  a  breach  of  the  Articles  of  Capitulation  but  to  no 
effect,  the  french  officers  however  told  us  that  if  we 
would  give  up  the  baggage  of  the  officers  and  men,  to 
the  Indians,  they  thought  it  would  make  them  easy, 
which  at  last  Col?  Monro  Consented  to  but  this  was  no 
sooner  done,  then  they  began  to  take  the  Officers  Hatts, 
Swords,  guns  &  Cloaths,  stripping  them  all  to  their 
Shirts,  and  on  some  officers,  left  no  shirt  at  all,  while 
this  was  doing  they  killed  and  scalp'd  all  the  sick  and 


446  APPENDIX. 

wounded  before  our  faces  and  then  took  out  from  our 
troops,  all  the  Indians  and  negroes,  and  Carried  them 
off,  one  of  the  former  they  burnt  alive  afterwards. 

"  At  last  with  great  difficulty  the  troops  gott  from  the 
Eetrenchment,  but  they  were  no  sooner  out,  then  the 
savages  fell  upon  the  rear,  killing  &  scalping,  which 
Occasioned  an  order  for  a  halt,  which  at  last  was  done 
in  great  Confusion  but  as  soon  as  those  in  the  front  knew 
what  was  doing  in  the  rear  they  again  pressed  forward, 
and  thus  the  Confusion  continued  &  encreased  till  we 
came  to  the  Advanc'd  guard  of  the  French,  the  savages 
still  carrying  away  Officers,  privates,  Women  and  Chil 
dren,  some  of  which  latter  they  kilPd  &  scalpt  in  the 
road.  This  horrid  scene  of  blood  and  slaughter  obliged 
our  officers  to  apply  to  the  Officers  of  the  French  Guard 
for  protection,  which  they  refus'd  &  told  them  they 
must  take  to  the  woods  and  shift  for  themselves  which 
many  did,  and  in  all  probability  many  per  isn't  in  the 
woods,  many  got  into  Fort  Edward  that  day  and  others 
daily  Continued  coming  in,  but  vastly  fatigued  with 
their  former  hardships  added  to  this  last,  which  threw 
several  of  them  into  Deliriums." 

AFFIDAVIT  OF  MILES  WHITWORTII,  SURGEON  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS 
REGIMENT,  TAKEN  BEFORE  GOVERNOR  POWNALL  17  OCT.  1757. 

Public  Record  Office.     (Extract.) 

"  Being  duly  sworn  on  the  Holy  Evangelists  doth  de 
clare  .  .  .  that  there  were  also  seventeen  Men  of  the 
Massachusetts  Kegiment  wounded  unable  to  March 
under  his  immediate  Care  in  the  Intrenched  Camp,  that 
according  to  the  Capitulation  he  did  deliver  them  over 
to  the  French  Surgeon  on  the  ninth  of  August  at  two  in 
the  Afternoon  .  .  .  that  the  French  Surgeon  received 


APPENDIX.  447 

them  into  his  Custody  and  placed  Centinals  of  the 
French  Troops  upon  the  said  seventeen  wounded.  That 
the  French  Surgeon  going  away  to  the  French  Camp,  the 
said  Miles  Whitworth  continued  with  the  said  wounded 
Men  till  five  o'Clock  on  the  Morn  of  the  tenth  of  August, 
That  the  Centinals  were  taken  off  and  that  he  the  said 
Whitworth  saw  the  French  Indians  about  5  0' Clock  in 
the  Morn  of  the  10th  of  August  dragg  the  said  seventeen 
wounded  men  out  of  their  Hutts,  Murder  them  with 
their  Tomohawks  and  scalp  them,  That  the  French 
Troops  posted  round  the  lines  were  not  further  than 
forty  feet  from  the  Hutts  where  the  said  wounded  Men 
lay,  that  several  Canadian  Officers  particularly  one  La- 
corne  were  present  and  that  none,  either  Officer  or 
Soldier,  protected  the  said  wounded  Men. 

"  MILES  WHITWORTH. 
"  Sworn  before  me  T.  POWNALL." 


G. 

CHAPTER  XX.     TICONDEROGA. 

THE  French  accounts  of  the  battle  at  Ticonderoga  are 
very  numerous,  and  consist  of  letters  and  despatches  of 
Montcalm,  Levis,  Bougainville,  Doreil,  and  other  officers, 
besides  several  anonymous  narratives,  one  of  which  was 
printed  in  pamphlet  form  at  the  time.  Translations  of 
many  of  them  may  be  found  in  N.  Y.  Colonial  Docu 
ments,  x.  There  are,  however,  various  others  preserved 
in  the  archives  of  the  War  and  Marine  Departments  at 
Paris  which  have  not  seen  the  light.  I  have  carefully 
examined  and  collated  them  all.  The  English  accounts 
are  by  no  means  so  numerous  or  so  minute.  Among 


448  APPENDIX. 

those  not  already  cited,  may  be  mentioned  a  letter  of 
Colonel  Woolsey  of  the  New  York  provincials,  and  two 
letters  from  British  officers  written  just  after  the  battle 
and  enclosed  in  a  letter  from  Alexander  Golden  to  Major 
Halkett,  17  July.  (Bouquet  and  Haldimand  Papers.) 

The  French  greatly  exaggerated  the  force  of  the 
English  and  their  losses  in  the  battle.  They  place  the 
former  at  from  twenty  thousand  to  thirty-one  thousand, 
and  the  latter  at  from  four  thousand  to  six  thousand. 
Prisoners  taken  at  the  end  of  the  battle  told  them  that 
the  English  had  lost  four  thousand,  —  a  statement  which 
they  readily  accepted,  though  the  prisoners  could  have 
known  little  more  about  the  matter  than  they  them 
selves.  And  these  figures  were  easily  magnified.  The 
number  of  dead  lying  before  the  lines  is  variously  given 
at  from  eight  hundred  to  three  thousand.  Montcalm  him 
self,  who  was  somewhat  elated  by  his  victory,  gives  this 
last  number  in  one  of  his  letters,  though  he  elsewhere  says 
two  thousand;  while  Levis,  in  his  Journal  de  la  Guerre, 
says  "  about  eight  hundred."  The  truth  is  that  no 
pains  were  taken  to  ascertain  the  exact  number,  which, 
by  the  English  returns,  was  a  little  above  five  hundred, 
the  total  of  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  being  nineteen 
hundred  and  forty-four.  A  friend  of  Knox,  writing  to 
him  from  Fort  Edward  three  weeks  after  the  battle, 
gives  a  tabular  statement  which  shows  nineteen  hundred 
and  fifty  in  all,  or  six  more  than  the  official  report.  As 
the  name  of  every  officer  killed  or  wounded,  with  the 
corps  to  which  he  belonged,  was  published  at  the  time 
(London  Magazine,  1758),  it  is  extremely  unlikely  that 
the  official  return  was  falsified.  Abercrombie's  letter  to 
Pitt,  of  July  12,  says  that  he  retreated  "  with  the  loss  of 
four  hundred  and  sixty-four  regulars  killed,  twenty-nine 
missing,  eleven  hundred  and  seventeen  wounded;  and 


APPENDIX.  449 

eighty-seven  provincials  killed,  eight  missing,  and  two 
hundred  and  thirty-nine  wounded,  officers  of  both  in 
cluded."  In  a  letter  to  Viscount  Barrington,  of  the 
same  date  (Public  Record  Office),  Abercrombie  encloses 
a  full  detail  of  losses,  regiment  by  regiment  and  com 
pany  by  company,  being  a  total  of  nineteen  hundred  and 
forty-five.  Several  of  the  French  writers  state  correctly 
that  about  fourteen  thousand  men  (including  reserves) 
were  engaged  in  the  attack ;  but  they  add  erroneously 
that  there  were  thirteen  thousand  more  at  the  Falls. 
In  fact,  there  was  only  a  small  provincial  regiment  left 
there,  and  a  battalion  of  the  New  York  regiment,  under 
Colonel  Woolsey,  at  the  landing. 

A  LEGEND  OF  TICONDEROGA.  —  Mention  has  been 
made  of  the  death  of  Major  Duncan  Campbell  of  Inver- 
awe.  The  following  family  tradition  relating  to  it  was 
told  me  in  1878  by  the  late  Dean  Stanley,  to  whom  I  am 
also  indebted  for  various  papers  on  the  subject,  including 
a  letter  from  James  Campbell,  Esq.,  the  present  laird  of 
Inverawe,  and  great-nephew  of  the  hero  of  the  tale. 
The  same  story  is  told,  in  an  amplified  form  and  with 
some  variations,  in  the  Legendary  Tales  of  the  Highlands 
of  Sir  Thomas  Dick  Lauder.  As  related  by  Dean  Stanley 
and  approved  by  Mr.  Campbell,  it  is  this  :  — 

The  ancient  castle  of  Inverawe  stands  by  the  banks 
of  the  Awe,  in  the  midst  of  the  wild  and  picturesque 
scenery  of  the  western  Highlands.  Late  one  evening, 
before  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  as  the  laird,  Duncan 
Campbell,  sat  alone  in  the  old  hall,  there  was  a  loud 
knocking  at  the  gate ;  and,  opening  it,  he  saw  a  stranger, 
with  torn  clothing  and  kilt  besmeared  with  blood,  who 
in  a  breathless  voice  begged  for  asylum.  He  went  on  to 
VOL.  ii.  — 29 


450  APPENDIX. 

say  that  he  had  killed  a  man  in  a  fray,  and  that  the 
pursuers  were  at  his  heels.  Campbell  promised  to 
shelter  him.  "  Swear  on  your  dirk  !  "  said  the  stranger ; 
and  Campbell  swore.  He  then  led  him  to  a  secret  recess 
in  the  depths  of  the  castle.  Scarcely  was  he  hidden 
when  again  there  was  a  loud  knocking  at  the  gate,  and 
two  armed  men  appeared.  "Your  cousin  Donald  has 
been  murdered,  and  we  are  looking  for  the  murderer ! " 
Campbell,  remembering  his  oath,  professed  to  have  no 
knowledge  of  the  fugitive  ;  and  the  men  went  on  their 
way.  The  laird,  in  great  agitation,  lay  down  to  rest  in 
a  large  dark  room,  where  at  length  he  fell  asleep.  Wak 
ing  suddenly  in  bewilderment  and  terror,  he  saw  the 
ghost  of  the  murdered  Donald  standing  by  his  bedside, 
and  heard  a  hollow  voice  pronounce  the  words  :  "  Inver- 
awe!  Inverawe!  blood  has  been  shed.  Shield  not  the 
murderer  !  "  In  the  morning  Campbell  went  to  the  hid 
ing-place  of  the  guilty  man  and  told  him  'that  he  could 
harbor  him  no  longer.  "  You  have  sworn  on  your  dirk  !  " 
he  replied  ;  and  the  laird  of  Inverawe,  greatly  perplexed 
and  troubled,  made  a  compromise  between  conflicting 
duties,  promised  not  to  betray  his  guest,  led  him  to  the 
neighboring  mountain,  and  hid  him  in  a  cave. 

In  the  next  night,  as  he  lay  tossing  in  feverish  slum 
bers,  the  same  stern  voice  awoke  him,  the  ghost  of  his 
cousin  Donald  stood  again  at  his  bedside,  and  again  he 
heard  the  same  appalling  words  :  "  Inverawe !  Inver 
awe  !  blood  has  been  shed.  Shield  not  the  murderer !  " 
At  break  of  day  he  hastened,  in  strange  agitation,  to  the 
cave ;  but  it  was  empty,  the  stranger  was  gone.  At 
night,  as  he  strove  in  vain  to  sleep,  the  vision  appeared 
once  more,  ghastly  pale,  but  less  stern  of  aspect  than 
before.  "  Farewell,  Inverawe  !  "  it  said  ;  "  Farewell,  till 
we  meet  at  TIGONDEROGA  !  " 


APPENDIX.  451 

The  strange  name  dwelt  in  Campbell's  memory.  He 
had  joined  the  Black  Watch,  or  Forty-second  Begiment, 
then  employed  in  keeping  order  in  the  turbulent  High 
lands.  In  time  he  became  its  major  ;  and,  a  year  or  two 
after  the  war  broke  out,  he  went  with  it  to  America. 
Here,  to  his  horror,  he  learned  that  it  was  ordered  to 
the  attack  of  Ticonderoga.  His  story  was  well  known 
among  his  brother  officers.  They  combined  among  them 
selves  to  disarm  his  fears ;  and  when  they  reached  the 
fatal  spot  they  told  him  on  the  eve  of  the  battle,  "  This 
is  not  Ticonderoga ;  we  are  not  there  yet ;  this  is  Fort 
George."  But  in  the  morning  he  came  to  them  with 
haggard  looks.  "  I  have  seen  him  !  You  have  deceived 
me  !  He  came  to  my  tent  last  night !  This  is  Ticon 
deroga  !  I  shall  die  to-day !  "  and  his  prediction  was 
fulfilled. 

Such  is  the  tradition.  The  indisputable  facts  are  that 
Major  Duncan  Campbell  of  Inverawe,  his  arm  shattered 
by  a  bullet,  was  carried  to  Fort  Edward,  where,  after 
amputation,  he  died  and  was  buried.  (Abercrombie  to 
Pitt,  19  August,  1758.)  The  stone  that  marks  his  grave 
may  still  be  seen,  with  this  inscription :  "  Here  lyes  the 
Body  of  Duncan  Campbell  of  Inverawe,  Esq™,  Major  to 
the  old  Highland  Regiment,  aged  55  Years,  who  died  the 
17th  July,  1758,  of  the  Wounds  he  received  in  the  Attack 
of  the  Retrenchment  of  Ticonderoga  or  Carrillon,  on  the 
8"  July,  1758." 

His  son,  Lieutenant  Alexander  Campbell,  was  severely 
wounded  at  the  same  time,  but  reached  Scotland  alive, 
and  died  in  Glasgow. 

Mr.  Campbell,  the  present  Inverawe,  in  the  letter  men 
tioned  above,  says  that  forty-five  years  ago  he  knew  an 


452  APPENDIX. 

old  man  whose  grandfather  was  foster-brother  to  the 
slain  major  of  the  fo^-second,  and  who  told  him  the 
following  story  while  carrying  a  salmon  for  him  to  an 
inn  near  Inverawe.  The  old  man's  grandfather  was 
sleeping  with  his  son,  then  a  lad,  in  the  same  room,  but 
in  another  bed.  This  son,  father  of  the  narrator,  "  was 
awakened,"  to  borrow  the  words  of  Mr.  Campbell,  "by 
some  unaccustomed  sound,  and  behold  there  was  a  bright 
light  in  the  room,  and  he  saw  a  figure,  in  full  Highland 
regimentals,  cross  over  the  room  and  stoop  down  over 
his  father's  bed  and  give  him  a  kiss.  He  was  too  fright 
ened  to  speak,  but  put  his  head  under  his  coverlet  and 
went  to  sleep.  Once  more  he  was  roused  in  like  manner, 
and  saw  the  same  sight.  In  the  morning  he  spoke  to 
his  father  about  it,  who  told  him  that  it  was  Macdon- 
nochie  [the  Gaelic  patronymic  of  the  laird  of  Inverawe] 
whom  he  had  seen,  and  who  came  to  tell  him  that  he 
had  been  killed  in  a  great  battle  in  America.  Sure 
enough,  said  my  informant,  it  was  on  the  very  day  that 
the  battle  of  Ticonderoga  was  fought  and  the  laird  was 
killed." 

It  is  also  said  that  two  ladies  of  the  family  of  Inver 
awe  saw  a  battle  in  the  clouds,  in  which  the  shadowy 
forms  of  Highland  warriors  were  plainly  to  be  descried ; 
and  that  when  the  fatal  news  came  from  America,  it 
was  found  that  the  time  of  the  vision  answered  exactly 
to  that  of  the  battle  in  which  the  head  of  the  family  fell. 

The  legend  of  Inverawe  has  within  a  few  years  found 
its  way  into  an  English  magazine,  and  it  has  also  been 
excellently  told  in  the  Atlantic  Monthly  of  September  of 
this  year,  1884,  by  Miss  C.  E.  Gordon  Gumming.  Her 
version  differs  a  little  from  that  given  above  from  the 
recital  of  Dean  Stanley  and  the  present  laird  of  Inverawe, 
but  the  essential  points  are  the  same.  Miss  Gordon 


APPENDIX.  453 

Camming,  however,  is  in  error  when  she  says  that  Dun 
can  Campbell  was  wounded  in  the  breast,  and  that  he 
was  first  buried  at  Ticonderoga.  His  burial-place  was 
near  Fort  Edward,  where  he  died,  and  where  his  remains 
still  lie,  though  not  at  the  same  spot,  as  they  were  long 
after  removed  by  a  family  named  Gilchrist,  who  claimed 
kinship  with  the  Campbells  of  Inverawe. 


H. 

CHAPTER   XXV.     WOLFE   AT   QUEBEC. 

FORCE  OF  THE  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  AT  THE  SIEGE  OF  QUEBEC. 

"  LES  retranchemens  que  j'avois  fait  tracer  depuis  la 
riviere  St.  Charles  jtisqu'au  saut  Montmorency  furent 
occupes  par  plus  de  14,000  hommes,  200  cavaliers  dont  je 
formai  un  corps  aux  ordres  de  M.  de  la  Rochebeaucour, 
environ  1,000  sauvages  Abenakis  et  des  differentes  na 
tions  du  nord  des  pays  d'en  haut.  M.  de  Boishdbert 
arriva  ensuite  avec  les  Acadiens  et  sauvages  qu'il  avoit 
rassembles.  Je  reglai  la  garnison  de  Quebec  k  2,000 
hommes."  Vaudreuil  au  Ministre,  5  Oct.  1759. 

The  commissary  Berniers  says  that  the  whole  force 
was  about  fifteen  thousand  men,  besides  Indians,  which 
is  less  than  the  number  given  by  Vaudreuil. 

Bigot  says :  "  Nous  avions  13,000  hommes  et  mille  a 
1,200  sauvages,  sans  compter  2,000  hommes  de  garnison 
dans  la  ville."  Bigot  au  Ministre,  25  Oct.  1759. 

The  Hartwell  Journal  du  Siege  says :  "  II  f ut  decide* 
qu'on  ne  laisseroit  dans  la  place  que  1,200  hommes,  et 
que  tout  le  reste  marcheroit  au  camp,  ou.  Pon  comptoit 


454  APPENDIX. 

se  trouver  plus  de  15,000  homines,  y  compris  les 
sauvages." 

Rigaud,  Vaudreuil's  brother,  writing  from  Montreal  to 
Bourlamaque  on  the  23d  of  June,  says :  "  Je  compte  que 
Parmee  cample  sous  Quebec  sera  de  17,000  hommes  bien 
effectifs,  sans  les  sauvages."  He  then  gives  a  list  of 
Indians  who  have  joined  the  army,  or  are  on  the  way, 
amounting  to  thirteen  hundred. 

At  the  end  of  June  Wolfe  had  about  eight  thousand 
six  hundred  effective  soldiers.  Of  these  the  ten  battal 
ions,  commonly  mentioned  as  regiments,  supplied  six 
thousand  four  hundred;  detached  grenadiers  from  Louis- 
bourg,  three  hundred  ;  artillery,  three  hundred ;  rangers, 
four  hundred ;  light  infantry,  two  hundred ;  marines, 
one  thousand.  The  complement  of  the  battalions  was 
in  some  cases  seven  hundred  and  in  others  one  thousand 
(Knox,  ii.  25)  ;  but  their  actual  strength  varied  from 
five  hundred  to  eight  hundred,  except  the  Highlanders, 
who  mustered  eleven  hundred,  their  ranks  being  more 
than  full.  Eraser,  in  his  Journal  of  the  Siege,  gives  a 
tabular  view  of  the  whole.  At  the  end  of  the  campaign 
Levis  reckons  the  remaining  English  troops  at  about  six 
thousand  (Levis  au  Ministre,  10  Nov.  1759),  which 
answers  to  the  report  of  General  Murray  :  "  The  troops 
will  amount  to  six  thousand "  (Murray  to  Pitt,  12  Oct. 
1759).  The  precise  number  is  given  in  the  Return  of 
the  State  of  His  Majesty's  Forces  left  in  Garrison  at 
Quebec,  dated  12  Oct.  1759,  and  signed,  Kobert  Monckton 
(Public  Record  Office,  America  and  West  Indies,  xcix.). 
This  shows  the  total  of  rank  and  file  to  have  been  6,214, 
which  the  addition  of  officers,  sergeants,  and  drummers 
raises  to  about  seven  thousand,  besides  171  artillerymen. 


APPENDIX.  455 


I. 

CHAPTER  XXVII.     THE   HEIGHTS   OF 
ABRAHAM. 

ONE  of  the  most  important  unpublished  documents  on 
Wolfe's  operations  against  Quebec  is  the  long  and  elab 
orate  Journal  memoratif  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  de  plies 
remarquable  pendant  qu'a  dure  le  Siege  de  la  Ville  de 
Quebec  (Archives  de  la  Marine).  The  writer,  M.  de 
Foligny,  was  a  naval  officer  who  during  the  siege  com 
manded  one  of  the  principal  batteries  of  the  town. 
The  official  correspondence  of  Vaudreuil  for  1759  (Ar 
chives  Nationales)  gives  the  events  of  the  time  from  his 
point  of  view ;  and  various  manuscript  letters  of  Bigot, 
Levis,  Montreuil,  and  others  (Archives  de  la  Marine, 
Archives  de  la  Guerre)  give  additional  particulars. 
The  letters,  generally  private  and  confidential,  written 
to  Bourlamaque  by  Montcalm,  Levis,  Vaudreuil,  Malar- 
tic,  Berniers,  and  others  during  the  siege  contain  much 
that  is  curious  and  interesting. 

Siege  de  Quebec  en  1759,  d'apres  un  Manuscrit  depose 
a  la  Bibliotheque  de  Hartwell  en  Angleterre.  A  very 
valuable  diary,  by  a  citizen  of  Quebec ;  it  was  brought 
from  England  in  1834  by  the  Hon.  D.  B.  Viger,  and  a 
few  copies  were  printed  at  Quebec  in  1836.  Journal 
tenu  a  VArmee  que  commandoit  feu  M.  le  Marquis  de 
Montcalm.  A  minute  diary  of  an  officer  under  Montcalm 
(printed  by  the  Quebec  Historical  Society).  Memoire 
sur  la  Campagne  de  1759,  par  M.  de  Joannes,  Major  de 
Quebec  (Archives  de  la  Guerre).  Lettres  et  Depeches  de 
Montcalm  (Ibid.).  These  touch  chiefly  the  antecedents 
of  the  siege.  Memoir es  sur  le  Canada  depuis  1749 


456  APPENDIX. 

jusqda  1760  (Quebec  Historical  Society).  Journal  du 
Siege  de  Quebec  en  1759,  par  M.  Jean  Claude  Panet, 
notaire  (Ibid.).  The  writer  of  this  diary  was  in  Quebec 
at  the  time.  Several  other  journals  and  letters  of  per 
sons  present  at  the  siege  have  been  printed  by  the  Quebec 
Historical  Society,  under  the  title  J&venements  de  la 
Guerre  en  Canada  durant  les  Annees  1759  et  1760. 
Relation  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  au  Siege  de  Quebec,  par  une 
Religieuse  de  VHopital  General  de  Quebec  (Quebec  His 
torical  Society).  Jugement  impartial  sur  les  Operations 
militaires  de  la  Campagne,  par  Mg?  de  Pontbriand,  Eveque 
de  Quebec  (Ibid.).  Memoirs  of  the  Siege  of  Quebec, 
from  the  Journal  of  a  French  Officer  on  board  the  Chezine 
Frigate,  taken  by  His  Majesty's  Ship  Rippon,  by  Richard 
Gardiner,  Esq.,  Captain  of  Marines  in  the  Rippon, 
London,  1761. 

General  Wolfe's  Instructions  to  Young  Officers,  Phila 
delphia,  1778.  This  title  is  misleading,  the  book  being 
a  collection  of  military  orders.  General  Orders  in 
Wolfe's  Army  (Quebec  Historical  Society).  This  collec 
tion  is  much  more  full  than  the  foregoing,  so  far  as 
concerns  the  campaign  of  1759.  Letters  of  Wolfe  (in 
Wright's  Wolfe),  Despatches  of  Wolfe,  Saunders,  Honck- 
ton,  and  Townshend  (in  contemporary  magazines).  A 
Short  Authentic  Account  of  the  Expedition  against  Que 
bec,  by  a  Volunteer  upon  that  Expedition,  Quebec,  1872. 
This  valuable  diary  is  ascribed  to  James  Thompson,  a 
volunteer  under  Wolfe,  who  died  at  Quebec  in  1830  at 
the  age  of  ninety-eight,  after  holding  for  many  years  the 
position  of  overseer  of  works  in  the  Engineer  Depart 
ment.  Another  manuscript,  for  the  most  part  identical 
with  this,  was  found  a  few  years  ago  among  old  papers 
in  the  office  of  the  Eoyal  Engineers  at  Quebec.  Journal 
of  the  Expedition  on  the  River  St.  Lawrence.  Two 


APPENDIX.  457 

entirely  distinct  diaries  bear  this  name.  One  is  printed 
in  the  New  York  Mercury  for  December,  1759;  the 
other  was  found  among  the  papers  of  George  Alsopp, 
secretary  to  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  who  served  under  Wolfe 
(Quebec  Historical  Society).  Johnstone,  A  Dialogue  in 
Hades  (Ibid.).  The  Scotch  Jacobite,  Chevalier  John- 
stone,  as  aide-de-camp  to  LeVis,  and  afterwards  to 
Montcalm,  had  great  opportunities  of  acquiring  informa 
tion  during  the  campaign ;  and  the  results,  though  pro 
duced  in  the  fanciful  form  of  a  dialogue  between  the 
ghosts  of  Wolfe  and  Montcalm,  are  of  substantial  his 
torical  value.  The  Dialogue  is  followed  by  a  plain 
personal  narrative.  Fraser,  Journal  of  the  Siege  of 
Quebec  (Ibid.).  Fraser  was  an  officer  in  the  Seventy- 
eighth  Highlanders.  Journal  of  the  Siege  of  Quebec,  by 
a  Gentleman  in  an  Eminent  Station  on  the  Spot,  Dublin, 
1759.  Journal  of  the  Particular  Transactions  during 
the  Siege  of  Quebec  (Notes  and  Queries,  xx.).  The  writer 
was  a  soldier  or  non-commissioned  officer,  serving  in  the 
light  infantry. 

Memoirs  of  the  Siege  of  Quebec  and  Total  Reduction 
of  Canada,  by  John  Johnson,  Clerk  and  Quarter-master 
Sergeant  to  the  Fifty-eighth  Regiment.  A  manuscript 
of  176  pages,  written  when  Johnson  was  a  pensioner  at 
Chelsea  (England).  The  handwriting  is  exceedingly 
neat  and  clear  ;  and  the  style,  though  often  grandilo 
quent,  is  creditable  to  a  writer  in  his  station.  This 
curious  production  was  found  among  the  papers  of 
Thomas  McDonough,  Esq.,  formerly  British  Consul  at 
Boston,  and  is  in  possession  of  his  grandson,  my  rela 
tive,  George  Francis  Parkman,  Esq.,  who,  by  inquiries 
at  the  Chelsea  Hospital,  learned  that  Johnson  was  still 
living  in  1802. 

I  have  read  and  collated  with  extreme  care  all  the 


458  APPENDIX. 

above  authorities,  with  others  which  need  not  be 
mentioned. 

Among  several  manuscript  maps  and  plans  showing 
the  operations  of  the  siege  may  be  mentioned  one  en 
titled,  Plan  of  the  Town  and  Basin  of  Quebec  and  Part 
of  the  Adjacent  Country,  shewing  the  principal  Encamp 
ments  and  Works  of  the  British  Army  commanded  by 
Major  Gen1.  Wolfe,  and  those  of  the  French  Army  by 
Lieut.  Gen1,  the  Marquis  of  Montcalm.  It  is  the  work  of 
three  engineers  of  Wolfe's  army,  and  is  on  a  scale  of 
eight  hundred  feet  to  an  inch.  A  facsimile  from  the  orig 
inal  in  possession  of  the  Royal  Engineers  is  before  me. 

Among  the  "King's  Maps,"  British  Museum  (cxix. 
27),  is  a  very  large  colored  plan  of  operations  at  Quebec 
in  1759,  1760,  superbly  executed  in  minute  detail. 


J. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII.     FALL   OF  QUEBEC. 

Death  and  Burial  of  Montcalm.  —  Johnstone,  who  had 
every  means  of  knowing  the  facts,  says  that  Montcalm 
was  carried  after  his  wound  to  the  house  of  the  surgeon 
Arnoux.  Yet  it  is  not  quite  certain  that  he  died  there. 
According  to  Knox,  his  death  took  place  at  the  General 
Hospital ;  according  to  the  modern  author  of  the  Ursu- 
lines  de  Quebec,  at  the  Chateau  St.-Louis.  But  the  Gen 
eral  Hospital  was  a  mile  out  of  the  town,  and  in 
momentary  danger  of  capture  by  the  English  ;  while  the 
Chateau  had  been  made  untenable  by  the  batteries  of 
Point  Levi,  being  immediately  exposed  to  their  fire. 
Neither  of  these  places  was  one  to  which  the  dying 


APPENDIX.  459 

general  was  likely  to  be  removed,  and  it  is  probable  that 
he  was  suffered  to  die  in  peace  at  the  house  of  the 
surgeon. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  story  of  the  burial  of  Mont- 
calm  in  a  grave  partially  formed  by  the  explosion  of  a 
bomb,  rests  only  on  the  assertion  in  his  epitaph,  com 
posed  in  1761  by  the  Academy  of  Inscriptions  at  the 
instance  of  Bougainville.  There  is,  however,  other 
evidence  of  the  fact.  The  naval  captain  Foligny,  writing 
on  the  spot  at  the  time  of  the  burial,  says  in  his  Diary, 
under  date  of  September  14:  "A  huit  heures  du  soir, 
dans  Feglise  des  Ursulines,  fut  enterre  dans  une  fosse 
faite  sous  la  chaire  par  le  travail  de  la  Bombe,  M.  le 
Marquis  de  Montcalm,  decede  du  matin  a  4  heures  apres 
avoir  re$u  tous  les  Sacrements.  Jamais  General  n'avoit 
ete  plus  aime  de  sa  troupe  et  plus  universellement  re- 
grette.  II  dtoit  d'un  esprit  superieur,  doux,  gracieux, 
affable,  familier  a  tout  le  monde,  ce  qui  lui  avoit  fait 
gagner  la  confiance  de  toute  la  Colonie :  requiescat  in 
pace." 

The  author  of  Les  Ursulines  de  Quebec  says  :  "  Un  des 
projectiles  ay  ant  fait  une  large  ouverture  dans  le  plancher 
de  bas,  on  en  profita  pour  creuser  la  fosse  du  general." 

The  Boston  Post  Boy  and  Advertiser,  in  its  issue  of 
Dec.  3,  1759,  contains  a  letter  from  "  an  officer  of  dis 
tinction  "  at  Quebec  to  Messrs.  Green  and  Kussell,  pro 
prietors  of  the  newspaper.  This  letter  contains  the 
following  words:  "  He  \_Montcalm~]  died  the  next  day ; 
and,  with  a  little  Improvement,  one  of  our  13-inch  Shell- 
Holes  served  him  for  a  Grave." 

The  particulars  of  his  burial  are  from  the  Acte  Mortu- 
aire  du  Marquis  de  Montcalm  in  the  registers  of  the 
Church  of  Notre  Dame  de  Quebec,  and  from  that  valuable 
chronicle,  Les  Ursulines  de  Quebec,  composed  by  the 


460  APPENDIX. 

Superior  of  the  convent.  A  nun  of  the  sisterhood,  Mere 
Aimable  Dube  de  Saint-Ignace,  was,  when  a  child,  a 
witness  of  the  scene,  and  preserved  a  vivid  memory  of 
it  to  the  age  of  eighty-one. 


K. 
CHAPTER  XXIX.     SAINTE-FOY. 

STRENGTH  OF  THE  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  AT  THE 
BATTLE  OF  STE.-FOY. 

IN  the  Public  Record  Office  (America  and  West  Indies, 
xcix.)  are  preserved  the  tabular  returns  of  the  garrison 
of  Quebec  for  1759,  1760,  sent  by  Murray  to  the  War 
Office.  They  show  the  exact  condition  of  each  regi 
ment,  in  all  ranks,  for  every  month  of  the  autumn, 
winter,  and  spring.  The  return  made  out  on  the  24th 
of  April,  four  days  before  the  battle,  shows  that  the 
total  number  of  rank  and  file,  exclusive  of  non-commis 
sioned  officers  and  drummers,  was  6,808,  of  whom  2,612 
were  fit  for  duty  in  Quebec,  and  654  at  other  places  in 
Canada;  that  is,  at  Ste.-Foy,  Old  Lorette,  and  the  other 
outposts.  This  gives  a  total  of  3,266  rank  and  file  fit  for 
duty  at  or  near  Quebec ;  besides  which  there  were  be 
tween  one  hundred  and  two  hundred  artillerymen,  and  a 
company  of  rangers.  This  was  Murray's  whole  available 
force  at  the  time.  Of  the  rest  of  the  6,808  who  appear 
in  the  return,  2,299  were  invalids  at  Quebec,  and  669 
in  New  York ;  538  were  on  service  in  Halifax  and  New 
York,  and  36  were  absent  on  furlough.  These  figures 
nearly  answer  to  the  condensed  statement  of  Fraser,  and 
confirm  the  various  English  statements  of  the  numbers 


APPENDIX.  461 

that  took  part  in  the  battle  ;  namely,  3,140  (Knox),  3,000 
(John  Johnson),  3,111,  and  elsewhere,  in  round  numbers, 
3,000  (Murray).  Levis,  with  natural  exaggeration,  says 
4,000.  Three  or  four  hundred  were  left  in  Quebec  to 
guard  the  walls  when  the  rest  marched  out. 

I  have  been  thus  particular  because  a  Canadian  writer, 
Garneau,  says  :  "  Murray  sortit  de  la  ville  le  28  au  matin 
a  la  t§te  de  toute  la  garnison,  dont  les  seules  troupes  de 
la  ligne  cornptaient  encore  7,714  combattants,  non  com- 
pris  les  officiers."  To  prove  this,  he  cites  the  pay-roll  of 
the  garrison ;  which,  in  fact,  corresponds  to  the  returns 
of  the  same  date,  if  non-commissioned  officers,  drummers, 
and  artillerymen  are  counted  with  the  rank  and  file.  But 
Garneau  falls  into  a  double  error.  He  assumes,  first, 
that  there  were  no  men  on  the  sick  list ;  and  secondly, 
that  there  were  none  absent  from  Quebec ;  when  in  reality, 
as  the  returns  show,  considerably  more  than  half  were 
in  one  or  the  other  of  these  categories.  The  pay-rolls 
were  made  out  at  the  headquarters  of  each  corps,  and 
always  included  the  entire  number  of  men  enlisted  in  it, 
whether  sick  or  well,  present  or  absent.  On  the  same 
fallacious  premises  Garneau  affirms  that  Wolfe,  at  the 
battle  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  had  eight  thousand 
soldiers,  or  a  little  less  than  double  his  actual  force. 

Having  stated,  as  above,  that  Murray  marched  out  of 
Quebec  with  at  least  7, 714  effective  troops,  Garneau,  not 
very  consistently,  goes  on  to  say  that  he  advanced  against 
Levis  with  six  thousand  or  seven  thousand  men ;  and  he 
adds  that  the  two  armies  were  about  equal,  because 
Levis  had  left  some  detachments  behind  to  guard  his 
boats  and  artillery.  The  number  of  the  French,  after 
they  had  all  reached  the  field,  was,  in  truth,  about  seven 
thousand  ;  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight  it  seems  not  to 
have  exceeded  five  thousand.  The  Relation  de  la  seconds 


462  APPENDIX. 

Bataille  de  Quebec  says  :  "  Notre  petite  armee  consistoit 
au  moment  de  V action  en  3,000  homines  de  troupes  reglees 
et  2,000  Canadiens  ou  sauvages."  A  large  number  of 
Canadians  came  up  from  Sillery  while  the  affair  went 
on;  and  as  the  whole  French  army,  except  the  detach 
ments  mentioned  by  Garneau,  had  passed  the  night  at 
no  greater  distance  from  the  field  than  Ste.-Foy  and 
Sillery,  the  last  man  must  have  reached  it  before  the 
firing  was  half  over. 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


ABENAKIS,  the,  i.  26 ;  in  the  Ohio 
valley,  i.  43 ;  join  the  French 
against  the  English,  i.  159;  at 
Quebec,  ii.  453. 

Abenakis  Christians,  the,  i.  524. 

Abenakis  of  Batiscan,  the,  i.  384. 

Abenakis  of  Becancour,  the,  at 
Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
500. 

Abenakis  of  Missisqui,  the,  at 
Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
500. 

Abenakis  of  Panaouski,  the,  held 
responsible  for  the  signal  of 
butchery  at  Fort  William  Henry, 
i.  529. 

Abenakis  of  the  Penobscot,  the,  at 
Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
500. 

Abenakis  of  St.  Francis,  the,  at 
Fort  Duquesne,  i.  216;  i.  384, 
494 ;  at  Montcalm's  grand  coun 
cil,  i.  500;  Amherst  sends  an 
embassy  to,  ii.  261 ;  Rogers  sent 
to  punish,  ii.  261,  263  ;  descrip 
tion  of,  ii.  264. 

Abercrombie,  General  James,  sent 
to  America,  i.  396 ;  letter  from 
Shirley  to,  i.  407 ;  on  Brad- 
street's  Fight,  i.  409  ;  at  Albany, 
i.  412;  correspondence  of,  i. 
414;  causes  ruinous  delay  in 
VOL.  ii.  — 30 


taking  control  of  the  troops,  i. 
433 ;  his  letter  of  thanks  to  the 
rangers,  i.  459 ;  succeeds  Lou- 
don,  ii.  51 ;  Amherst  unable  to 
co-operate  with,  ii.  79 ;  rejoices 
over  the  fall  of  Louisbourg,  ii. 
80;  reinforced  by  Amherst,  ii. 
83,  84;  Massachusetts  raises 
men  for,  ii.  88 ;  gathers  his 
forces  to  march  against  Ticon- 
deroga,  ii.  90 ;  his  camp  at  Lake 
George,  i.  92  ;  little  more  than 
nominal  commander,  ii.  93 ; 
estimates  of,  ii.  93;  his  advance, 
ii.  97 ;  his  loss  in  the  death  of 
Howe,  ii.  102  ;  reaches  the  Falls, 
ii.  103,  104;  describes  the  de 
fences  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  105  ; 
a  missed  opportunity,  ii.  107  ; 
his  blunders,  ii.  107 ;  assaults 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  109,  110,  111  ; 
his  retreat,  ii.  114;  his  losses, 
ii.  115;  his  poltroonery  after 
the  battle,  ii.  119;  indignation 
at,  ii.  120;  Cleaveland's  inter 
view  with,  ii.  122 ;  his  force 
diminished,  ii.  126;  ii.  129; 
learns  that  Fort  Frontenac  had 
passed  into  British  hands,  ii. 
132;  consents  to  Bradstreet's 
expedition,  ii.  133 ;  joined  by 
Amherst  at  Lake  George,  ii. 


466 


INDEX. 


135;  breaks  camp,  ii.  135;  ii. 
164,  172,  173,248,  250;  on  the 
losses  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  448, 
449. 

Abercrombie,  James  (nephew), 
letter  from  Dinwiddie  to,  i.  171 ; 
on  the  conduct  of  the  rangers, 
i.  459. 

Abraham,  brother  of  Chief  Hen- 
drick,  at  the  Albany  convention, 
i.  181. 

Abraham,  the  Heights  of,  Wolfe's 
plan  to  climb,  ii.  293 ;  Wolfe's 
ascent  of,  ii.  298,  299 ;  the  line 
of  battle,  ii.  301  ;  ii.  455. 

Abraham,  Maitre,  ii.  300. 

Abraham,  the  Plains  of,  ii.  209, 
271,  287,  296;  description  of,  ii. 
300;  ii.  304,  309,  316,  317,  340, 
371,461. 

Academy  of  Inscriptions,  the,  ii. 
459. 

Acadia,  population  of,  i.  23 ;  the 
French  of,  i.  31 ;  melancholy 
interest  in  the  conflict  in,  i.  94 ; 
conquered  by  General  Nichol 
son,  i.  94  ;  transferred  by  France 
to  England,  i.  95 ;  English  power 
in,  i.  96;  the  French  never  re 
conciled  to  the  loss  of,  i.  97  ; 
mildness  of  British  rule  in,  i. 
100;  French  and  English  inter 
pretations  of  the  boundaries  of, 
i.  128,  129;  as  defined  by  the 
commission  of  De  Monts,  i. 
128;  Shirley's  project  to  purge 
French  influence  from,  i.  243; 
condition  of,  i.  244 ;  its  posses 
sion  necessary  to  the  French, 
i.  246 ;  harbors  of,  i.  246 ;  all  in 
British  hands,  i.  262  ;  expulsion 
of  the  Acadians  from,  i.  281- 
295 ;  lost  past  hope  to  England, 
i.  341  ;  ii.  186  ;  France  renounces 
her  claims  to,  ii.  419. 


Acadian  clergy,  the,  see  Acadian 
priests. 

Acadian  enterprise,  the,  Monckton 
in  command  of,  i.  201. 

Acadian  priests,  the,  i.  98  ;  use 
their  influence  to  prevent  the 
Acadians  from  taking  the  oath 
of  allegiance,  i.  110 ;  Le  Loutre's 
masterful  dealings  with,  i.  119; 
necessary  to  the  Acadians,  i. 
269 ;  always  the  agent  of  a 
double-headed  foreign  power, 
i.  269 ;  the  cause  of  the  misery 
of  the  Acadians,  i.  275. 

Acadians,  the,  swear  fidelity  to 
England,  i.  95 ;  work  of  the 
French  priests  among,  i.  95 ; 
number  of,  i.  98 ;  the  six  princi 
pal  parishes  of,  i.  98 ;  priests  of, 
i.  98  ;  well  used  by  the  English, 
i.  99 ;  enjoyed  liberty  of  re 
ligion,  i.  100;  their  hostilities 
against  the  English,  i.  101 ;  fur 
ther  oaths  of  allegiance  required 
of,  i.  101  ;  send  deputies  to  Hali 
fax,  i.  101 ;  refuse  to  take  the 
required  oath,  i.  102 ;  encour 
aged  by  the  French  to  seek 
asylum  on  French  soil,  i.  103; 
evil  advisers,  i.  105 ;  kept  by 
Le  Loutre  in  allegiance  to  King 
Louis,  i.  109;  emigration  to 
French  territory  of,  i.  113  ;  their 
misery,  i.  114;  forbearance  of 
Corn  wallis  to  wards,  i.  115  ;  Hop- 
son's  considerate  treatment  of, 
i.  117;  Le  Loutre  a  despot 
towards,  i.  118 ;  the  first  forcible 
removal  of,  i.  121 ;  Le  Loutre's 
harshness  to,  i.  125;  La  Jon- 
quiere  commands  them  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  France, 
i.  126;  ground  between  the  two 
powers,  i.  126 ;  complaints  of, 
i.  127;  threatened  by  Le  Loutre, 


INDEX. 


467 


i.  127,  244,  253;  total  emigra 
tion  of,  i.  244;  position  of,  i. 
245-247  ;  Le  Loutre  claims  to 
have  led  them  from  the  land  of 
bondage,  i.  252;  deplorable 
condition  of,  i.  252 ;  send  depu 
ties  to  Duquesne,  i.  254 ;  their 
reception,  i.  254 ;  heartlessness 
of  the  dealings  of  the  French 
with,  i.  254  ;  remain  in  fear  and 
vacillation,  i.  254 ;  a  ceaseless 
annoyance  and  menace  to  the 
English,  i.  254 ;  Monckton  de 
termines  to  remove,  i.  263 ; 
ordered  to  meet  Monckton  at 
Beausejour,  i.  264 ;  Monckton's 
conditions,  i.  264-266 ;  motives 
of  Monckton's  stern  sentence 
upon,  i.  265 ;  relations  of  the 
Bishop  of  Quebec  with,  i.  265  ; 
an  enemy  in  the  heart  of  the 
province,  i.  267  ;  an  ideal  picture 
of,  i.  268;  their  manner  of  liv 
ing,  i.  268;  their  dwellings,  i. 
268;  a  litigious  race,  i.  269; 
their  need  of  the  cure,  i.  269 ; 
Lawrence  exacts  an  unqualified 
oath  of  allegiance  from,  i.  270 ; 
present  a  memorial  to  the  gov 
ernor,  i.  271  ;  reply  to,  i.  271, 
272 ;  refuse  to  take  the  oath, 
i.  273 ;  Lawrence  determined  to 
reduce  them  to  compliance,  i. 
273  ;  motives  of  their  conduct, 
i.  275  ;  the  priests  the  cause  of 
the  misery  of,  i.  275  ;  Monckton 
ordered  to  seize,  i.  276 ;  Wins- 
low  issues  a  summons  to,  i.  281 ; 
the  scene  in  the  church,  i.  282, 
283 ;  declared  prisoners  of  the 
king,  i.  284 ;  taken  on  board 
ship,  i.  287  ;  the  embarkation, 
i.  289  ;  Winslow's  humane  treat 
ment  of,  i.  290;  the  number 
transported,  i.  290 ;  conjugal 


devotion  of,  i.  291 ;  their 
strength  broken,  i.  292;  dis 
position  of,  i.  292  ;  their  fate,  i. 
293;  first  the  tools,  then  the 
victims  of  the  government  of 
Louis  XV.,  i.  295;  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  69;  ii.  177,  189;  Eng 
lish  treatment  of,  ii.  433 ;  to 
join  the  Indians  against  the 
English,  ii.  435. 

Adams,  Captain,  i.  259 ;  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  i.  277 ;  at  Fort 
Edward,  i.  280,  282 ;  i.  287,  291. 

Adams,  a  wagoner,  at  Fort  Ly- 
man,  i.  307  ;  death  of,  i.  310. 

"  Adams,  Parson,"  i.  9. 

Adirondacks,  the,  i.  467. 

Adolphus,  ii.  410 ;  on  Granville's 
reply  to  Pitt,  ii.  412. 

Africa,  coasts  of,  convulsed  by 
the  war  between  England  and 
France,  i.  365  ;  British  victories 
in,  ii.  51,  415. 

Aigues  Mortes,  pestiferous  dun 
geons  of,  i.  24. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  Peace  of,  i.  11, 
22,  39 ;  does  nothing  to  settle 
the  vexed  question  of  bounda 
ries,  i.  40;  i.  47,  99,  127,372; 
ii.  56,  420. 

Akin,  Mr.,  on  the  Acadian  oath 
and  its  history,  i.  275. 

Alais,  i.  470. 

Albany,  fortified  town  of,  i.  31,  36, 
65,  69 ;  Indian  commissioners  at, 
i.  179;  convention  at,  i.  179;  i. 
203,  241 ;  Johnson  encamped 
near,  i.  300  ;  i.  309  ;  Shirley  at, 
i.  331 ;  an  outpost  of  civilization, 
i.  331 ;  Anne  Mac  Vicar's  recol 
lections  of,  i.  331 ;  other  aspects 
of,  i.  332 ;  fur-trade  at,  i.  332 ; 
the  principal  base  of  military 
operations  on  the  continent,  i. 
332  ;  Shirley  returns  to,  i.  338 ; 


468 


INDEX. 


Shirley's  headquarters,  i.  397; 
the  New  England  troops  muster 
at,  i.  397;  407;  Bradstreet  at, 
i.  409  ;  Abercrombie  and  Webb 
at,  i.  412;  Loudon  reaches,  i. 
413 ;  the  French  plan  to  seize, 
i.  428;  i.  434,  511  ;  ii.  5,  95,  97, 
102,  134. 

Albany  Dutch  traders,  the,  see 
Dutch  of  Albany,  the. 

Albany  plan  of  union,  the,  i.  182. 

Albany  traders,  the,  rascality  of, 
i.  298. 

Albemarle,  Lord,  British  minister 
at  Versailles,  i.  110;  titular 
governor  of  Virginia,  i.  142; 
letters  from  Dinwiddie  to,  i. 
184;  ii.  437;  Chesterfield's  es 
timate  of,  i.  187  ;  death  of,  i. 
191 ;  sails  against  Havana,  ii. 
416;  captures  Havana,  ii.  416. 

"Alcide,"  the,  commanded  by 
Captain  Hocquart,  i.  192;  at 
tacked  and  captured  by  the 
"  Dunkirk,"  i.  192,  193. 

Alembert,  D',  i.  18. 

Alequippa,  Queen,  of  the  Iroquois, 
i.  49 ;  at  the  Great  Meadows, 
i.  157. 

Alexander  the  Great,  ii.  423. 

Alexandria,  Fry  at,  i.  148;  the 
king's  companies  at,  i.  168; 
Braddock  at,  i.  198;  the  council 
of  the  provincial  governors  at, 
i.  198,  199  ;  i.  243,  256,  297. 

Algonquins,  the,  at  Fort  Fronte- 
nac,  i.  78;  join  the  French 
against  the  English,  i.  159. 

Algonquins  of  Three  Rivers,  the, 
at  Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
500. 

Algonquins  of  the  Two  Mountains, 
the,  i.  384 ;  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  500. 

Alleghanies,  the,  i.  22,  23,  43,  45, 


130,  132,  150,  153,  167,  176,347, 
384 ;  ii.  135,  139,  144,  147. 

Alleghany,  the  main,  i.  213;  ii. 
148,  159,  160,  165. 

Alleghany  River,  the,  i.  42 ;  Bien- 
ville  at,  i.  46,  133,  136  ;  Wash 
ington  on,  i.  141  ;  i.  148,  231, 
436,  437. 

Allen,  Chief  Justice,  letter  from 
Bouquet  to,  ii.  168. 

Allen,  Ensign,  of  Halket's  regi 
ment,  i.  208. 

Allies,  the,  take  Berlin,  ii.  403. 

Alsopp,  George,  ii.  457. 

America,  owes  much  to  the  imbe 
cility  of  Louis  XV.,  i.  5 ;  French 
claims  in,  i.  22 ;  convulsed  by 
the  war  between  England  and 
France,  i.  365 ;  rising  French 
colonies  in,  i.  368. 

American  boundaries,  the  question 
of,  i.  128-132. 

American  squadron,  the,  Commo 
dore  Keppel  in  command  of,  i. 
194. 

American  States,  the,  owe  a  debt 
of  gratitude  to  Shirley  and  Din- 
widdie,  i.  201. 

Amherst,  General  Jeffrey,  placed 
in  command  of  the  Louisbourg 
expedition,  ii.  51  ;  sails  for  Hal 
ifax,  ii.  54 ;  joins  Boscawen  at 
Halifax,  ii.  59;  reconnoitres  at 
Louisbourg,  ii.  60 ;  makes  a 
landing,  ii.  64 ;  camp  of,  ii.  64 ; 
exchanges  courtesies  with  Dru- 
cour,  ii.  68 ;  ii.  74 ;  Drucour 
asks  for  terms,  ii.  74  ;  negotia 
tions,  ii.  75-78 ;  Drucour  ac 
cepts  the  articles  of  capitulation, 
ii.  78 ;  enters  Louisbourg,  ii. 
79;  his  courtesies  to  Madame 
Drucour,  ii.  79  ;  unable  to  co 
operate  with  Abercrombie,  ii. 
79  ;  his  correspondence  with 


INDEX. 


469 


Wolfe,  ii.  83,  84;  reinforces 
Abercrombie,  ii.  84 ;  Drucour's 
correspondence  with,  ii.  85 ;  joins 
Abercrombie  at  Lake  George, 
ii.  135 ;  learns  of  Forbes'  suc 
cess,  ii.  168,  202,  203;  to  at 
tack  Ticonderoga,  ii.  206,  219, 
232 ;  ii.  222 ;  resolves  to  capture 
Niagara,  ii.  245;  prepares  to 
lead  the  grand  central  attack 
against  Ticonderoga,  Crown 
Point,  and  Montreal,  ii.  246 ; 
at  Lake  George,  ii.  246 ;  his 
force,  ii.  246;  his  advance,  ii. 
247 ;  builds  Fort  George,  ii.  247  ; 
takes  possession  of  Crown  Point, 
ii.  250;  his  delay  in  reinforcing 
Wolfe,  ii.  250,  251 ;  builds  a  new 
fort  at  Crown  Point,  ii.  251 ; 
builds  other  forts,  ii.  251  ;  ii. 
259 ;  his  advance  into  Canada, 
ii.  261 ;  sends  an  embassy  to  the 
Abenakis,  ii.  261  ;  returns  to 
Crown  Point,  ii.  262 ;  his  mis 
takes,  ii.  263  ;  his  instructions  to 
Rogers,  ii.  264;  sends  aid  to 
Rogers,  ii.  267  ;  ii.  276,  283, 
336,  345, 353,  372  ;  plans  a  triple 
attack  on  Canada,  ii.  375,  380 ; 
gathers  his  army  at  Oswego, 
ii.  383 ;  at  La  Presentation,  ii. 
383  ;  captures  Fort  Levis,  ii. 
384;  on  the  capture  of  Fort 
LeVis,  ii.  384 ;  the  descent  of 
the  rapids,  ii.  385 ;  lands  at 
La  Chine,  ii.  385;  Vaudreuil 
offers  to  capitulate,  ii.  387  ;  ne 
gotiations,  ii.  387  ;  inexorable 
in  his  demands,  ii.  387 ;  Vau 
dreuil  yields,  ii.  388 ;  the  terms 
of  capitulation,  ii.  388;  ii.  391, 
392. 

A  m  h  e  r  s  t,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
(brother  of  the  general),  ii.  250; 
retakes  St.  John's,  ii.  417. 


Amherst's    regiment,  at   Quebec, 

ii.  241. 

Amonoosuc,  ii.  267. 
Anastase,  the  Huron  chief,  i.  216. 
Anbury,  the  traveller,  ii.  441. 
Anglican    Church,   the,   in    New 

York,  i.  35. 
Anglicans,  the,  i.  31. 
Annapolis,   perplexity  of  English 

commanders    at,    i.    95 ;    feeble 

garrison,   i.  96,  97;  i.  98,   110, 

113;    General    Ligonier    urges 

the  defence  of,  i.  184;  English 

fort  at,  i.  247  ;  i.  250 ;  Shirley's 

force  reaches,   i.   256;    i.   273; 

Major   Handfield  in    command 

at,  i.  276 ;  i.  289. 
Annapolis  River,  the,  i.  244,  247, 

268. 

Annapolis  Royal,  i.  250. 
Anne,  Fort,  ii.  127. 
Anse  du  Foulon,  ii.  287,  289,  296, 

298,  307,  357,  360,  367. 
Anson,  the  celebrated  navigator,  i. 

186;  first  Lord  of  the  Admiralty, 

ii.  53. 
Anthonay,   Lieutenant-Colonel  d', 

at  Louisbourg,  ii.  75,  77. 
"Apollon,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 

57. 
"Apostle   of  the  Iroquois,''    the, 

see  Piquet,  Abb€. 
Appleton,  Nathaniel,  rejoices  over 

the  fall  of  Canada,  ii.  394. 
Apthorp,  the  Boston  merchant,  i. 

254. 

Arbois,  ii.  443. 
Arbuthnot,   Captain  William,  on 

the    Indian    butchery   at   Fort 

William  Henry,  i.  520. 
Arcadia,  i.  268. 

Archibald,  Sergeant  James,  i.  435. 
"  Arethuse,"  the,   at   Louisbourg, 

ii.  57  ;  perilous  position  of,  ii.  66 ; 

ii.  67,  68 ;  sent  to  France,  ii.  69. 


470 


INDEX. 


Argens,  D',  letters  from  Frederic 
of  Prussia  to,  ii.  402,  403. 

Argenson,  D',  French  minister  of 
war,  disregards  Madame  de 
Pompadour,  i.  17  ;  i.  229 ;  i.  367  ; 
appoints  Montcalm  general  to  re 
place  Dieskau,  i.  368,  372;  ii. 
47. 

Armstrong,  Colonel  John,  sent  to 
attack  Kittanning,  i.  436;  the 
attack,  i.  437,  438  ;  wounded,  i. 
438;  his  prisoners,  i.  439;  his 
report  to  Governor  Denny,  i. 
439 ;  in  Forbes'  expedition 
against  Fort  Duquesne,  ii.  165. 

Arnouville,  Machault  d',  at  the 
head  of  the  Marine  and  Colonial 
Department,  i.  186. 

Arnoux,  Surgeon,  ii.  320,  458. 

Arthur's  Club,  i.  9. 

Artillery  Cove,  i.  513. 

Artois,  the  battalion  of,  ordered  to 
Canada,  i.  189;  at  Louisbourg, 
i.  380;  ii.  57,  77;  uniform  of, 
i.  381. 

Ashley,  Dr.,  ii.  125. 

Ashley,  John,  writes  to  Governor 
Phips,  i.  400. 

Asia,i.  5;  ii.  415. 

Atlantic  coast,  the,  i.  22. 

"  Atlantic  Monthly,"  ii.  452. 

Attique,  Delaware  village  of,  Bien- 
ville  at,  i.  48.  See  also  Kittan 
ning. 

Aubry,  summoned  to  Pouchot's 
aid,  ii.  255  ;  responds,  ii.  256 ; 
defeated  by  Johnson,  ii.  258 ; 
captured  by  the  English,  ii.  258. 

Augsburg,  Congress  at,  proposed 
by  Choiseul,  ii.  409. 

Augusta,  Fort,  post  at,  ii.  154. 

"  Auguste,"  the,  wreck  of,  ii.  398, 
399. 

Augustus  the  Strong,  King  of 
Poland,  i.  12. 


Aulac,  i.  263,  264. 

Austria,  the  House  of,  power  of,  i. 
19;  i.  21. 

Austria,  Louis  XV.  allies  himself 
to,  i.  4;  France  is  made  the  in 
strument  of,  i.  366 ;  joins  Russia 
and  France  against  Prussia,  i. 
367  ;  ii.  41 ;  supremely  Catholic, 
i.  367 ;  ii.  414 ;  signs  the  treaty 
of  Hubertsburg,  ii.  422. 

Austrians,  the,  defeated  in  the 
battle  of  Prague,  ii.  42  ;  take 
Silesia  away  from  Frederic  of 
Prussia,  ii.  43 ;  defeated  by 
Frederic  of  Prussia  at  Leuthen, 
ii.  43  ;  flee  before  Frederic  of 
Prussia,  ii.  401. 

Austrian  Succession,  War  of,  the, 
i.  22. 

Auxerrois,  the,  regiment  of,  Mont- 
calm  made  colonel  of,  i.  371. 

Avery,  Ensign,  in  Rogers'  expedi 
tion,  ii.  265,  267. 

Avon  River,  the,  i.  278.  See  also 
Pisiquid  River,  the. 

BABIOLE,  Madame  de  Pompa 
dour's  summer-house,  i.  366 ; 
conference  at,  i.  366. 

Baby,  a  Canadian  officer,  i.  342. 

Bagley,  Colonel  Jonathan,  in  com 
mand  at  Fort  William  Henry,  i. 
402. 

Bagley's  Massachusetts  regiment, 
ii.  80,  120. 

Baker,  in  the  attack  on  Kittan 
ning,  i.  437. 

Bald  Mountain,  see  Rogers  Rock. 

Barachois,  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
66,  67,  68,  70. 

Barbadoes,  the,  ii.  198. 

Barnsley,  Thomas,  ii.  129. 

Barre,  Colonel,  ii.  49. 

Barrc,  Major,  ii.  279. 

Barrington,    Viscount,     ii.     105; 


INDEX. 


471 


made  Chancellor  of  the  Ex 
chequer,  ii.  407  ;  ii.  412,  449. 

Bartman,  Captain,  aide-de-camp 
to  Webb,  i.  517. 

Basin  of  Mines,  the,  i.  98,  247, 
270,  274,  276,  277,  279,  287. 

Bassignac,  De,  ii.  111. 

Bastille,  the,  i.  17  ;  ii.  40,  399. 

Bath,  gaming  at,  i.  9,  195;  Dies- 
kauat,  i.  322;  ii.  197,  198. 

Bath,  Lady,  i.  196. 

Bath,  Lord,  in  favor  of  retaining 
Canada,  ii.  419. 

Batiscan,  i.  384 ;  ii.  345. 

Bavaria,  i.  21. 

Bavaria,  Elector  of,  i.  21  ;  France 
supports  the  claims  of,  i.  21. 

"  Bawble,"  i.  366. 

Baye  Verte,  Le  Loutre  flees  to,  i. 
261 ;  Fort  Gaspereau  at,  i.  262 ; 
i.  263,  264. 

Beam,  the  battalion  of,  ordered  to 
Canada,  i.  189,  381  ;  uniform 
of,  i.  381,  386;  encamped  be 
fore  Fort  Niagara,  i.  388  ;  in  the 
expedition  against  Oswego,  i. 
422 ;  at  Ticonderoga,  i.  491 ;  ii. 
108,  113;  in  Montcalm's  ex 
pedition,  i.  506  ;  at  Montreal,  ii. 
13;  at  Quebec,  ii.  240;  ii.  303, 
314,  362. 

Beatson,  on  the  failure  of  the 
Louisbourg  expedition,  i.  487 ; 
on  the  arrogance  of  Pitt,  ii.  409  ; 
on  Pitt's  plan  to  humble  the 
House  of  Bourbons,  ii.  411  ; 
on  the  capture  of  Havana,  ii. 
416. 

Beaubassin,  i.  98  ;  occupied  by  the 
English,  i.  120;  description  of, 
i.  120;  Major  Lawrence  lands 
at,  i.  121  ;  burned  by  Le  Loutre, 
i.  121. 

Beaubassin,  Madame  de,  i.  472. 

Beauchamp,  a  merchant,  i.  281. 


Beaucour,  La  Roche,  i.  472;  ii. 
443,  453. 

Beauharnois,  on  the  dwellings  of 
the  Acadiaus,  i.  268. 

Beaujeu,  Captain,  at  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  i.  216,  218,  219,  220; 
death  of,  i.  223;  ii.  438,  439, 
440. 

Beauport,  the  heights  of,  ii.  222. 

Beauport,  the  parish  of,  ii.  210, 
211,  221,  234,  238,  240,  274,  275, 
278,  285,  293,  300,  302,  304,  305, 
310,  313,  315,  317,  319,  322,323, 
324,  326. 

Beauport  River,  the,  ii.  210,  218, 
240,  286. 

Beausejour,  Fort,  built  by  the 
French,  i.  125;  attack  planned 
upon,  i.  199,  200;  Monckton 
ordered  to  capture,  i.  203 ;  the 
strongest  place  in  Acadia,  i. 
248 ;  a  continual  menace  to  the 
English,  i.  248 ;  Lawrence  and 
Shirley  plan  against,  i.  249  ; 
garrison  of,  i.  250;  location  of, 
i.  250,  251  ;  commanded  by  Ver- 
gor,  i.  251  ;  a  plague-spot  of 
official  corruption,  i.  251 ;  Le 
Loutre  at,  i.  252  ;  Thomas 
Pichon  at,  i.  252 ;  state  of  affairs 
at,  i.  254 ;  Monckton  before,  i. 
257;  numbers  of  the  French 
force  in,  i.  257  ;  attacked  by  the 
English,  i.  258 ;  little  promise 
of  a  strong  defence  within,  i. 
259 ;  surrenders  to  the  English, 
i.  260;  terms  of  capitulation, 
i.  260 ;  confusion  at,  i.  261 ;  be 
comes  Fort  Cumberland,  i.  263. 
See  also  Cumberland,  Fort. 

Beausejour,  the  hill  of,  i.  120; 
Boishebert  and  La  Corne  at,  i. 
120  ;  i.  123  ;  the  French  build 
a  fort  on,  i.  125;  the  Acadians 
at,  i.  127,  244  ;  i.  246  ;  Shirley's 


472 


INDEX. 


expedition  at,  i.  256 ;  i.  263 ; 
Monckton  orders  the  Acadians 
to  meet  him  at,  i.  264 ;  i.  276 ; 
ii.  189,  201. 

Beaussier,  on  the  siege  of  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  85. 

Beaver  Creek,  ii.  151. 

Becancour,  M.  de,  receives  Father 
Piquet  at  Fort  Niagara,  i.  75. 

Bedford,  Duke  of,  letter  from 
Governor  Clinton  to,  i.  65  ;  ii. 
407  ;  sent  as  envoy  to  Paris,  ii. 
417. 

Bedford,  Fort,  built  by  Bouquet,  ii. 
147. 

Bedford,  town  of,  ii.  139. 

Belcher,  Governor,  of  New  Jersey, 
declares  war  against  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawanoes,  i.  406. 

Beletre,  at  Fort  Frontenac,  i.  78  ; 
sent  by  Vaudreuil  to  attack 
German  Flats,  ii.  9 ;  exagger 
ated  reports  of  his  campaign,  ii. 
9. 

Belknap,  on  the  massacre  at  Fort 
William  Henry,  i.  525. 

Bellamy,  George  Anne,  the  ac 
tress,  experience  of  Braddock 
with,  i.  197. 

"  Bellaston,  Lady,"  i.  9. 

Belleisle,  ii.  398;  seized  by  the 
English,  ii.  415 ;  restored  to 
France,  ii.  420. 

Belleisle,  Marechal  de,  minister  of 
war,  ii.  10,  19;  Montcalm  re 
veals  Bigot  to,  ii.  38  ;  his  letter 
to  Montcalm,  ii.  184,  185;  Mont- 
calm's  reply,  ii.  185. 

Bengal,  ii.  420. 

Bennington,  John  Stark  the  hero 
of,  i.  302. 

Benoit,  ii.  31. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  opposition 
to  free  education  of,  i.  32. 

Berks  (Penn.),  i.  360. 


Berlin,  taken  by  the  Allies,  ii. 
403. 

Bernard,  Governor,  of  Massachu 
setts,  proclaims  a  day  of  thanks 
giving  for  the  fall  of  Canada, 
ii.  391. 

Bernes,  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  103. 

Bernetz,  ii.  260. 

Berniers,  the  commissary,  on  the 
elation  of  the  French  over  the 
repulse  of  the  English  at  Mont- 
moreuci,  ii.  270 ;  on  Quebec 
after  the  siege,  ii.  341 ;  on 
Amherst's  expedition  against 
Canada,  ii.  386 ;  on  the  force 
of  the  French  and  English  at 
Quebec,  ii.  453 ;  on  the  battle 
of  Quebec,  ii.  455. 

Bernis,  Abbe  de,  Minister  of  For 
eign  Affairs,  ii.  407 ;  loses  the 
favor  of  Madame  de  Pompadour, 
ii.  407  ;  supplanted  by  Choiseul, 
ii.  407,  408. 

Berryer,  rebukes  Bigot,  ii.  36,  37 ; 
gives  Montcalm  power  over 
Vaudreuil  and  Bigot,  ii.  39; 
Bougainville's  interview  with, 
ii.  182 ;  refuses  aid  to  Canada, 
ii.  183  ;  ii.  338. 

Berry's  battalion,  at  Ticonderoga, 
ii.  91,  103,  104,  108,  109. 

"Biche,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
57. 

Biddle,  Edward,  on  the  Indian 
massacres,  i.  356. 

"  Bienfaisant,"  the,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  57,  70  ;  captured  by  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  72. 

Bienville,  Celoron  de,  sent  into 
the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  i .  40  ;  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Oswegatchie, 
i.  41,  56  ;  reaches  Niagara,  i.  41  ; 
the  expedition,  i.  41,  42  ;  at  the 
Alleghany,  i.  46  ;  takes  posses 
sion  of  the  country  for  France,  i. 


INDEX. 


473 


46,  47  ;  at  Attiqud,  i.  48  ;  his  let 
ter  to  Governor  Hamilton,  i.  48 ; 
journal  of,  i.  48,  51,  55,  56,  66; 
at  Logstown,  i.  49  ;  addresses 
the  Indians,  i.  50  ;  at  Wheeling 
Creek,  i.  51 ;  buries  plates,  i. 
51  ;  at  Scioto,  i.  52  ;  ascends  the 
Miami,  i.  53;  bids  farewell  to 
the  Ohio,  i.  54 ;  amoug  the  Mi- 
amis,  i.  54;  his  interview  with 
La  Demoiselle,  i.  54 ;  on  Lake 
Erie,  i.  55 ;  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
i.  55;  at  Montreal,  i.  55,  56; 
visits  the  Abbe  Piquet,  i.  56; 
leaden  plates  of,  i.  66 ;  in  com 
mand  at  Detroit,  i.  81 ;  charac 
teristics  of,  i.  81  ;  ordered  to 
attack  Pickawillany,  i.  86;  La 
Jonquiere  complains  against,  i. 
86 ;  i.  89,  133. 

Bigot,  Francois,  the  intendant,  i. 
69;  Father  Piquet's  letter  to, 
i.  71  ;  on  Toronto,  i.  74;,i.  81, 
82 ;  the  centre  of  official  corrup 
tion,  i.  85  ;  on  the  death  of  La 
Jonquiere,  i.  86 ;  intrigues  of, 
i.  92;  assists  the  Acadians  in 
resisting  the  English,  i.  105  ; 
encourages  the  Indians  against 
the  English,  i.  107 ;  letter  from 
Varin  to,  i.  165  ;  i.  219;  on  the 
defeat  of  Braddock,  i.  229  ;  Ver- 
gor,  a  confederate  of,  i.  251 ; 
sails  for  Europe,  i.  251  ;  defends 
Vergor  in  the  court-martial,  i. 
263 ;  on  Dieskau,  i.  300 ;  his  ac 
count  of  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  328 ;  on  the  French 
force  at  Forts  Frontenac  and 
Niagara,  i.  337 ;  on  the  troupes 
de  la  marine,  i.  382 ;  on  the  de 
struction  of  Fort  Bull,  i.  388; 
at  Montreal,  i.  389;  the  most 
accomplished  knave  in  Canada, 
i.  389 ;  on  the  capture  of  Oswego, 


i.  429 ;  on  the  destruction  of 
Kittanning,  i.  440,  476,  480; 
on  the  massacre  at  Fort  Wil 
liam  Henry,  i.  528 ;  on  canni 
balism  among  the  Indians,  ii. 
7  ;  the  centre  of  manifold  cor 
ruption,  ii.  20  ;  perfect  harmony 
between  Vaudreuil  and,  ii.  21 ; 
his  early  life,  ii.  21  ;  a  party  of 
pleasure,  ii.  22,  24;  his  official 
residence,  ii.  24 ;  his  country- 
house,  ii.  24,  25 ;  makes  Ca 
det  commissary -general,  ii.  25  ; 
his  official  knavery,  ii.  26-31  ; 
becomes  the  accepted  lover  of 
Madame  Pean,  ii.  31  ;  Varin 
aspires  to  supplant  him  in  the 
intendancy,  ii.  32 ;  defended  by 
Vaudreuil,  ii.  34;  issues  prom 
issory  notes,  ii.  34 ;  becoming 
a  victim  to  the  rapacity  of  his 
confederates,  ii.  35 ;  ministe 
rial  rebukes,  ii.  36-38 ;  his 
knavery  revealed  to  the  ministry 
by  Montcalm,  ii.  38  ;  Montcalm 
given  powers  over,  ii.  39;  his 
thieving  completely  exposed,  ii. 
39 ;  breaks  with  Cadet,  ii.  39  ; 
documents  of  the  trial  of,  ii. 
40;  ii.  158;  figures  as  peace 
maker  between  Montcalm  and 
Vaudreuil,  ii.  174;  Vaudreuil's 
eulogy  of,  ii.  206 ;  at  Quebec,  ii. 
211  ;  lives  in  luxury,  ii.  212  ;  ii. 
228  ;  on  Wolfe's  desperate  plan, 
ii.  284 ;  saves  Vergor  from  dis 
grace,  ii.  290;  on  the  force  of 
the  English  and  French  at  the 
battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  310;  ii. 
315;  on  Bougainville's  force, 
ii.  317;  assists  Levis,  ii.  326; 
ii.  332,  335 ;  on  Amherst's  expe 
dition  against  Canada,  ii.  383  ; 
arrested,  ii.  399 ;  his  trial,  ii. 
400;  his  sentence,  ii.  400;  re- 


474 


INDEX. 


ceives  instructions  for  the  de 
struction  of  Oswego,  ii.  432  ;  on 
the  force  of  the  French  and 
English  at  Quebec,  ii.  453;  on 
the  battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  455. 

Bille,  ii.  185. 

Bingham,  Mr.,  i.  236. 

Bishop's  Palace,  the,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  340. 

"Bizarre,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  i. 
57. 

Blackheath,  ii.  197. 

Black  Hole  of  Calcutta,  the,  ii.  49. 

Black  Hunter,  the,  see  Jack,  Cap 
tain, 

Black  Mountain,  i.  443. 

Black  Point,  ii.  56. 

Black  Rifle,  the,  see  Jack,  Captain. 

Black  Watch  Regiment,  the,  ii. 
451. 

Blanchard,  Colonel,  on  the  New 
Hampshire  regiment,  i.  301  ;  at 
Fort  Lyman,  i.  305 ;  Johnson 
sends  warning  to,  i.  307. 

Blodget,  Samuel,  on  Johnson's 
army,  i.  312;  on  the  battle  of 
Lake  George,  i.  317,  318,  328. 

Blomedon,  Cape,  i.  278,  279. 

Bloody  Pond,  i.  320. 

"Bloody  morning  scout,"  the,  i. 
315. 

Blue  Ridge,  the,  ii.  16. 

Board  of  Trade  and  Plantation, 
the,  Halifax  at  the  head  of,  i. 
186. 

Bohemian  campaign,  the,  Mont- 
calm  in,  i.  371. 

Bois,  Abbe,  ii.  205,  321. 

Boishebert  encourages  the  Aca- 
dians  to  seek  asylum  on  French 
soil,  i.  103  ;  letter  from  La  Jon- 
quiereto,  i.  104  ;  sent  with  troops 
to  Beausejour,  i.  120;  on  the 
cause  of  the  misery  of  the  Aca- 
dians,  i.  275 ;  attacks  Major 


Frye,  i.  286;  trial  of,  ii.  40; 
ii.  177 ;  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  69 ; 
ii.  453. 

Bollan,  agent  of  Massachusetts, 
ii.  90. 

Boiling,  on  the  death  of  Braddock, 
i.  234. 

Bolton,  village  of,  i.  506. 

Bonaventure,  county  of,  i.  131. 

Bonaventure,  governor  of  Isle  St. 
Jean,  on  the  Acadian  emigra 
tion,  i.  114;  on  the  misery  of 
the  Acadians,  i.  114. 

Bond,  i.  236. 

Boimecamp,  Father,  chaplain  of 
Bienville's  expedition,  i.  42 ;  his 
journal,  i.  42,  48,  54,  66 ;  on  the 
Indians,  i.  55;  a  Jesuit  and  a 
great  mathematician,  i.  56;  on 
Detroit,  i.  80;  his  estimate  of 
Bienville,  i.  81. 

Bonnechose,  on  Montcalm,  i.  372. 

Bordeaux,  i.  471 ;  ii.  26,  27. 

Bordeaux,  the  Parliament  of,  ii. 
21. 

Border  settlements,  the,  Dumas 
sets  on  the  western  tribes  to 
attack,  i.  341 ;  horrors  of  the 
attacks  on,  i.  342,  343. 

Borderers,  the,  petition  the  Penn 
sylvania  Assembly  for  protec 
tion  from  the  Indians,  i.  352, 
355  ;  help  refused,  i.  358. 

Boscawen,  Admiral  Edward,  or 
dered  to  intercept  the  French 
expedition  for  Canada,  i.  191; 
failure  of  his  expedition,  i.  192  ; 
on  the  losses  of  the  English,  i. 
193;  sent  to  Louisbourg,  ii.  52  ; 
sails  for  Halifax,  ii.  54 ;  at 
Halifax,  ii.  59 ;  sails  into  Ga- 
barus  Bay,  ii.  60  ;  his  determina 
tion  to  land  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
60 ;  Drucour  asks  for  terms,  ii. 
74 ;  negotiations,  ii.  75-78 ; 


INDEX. 


475 


Drueour  accepts  the  articles  of 
capitulation,  ii.  78;  Drucour's 
correspondence  with,  ii.  85. 

Boston,  the  "General  Court"  at, 
i.  28 ;  i.  34 ;  Monckton  at,  i. 
248,  254;  Shirley's  regiment 
mustered  at,  i.  255  ;  i.  276,  286  ; 
British  troops  assigned  to,  i. 
453 ;  rejoices  over  the  fall  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  80 ;  taxes  in,  ii. 
89 ;  ii.  220. 

"Boston  Evening  Post,"  i.  258; 
on  the  capture  of  Oswego,  i. 
429  ;  on  Kigaud's  attack  on  Fort 
William  Henry,  i.  465 ;  on  Lord 
Howe,  ii.  95;  ii.  124;  on  the 
capture  of  Fort  Froutenac,  ii. 
136;  on  Grant's  defeat,  ii.  161  ; 
ii.  253  ;  on  the  capture  of  Niag 
ara,  ii.  259  ;  on  the  sufferings  of 
Rogers' s  rangers,  ii.  269 ;  on 
Stevens,  ii.  289. 

"  Boston  Gazette,"  on  Rigaud's  at 
tack  on  Fort  William  Henry,  i. 
465 ;  on  the  importance  of  Indian 
assistance,  i.  499;  ii.  132;  on 
the  capture  of  Fort  Frontenac, 
ii.  135. 

"  Boston  News  Letter,"  i.  258  ;  on 
Rigaud's  attack  on  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  465 ;  on  Howe,  ii.  95  ; 
ii.  96,  98 ;  on  the  capture  of 
Fort  Frontenac,  ii.  136 ;  on 
Grant's  defeat,  ii.  161,  162 ;  on 
the  siege  of  Niagara,  ii.  255. 

"Boston  Post  Boy,"  on  Stevens, 
ii.  289. 

"Boston  Post  Boy  and  Advertis 
er,"  on  the  burial  of  Montcalm, 
ii.  459. 

"  Boston  Weekly  Advertiser,"  on 
Grant's  defeat,  ii.  161. 

Botwood,  Sergeant  Edward,  killed 
at  Quebec,  ii.  243 ;  the  author  of 
"Hot  Stuff, "ii.  243,  244. 


Bougainville,  the  celebrated  navi 
gator,  i.  293 ;  on  the  sufferings 
of  the  Acadians,  i.  293 ;  Mont- 
calm's  aide-de-camp,  i.  373 ; 
Montcalm's  fondness  for,  i.  375; 
sketch  of,  i.  375 ;  sails  for  New 
France,  i.  376;  his  journal,  i.  376 ; 
on  the  Canadian  militia,  i.  383 ;  at 
Montreal,  i.  389 ;  on  Bradstreet's 
Fight,  i.  410;  on  the  sanitary 
condition  of  Villiers'  camp,  i. 
416 ;  i.  421 ;  in  the  attack  on 
Oswego,  i.  426 ;  on  the  capture 
of  Oswego,  i.  429 ;  i.  435 ;  on 
the  destruction  of  Kittanning, 
i.  440;  joins  a  war-party,  i. 
443 ;  on  Indian  caprice,  i.  443  ; 
on  Indian  cruelty,  i.  444;  on 
the  perplexity  of  the  French, 
i.  451  ;  on  Indian  divinations, 
i.  451,  452 ;  on  the  defeat  of  the 
rangers,  i.  459 ;  on  Rigaud's  at 
tack  on  Fort  William  Henry, 
i.  459  ;  at  Montreal,  i.  468-470; 
on  the  rivalry  between  Mont- 
calm  and  Vaudreuil,  i.  479 ;  on 
the  strength  of  La  Motte's  fleet, 
i.  487 ;  among  the  Mission 
Indians,  i.  490 ;  on  the  western 
Indian  nations,  i.  492,  493 ;  on 
cannibalism  among  the  Indians, 
i.  497  ;  on  the  capture  of  Colonel 
Parker's  force  by  the  Indians, 
i.  498  ;  on  the  importance  of 
Indian  assistance,  i.  499 ;  on 
Marin's  dash  at  Fort  Edward, 
i.  499 ;  on  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  503 ;  on  Montcalm 
and  the  Indians  before  Fort 
William  Henry,  i.  515  ;  sent  by 
Montcalm  to  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  518;  on  the  efforts 
made  by  Montcalm  to  restrain 
the  Indians  from  butchery,  i. 
521,  522;  sent  to  Montreal,  i. 


476 


INDEX. 


522 ;  on  the  indifference  of  the 
Canadian  officers,  i.  524  ;  journal 
of,  i.  528 ;  on  the  responsibility 
for  the  signal  of  butchery,  i.  529  ; 
brings  Vaudreuil  news  of  the 
success  on  Lake  George,  ii.  6  ; 
on  the  treatment  of  prisoners 
by  the  Indians,  ii.  6 ;  on  Beletre's 
campaign,  ii.  9 ;  on  the  inhu 
manity  of  the  Indians,  ii.  13  ; 
his  account  of  Rogers's  fight,  ii. 
19  ;  on  the  official  knavery  at 
Montreal,  ii.  29,  30;  on  the 
maladministration  of  Canada,  ii. 
40  ;  on  Vaudreuil's  plan  to  save 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  91 ;  slightly 
wounded  at  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
115;  on  the  Hurons  of  Lorette, 
ii.  151  ;  sent  to  make  an  appeal 
at  court,  ii.  180;  at  Versailles, 
ii.  181 ;  made  colonel  and  Cheva 
lier  of  St.  Louis,  ii.  182;  his 
interview  with  Berryer,  ii.  182  ; 
presents  four  memorials,  ii.  182  ; 
negotiates  a  matrimonial  treaty, 
ii.  183,  184;  returns  to  Canada, 
ii.  184  ;  his  letters  to  Madame  de 
Saint-Veran,  ii.  184 ;  ii.  186, 187  ; 
letters  of,  ii.  1 87  ;  brings  news  of 
the  English  fleet  against  Quebec, 
ii.  206,  207  ;  on  the  strength  of 
the  fortress  of  Quebec,  ii.  219; 
sent  against  Murray,  ii.  274  ;  in 
crease  of  his  force,  ii.  287  ;  head 
quarters  of,  ii.  288  ;  deceived  by 
Wolfe,  ii.  290,  294 ;  relaxes  his 
watchfulness,  ii.  296  ;  ii.  302 ;  in 
the  battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  310;  on 
the  French  reverses,  ii.  316 ; 
his  force,  ii.  317  ;  ii.  318  ;  letter 
from  Levis  to,  ii.  325 ;  at  Isle- 
aux-Noix,  ii.  375,  381  ;  attacked 
by  the  English,  ii.  382 ;  abandons 
the  island,  ii.  382 ;  crosses  to 
Montreal,  ii.  386 ;  negotiates 


with  Amherst  for  capitulation, 
ii.  387  ;  ii.  447  ;  provides  an  epi 
taph  for  Moutcalm,  ii.  459. 

Bouquet,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hen 
ry,  i.  453;  ii.  129  ;  in  the  Royal 
American  regiment,  ii.  139 ;  in 
Forbes'  expedition  against  Fort 
Duquesne,  ii.  139;  at  Raystown, 
ii.  139,  141 ;  letters  from  Forbes 
to,  ii.  141,  142,  143,  144,  146, 
149,  161,  163,  164;  builds  Fort 
Bedford,  ii.  147 ;  consents  to 
Grant's  expedition,  ii.  157;  on 
Grant's  defeat,  ii.  160,  161, 162; 
on  the  capture  of  Fort  Du 
quesne,  ii.  167. 

Bouquet  and  Haldimand  Papers, 
the,  ii.  146,  170;  ii.  448. 

Bourbon,  the  house  of,  holds  the 
three  thrones  of  France,  Spain, 
and  Naples,  i.  12;  triumph  of, 
i.  12  ;  claims  the  Ohio  Valley,  i. 
44 ;  i.  81  ;  effort  to  unite  the 
members  of,  ii.  410;  Pitt's  plan 
for  humbling,  ii.  411,  423. 

Bourbon,  Island  of,  owned  by 
France,  i.  12. 

Bourgogne,  the  battalion  of,  or 
dered  to  Canada,  i.  189;  at 
Louisbourg,  i.  381  ;  ii.  57  ;  uni 
form  of,  i.  381. 

Bourlamaque,  Chevalier  de,  named 
third  in  command  to  Montcalm, 
i.  372 ;  at  Brest,  i.  376  ;  in  Can 
ada,  i.  385 ;  letters  from  Mont- 
calm  to,  i.  viii;  i.  468,  469,  471, 
472,  473,  480;  ii.  10,  11,  13,  175, 
222,  286,  443  ;  at  Ticonderoga,  i. 
491  ;  ii.  92,  100,  103,  108  ;  dan 
gerously  wounded,  ii.  115,  116  ; 
on  the  quarrel  between  Mont- 
calm  and  Vaudreuil,  ii.  175; 
made  brigadier,  ii.  182  ;  ii.  188; 
ordered  to  Ticonderoga,  ii.  204, 
207  ;  letters  from  Vaudreuil  to, 


INDEX. 


477 


ii.  222,  243,  286 ;  makes  no 
attempt  to  defend  Ticonderoga, 
ii.  248 ;  at  Isle-aux-Noix,  ii. 
260;  letters  from  Levis  to,  ii. 
263,  376,  384;  retreat  of,  ii. 
276  ;ii.  303,  307,  316,  324,  325  ; 
letter  from  Berniers  to,  ii.  341  ; 
on  the  battle  of  Ste.  Foy,  ii. 
372;  in  command  at  Sorel,  ii. 
378;  ii.  379;  half  his  force 
deserts,  ii.  380 ;  ii.  382 ;  crosses 
to  Montreal,  ii.  386  ;  ii.  454  ;  on 
the  battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  455. 
Braddock,  Major-General  Edward, 
defeat  of,  i.  152  ;  in  chief  com 
mand  of  regiments  sent  to  Vir 
ginia,  i.  188  ;  secret  orders  to,  i. 
190  ;  lands  at  Hampton,  i.  194  ; 
estimates  of,  i.  195  ;  Walpole's 
sketch  of,  i.  195,  196,  198;  his 
experience  with  Mrs.  Upton,  i. 
196  ;  his  duel  with  Colonel  Gum- 
ley,  i.  196;  made  governor  of 
Gibraltar,  i.  197  ;  his  experience 
with  George  Anne  Bellamy,  i. 
197 ;  question  concerning  his 
governorship  at  Gibraltar,  i. 
197;  fearlessness  of,  i.  198;  in 
the  Coldstream  Guards,  i.  198; 
at  Alexandria,  i.  198;  calls  a 
council  of  provincial  governors 
at  Alexandria,  i.  198  ;  lays  his 
instructions  before  the  council, 
i.  201 ;  settles  on  a  plan  of  cam 
paign,  i.  201  ;  to  lead  the  expe 
dition  against  Fort  Duquesne, 
i.  201  ;  urges  the  establishment 
of  a  general  fund,  i.  202  ;  makes 
Johnson  sole  superintendent  of 
Indian  affairs,  i.  203  ;  a  serious 
error,  i.  203;  apathy  shown 
towards  his  expedition,  i.  204 ; 
chafed  to  fury,  i.  205  ;  Franklin 
a  powerful  ally  of,  i.  205  ;  Frank 
lin  visits  the  camp  of,  i.  206  ; 


Franklin  enables  him  to  begin 
his  march,  i.  206,  207  ;  reaches 
Will's  Creek,  i.  207 ;  his  force, 
i.  208;  the  Virginians  find  no 
favor  with,  i.  208  ;  his  ill  humor, 
i.  209  ;  his  aides-de-camp,  i.  210 ; 
despises  the  Indians,!.  210;  re 
ceives  the  Indians  at  Fort  Cum 
berland,  i.  211  ;  receives  Captain 
Jack  coldly,  i.  212  ;  his  march, 
i.  212,  213;  on  the  Monongahela, 
i.  214  ;  crosses  the  Monongahela, 
i.  220 ;  attacked  by  the  French 
and  Indians,  i.  223 ;  the  battle 
of  Monongahela,  i.  224 ;  his 
indignation  at  the  Virginians' 
method  of  fighting,  i.  225,  226 ; 
his  fierce  intrepidity,  i.  227  ;  his 
losses,  i.  227;  sees  that  all  is 
lost,  i.  228 ;  orders  a  retreat,  i. 
228 ;  wounded,  i.  228 ;  the  re 
treat,  i.  232  ;  burns  his  wagons 
and  ammunition,  i.  233  ;  death 
of,  i.  234;  burial  of,  i.  234;  i. 
243  ;  approves  of  Shirley's  ex 
pedition  against  Crown  Point, 
i.  297  ;  his  dead  soldiers  left  to 
the  wolves,  i.  323  ;  his  expedition 
superfluous,  i.  330  ;  result  of  his 
defeat  on  the  Indians,  i.  341  ; 
the  Quakers  consider  his  defeat 
a  just  judgment,  i.  352;  i.  396  ; 
his  defeat  an  Indian  victory,  i. 
428;  ii.  140,  141,  166,  168;  ii. 
396,  439;  Langlade  the  author 
of  his  defeat,  ii.  441. 

Braddock,  Fanny,  death  of,  i.  195 ; 
Goldsmith  tells  the  story  of,  i. 
196. 

Bradstreet,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
John,  on  the  Niagara  expedi 
tion,  i.  339  ;  placed  in  command 
of  Shirley's  company  of  boat 
men,  i.  408  ;  attacked  by  Vil- 
liers,  i.  408 ;  defeats  the  French, 


478 


INDEX. 


i.  409,  410;  reaches  Albany,  i. 
409 ;  Wolfe  praises  the  conduct 
of,  i.  409  ;  his  success  tempo 
rarily  silences  the  enemies  of 
Shirley,  i.  410;  with  Abercrom- 
bie,ii.  97, 103  ;  at  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
109  ;  his  expedition  against  Fort 
Frontenac,  ii.  133 ;  De  Noyan 
surrenders  to,  ii.  133;  ii.  134; 
ii.  162  ;  to  advance  to  Lake 
Ontario,  ii.  206. 

Bradstreet's  boatmen,  i.  407 ;  at 
tacked  by  Villiers,  i.  407  ;  defeat 
the  French,  i.  408,  409 ;  sent  to 
reinforce  Oswego,  i.  419. 

Brandenburg,  House  of,  raises 
Prussia  into  importance,  i.  19. 

Breard,  naval  comptroller  at  Que 
bec,  ii.  26 ;  official  knavery  of, 
ii.  26 ;  trial  of,  ii.  40 ;  arrested 
and  tried,  ii.  399. 

Brest,  i.  189,  190,  299;  Montcalm 
at,  i.  374,  375. 

Breton,  Cape,  restored  by  England, 
i.  5 ;  the  French  of,  i.  31  ;  i.  95 ; 
Maillard  missionary  on,  i.  110; 
Acadian  emigration  to,  i.  113, 
244;  need  of  winter  communi 
cation  between  Quebec  and,  i. 
128;  i.  185,  246,  270,  274;  ii. 
55,  60,  398;  ceded  to  England, 
ii.  420. 

"  Britannia,"  the,  ii.  36. 

British  Acadia,  i.  244. 

British- American  colonies,  the,  fu 
ture  greatness  of,  ii.  337,  338; 
begin  to  show  symptoms  of 
revolt,  ii.  428. 

British  Cabinet,  the,  half-hearted 
in  the  wish  that  the  colonies 
should  unite,  i.  177  ;  urges  trea 
ties  with  the  Indians,  i.  178. 

British  colonies,  the,  subjection  of 
Canada  would  lead  to  a  revolt 
of,  i.  5  ;  Huguenots  escape  to, 


i.  24 ;  differences  among,  i.  27, 
28 ;  their  attitude  towards  each 
other,  i.  36 ;  drifting  into  war, 
i.  38 ;  heterogeneous  structure 
of,  i.  65 ;  debt  due  Governor 
Dinwiddie  from,  i.  142;  urged 
by  the  British  Cabinet  to  make 
treaties  with  the  Indians,  i.  178  ; 
Franklin's  famous  project  of 
union.i.  182;  slaves  in,  i.  200; 
Shirley  paints  the  dangers  be 
setting,  i.  200 ;  debt  of  gratitude 
due  to  Shirley  and  Dinwiddie 
from,  i.  201 ;  their  ready  re 
sponse  to  Pitt's  appeal  for  men, 
ii.  87. 

British  maritime  provinces,  the,  i. 
294. 

British  navigation  laws,  ii.  89. 

Brittany,  coast  of,  ii.  50. 

Brodhead,  Mr.,  i.  vii. 

Broglie,  i.  12. 

Brookfield,  the  village  of,  ii.  393. 

Brown,  Lieutenant,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  63 ;  on  the  Heights  of  Abra 
ham,  ii.  308. 

Buchannon,  i.  235,  236. 

Buisson,  the,  Amherst  descends, 
ii.  385. 

Bull,  Fort,  built  by  the  English  on 
Wood  Creek,  i.  387  ;  Lery  sent 
by  Vaudreuil  against,  i.  387 ; 
Shirley's  regiment  at,  i.  387 ; 
frightful  struggle  at,  i.  387 ; 
destroyed  by  Lery,  i.  388. 

Bullitt,  Captain,  in  Grant's  expe 
dition,  ii.  159,  160. 

Burd,  Colonel  James  of  Virginia, 
on  the  defeat  of  Brad  dock,  i. 
229  ;  letter  from  Trent  to,  i. 
355  ;  ii.  141,  144,  145,  146,  162. 

Burgesses,  the  House  of,  in  Vir 
ginia,  Governor  Dinwiddie's  dis 
putes  with,  i.  143,  170;  social 
significance  of,  i.  169;  i.  241  ;  i. 


INDEX. 


479 


343.  See  also  Virginia  Assembly, 
the. 

Burgoyne,  General  John,  ii.  106, 
417  ;  on  Langlade,  ii.  441. 

Burke,  on  Wolfe,  ii.  279. 

Burke,  Captain,  escapes  from  the 
Indian  massacre  at  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  526. 

Burnaby,  on  Williamsburg,  i.  170. 

Burned  Camp,  the,  i.  503,  505 ;  ii. 
98. 

Burney,  Thomas,  escapes  from 
Pique  Town,  i.  90. 

Burton,  Lieutenan  t-C  o  1  o  n  e  1, 
wounded  in  the  battle  of  Monon- 
gahela,  i.  226 ;  reports  on  the 
state  of  the  provincial  forces, 
i.  414  ;  on  the  provincial  camps, 
i.  415  ;  at  Point  Levi,  ii.  292, 
293,  300;  on  the  Heights  of 
Abraham,  ii.  301,  308. 

Bury,  Viscount,  brings  charges 
against  the  colonies,  ii.  88. 

Bussy,  M.  de,  sent  as  envoy  to 
London,  ii.  409. 

Bute,  Earl  of,  made  Secretary  of 
State,  ii.  407  ;  declines  to  sup 
port  Pitt,  ii.  411  ;  holds  power 
after  Pitt's  resignation,  ii.  412; 
becomes  First  Lord  of  the  Treas 
ury,  ii.  414 ;  forced  into  a  war 
with  Spain,  ii.  415;  feels  the 
need  of  peace,  ii.  417;  the 
Peace  of  Paris,  ii.  419. 

Buttes-a-Neveu,  ii.  302,  358,  360, 
367. 

Byng,  Admiral,  i.  39 ;  ii.  49. 

CADET,  JOSEPH,  ii.  21 ;  early  life 
of,  ii.  25 ;  made  commissary- 
general  by  Bigot,  ii.  25 ;  his 
official  knavery,  ii.  26-29;  be 
comes  the  richest  man  in  the 
colony,  ii.  27 ;  asks  for  a  pat 
ent  of  nobility,  ii.  34 ;  Bigot 


breaks  with,  ii.  39 ;  forced  to 
disgorge,  ii.  39;  ii.  177,  183; 
his  arrival  at  Quebec,  ii.  207  ; 
Vaudreuil's  praise  of,  ii.  208; 
lives  in  luxury  at  Quebec,  ii. 
212  ;  ii.  332,  335,  371  ;  arrested, 
ii.  399;  his  trial,  ii.  399,  400; 
his  sentence,  ii.  400. 

Cahokia,  i.  44. 

Caldwell,  village  of,  i.  513,  518. 

Calvin,  i.  30. 

Cambis,  the  battalion  of,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  57. 

Cambridge,  ii.  394. 

Campaign  of  1744,  the  severe, 
Montcalm  in,  i.  371. 

Campbell,  Lieutenant  Alexander, 
on  the  Canadian  ladies,  ii.  342 ; 
ii.  451. 

Campbell,  Major  Colin,  i.  237. 

Campbell,  Donald,  murder  of,  ii. 
450. 

Campbell,  Major  Duncan,  with 
Abercrombie,  ii.  97  ;  his  death 
at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  114  ;  ii.  451  ; 
legend  of,  ii.  449-453;  burial 
of,  ii.  451. 

Campbell,  James,  ii.  449. 

Campbell,  Captain  John,  on  the 
defeat  of  Braddock,  i.  235,  236  ; 
at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  114. 

Canada  a  position  of  great  strength, 
i.  4  ;  its  conquest  made  possible 
by  the  fatuity  of  Louis  XV.  and 
his  Pompadour,  i.  4 ;  its  posses 
sion  a  question  of  diplomacy, 
i.  4  ;  its  subjection  would  lead 
to  a  revolt  of  the  British  colo 
nies,  i.  5  ;  the  key  to  a  bound 
less  interior,  i.  22 ;  census  in 
1754  of,  i.  23;  made  a  citadel 
of  the  State  religion,  i.  23; 
had  a  vigor  of  her  own,  i.  25  ; 
position  of,  i.  26 ;  Indian  tribes 
of,  i.  26  ;  French  claims  to,  i. 


480 


INDEX. 


27 ;  no  popular  legislature  in, 
i.  38;  necessary  as  a  barrier 
against  English  ambition,  i. 
40 ;  Detroit  the  "  Touraine  and 
Beauce  "  of,  i.  80  ;  the  question 
of  boundaries,  i.  129 ;  French 
expedition  fitted  out  for,  i.  189  ; 
Acadian  exiles  in,  i.  292  ;  the 
troupes  de  la  marine  the  perma 
nent  military  establishment  of, 
i.  381  ;  united  effective  strength 
of  the  battalions  in,  i.  381 ;  the 
colonial  artillery  of,  i.  382 ;  the 
militia  of,  i.  382;  the  Indian 
fighting  force  of,  i.  384 ;  Mont- 
calm's  impressions  of,  i.  384, 
385 ;  must  be  destroyed,  i.  433  ; 
Montreal  the  military  heart  of, 
i.  467  ;  dual  government  of,  ii. 
20 ;  the  prey  of  official  jackals, 
ii.  33 ;  her  desperate  financial 
condition,  ii.  35 ;  card-money 
and  ordonnances  in,  ii.  35 ;  peril 
of,  ii.  169  ;  deplorable  condition 
of,  ii.  179;  France  refuses  aid 
to,  ii.  183  ;  rumors  of  an  English 
attack  on,  ii.  185;  retreat  of 
Levis  into,  ii.  374 ;  Amherst 
plans  a  triple  attack  on,  ii.  375  ; 
passes  to  the  British  Crown,  ii. 
388  ;  Louis  XV.  responsible  for 
the  loss  of,  ii.  391 ;  exodus  of 
leaders  from,  ii.  397  ;  the  ques 
tion  of  restoration  to  France,  ii. 
418;  ceded  to  England,  ii.  419. 

Canadian,  the,  characteristics  of, 
i.  25. 

Canadian  artillery,  the,  i.  382. 

Canadian  Church,  the,  does  not 
check  the  corruptions  in  the 
colony,  ii.  33. 

Canadian  Indians,  the,  i.  384. 

Canadian  militia,  the,  i.  382 ;  de 
scription  of,  i.  383. 

Canadian  missions,  the,  i.  72. 


Canadians,  the,  offended  by  the 
lof tv  bearing  of  Duquesne,  i.  90 ; 
in  the  Ohio  enterprise,  i.  93,  134 ; 
in  the  battle  of  Monongahela,  i. 
223 ;  slight  losses  of,  i.  231  ;  ra 
pacity  of,  i.  293  ;  at  Crown  Point, 
i.  307,  310,  311,  315  ;  i.  316  ;  in 
the  battle  of  Lake  George,  i. 
318,  320,  324;  at  Fort  Fronte- 
nac,  i.  336  ;  at  Fort  Niagara,  i. 
336;  guard  Fort  Frontenac,  i. 
388 ;  i.  407 ;  condition  of  the 
camps  of,  i.  414  ;  in  the  attack 
on  Oswego,  i.  419  ;  at  Ticonder- 
oga,  i.  434 ;  persuade  the  In 
dians  to  join  a  war-party,  i.  442  ; 
i.  474;  Vaudreuil's  reports  on 
the  valor  of,  i.  474-476 ;  in 
Montcalm's  expedition,  i.  504 ; 
attack  German  Flats,  ii.  9 ; 
reinforce  Hebecourt,  ii.  14;  at 
Louisbourg,  ii.  69 ;  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  ii.  99,  173,  174 ;  dis 
couragement  of,  ii.  179  ;  at  Que 
bec,  ii.  206,  208,  211,  212,  213, 
223,  224,  226,  227,  228,  240, 
241 ;  begin  to  desert,  ii,  229, 
232  ;  Wolfe's  proclamation  to, 
ii.  233;  their  disgust,  ii.  233; 
suffer  from  Wolfe's  severities, 
ii.  235  ;  ii.  263,  272,  274,  275,  276, 
290,  291,  292,  296,  300,  303,  305, 
306,  307,  311,  312,  313,  314,  321, 
325,326  ;  befriended  by  Murray, 
ii.  344;  ii.  351,  353,  354,  355, 
358;  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  363,  364; 
ii.  374,  377;  Murray's  procla 
mation  to,  ii.  379 ;  Vaudreuil 
issues  a  counter-proclamation  to, 
ii.  380;  doubly  ruined,  ii.  380; 
ii.  386,  389. 

Canadians  of  Gaspe,  the,  in  Mont- 
calm's  expedition,  i.  506. 

Canard  River,  the,  i.  278,  282. 

Candiac,  the  Chateau  of,  i.  368; 


INDEX. 


481 


Montcalm's  family  seat  at,    i. 

371,  373,  467  ;  ii.  1 76,  330. 
Cannibalism,  among  the  Indians, 

i.  497  ;  ii.  7,  8. 
Canseau,  feeble  garrison  at,  i.  96  ; 

destroyed    by    the    French,    i. 

97. 

Canseau,  Strait  of,  Acadian  emi 
gration  to,  i.  113. 
Cape     Cod,     sends     Shirley    aid 

against  the  French,  i.  255. 
Cape  Tourmente,  mountain  of,  ii. 

213,  216,  272. 
"  Capricieux,"  the,  at  Louisbourg, 

ii.    57 ;   burned,    ii.    70 ;    Tour- 

ville  commander  of,  ii.  85. 
Cap-Rouge,  ii.  218,  234,  238,  283  ; 

Bougainville's  headquarters  at, 

ii.  288;    ii.    290,  291,  294,  295, 

300,  316,  345,  357. 
Cap-Rouge    River,   the,    ii.    355, 

371. 

Cap-Sante,  ii.  22. 
Card-money,  in  Canada,  ii.  34. 
Carillon,  i.  385,   475;  ii.  19,  188. 

See  also  Ticonderoga. 
Carillon,  Fort.     See   Ticonderoga, 

Fort. 
Carleton,  Colonel  Guy,  ii.  198;  at 

Quebec,  ii.  234  ;  lands  at  Pointe- 

aux-Trembles,  ii.  234  ;  ii.  457. 
Carlisle,  frontier  village  of,  i.  235  ; 

ii.  141  ;  Forbes  at,  ii.  142. 
Carlos  III.  becomes  King  of  Spain, 

ii.    410;    negotiations    between 

Choiseul  and,  ii.  410;  the  Fam 
ily  Compact,  ii.  410. 
Carlyle,    on  Frederic  of  Prussia, 

ii.  404. 
Carolinas,  the,  Dinwiddie  asks  for 

aid  against  the  French  from,  i. 

144. 
Carter,    Colonel    Charles,    letter 

from  Dinwiddie  to,  i.  237. 
Carter,  Landon,  i.  343. 
VOL.  ii.  —  31 


Carteret,  John,  i.  10. 
Carthagena,   the  luckless    attack 

on,  i.  255. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  ii.  352. 
Carver,  Captain  Jonathan,  on  the 

massacre  at  Fort  William  Henry, 

i.  526,  529. 
Cascades,  the,  Amherst  descends, 

ii.  385. 
Casgrain,  Abbe'  H.  R.,  on  Dumas' 

efforts  to  temper  the  horrors  of 

the  border  warfare,   i.   342 ;  on 

Quebec  after  the  siege,  ii.  341  ; 

on   the  expedition  of  Le'vis,  ii. 

355. 
Castle    William,     British    troops 

quartered  at,  i.  454. 
Caswell,  John,  letter  from  Jona 
than  Caswell  to,  i.  304. 
Caswell,  Jonathan,  letter  to  John 

Caswell  from,  i.  303. 
Catawbas,  the,  Dinwiddie  asks  aid 

against  the  French  from,  i.  144 ; 

in  Forbes'  expedition    against 

Fort  Duquesne,  ii.  145. 
Cathedral,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii.  341. 
Catherine,  of  Russia,  ii.  414. 
Caughnawaga,  an  asylum  for  In 
dians  converted  to  the  French, 

i.   68 ;   description  of,   i.  68 ;   i. 

384  ;  ii.  151.     See  also  Saut  St. 

Louis. 

Caughnawagas,  the,  i.  26. 
Caughnawagas  of  Saut  St.  Louis, 

the,  at  Fort  Duquesne,  i.  216. 
Cavalier  traditions,  i.  31. 
Cayugas,  the,  i.  66,  69,  404. 
Cedars,  the,  Amherst  descends,  ii. 

385. 
"  Ce'lebre,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 

57  ;  set   on  fire  by  a   bomb,  ii. 

70. 

Celoron,  see  Bienville,  Ctloron  de. 
Celtic    Irish     Catholics,    the,    in 

Pennsylvania,  i.  352. 


482 


INDEX. 


"Centurion,"  the,  i.  194;  ii.  239, 

240. 
Cerberus,  Father  Piquet's  dog,  i. 

73. 
"  Chain-belt,"  of  wampum,  the,  i. 

179. 

Chalmers,  i.  84. 
Chambly,     abandoned     by     the 

French,  ii.  382. 
Chambly,  Fort,  i.  467. 
Chambord,  i.  12. 
Champlain,  Lake,   i.   4,  26,    199; 

Dieskau  ordered   to,  i.   300 ;   i. 

305,  309,   390,   412;    Montcalm 

on,  i.  421 ;  i.  432,  442,  449,  456, 

462,  467,  491,  492;   ii.  92,  104, 

106,  108,  126,  186,  204,  248,  260, 

263,  264,  375,  376,  379. 
Champs  Elysees,  the,  i.  16. 
Chandler,  Chaplain,  on  the  delay 

at  Fort  Lyman,  i.  326. 
Chaplains,  the  provincial,  ii.  122. 
Charlebourg,  ii.  24,  276,  320. 
Charlebourg,  the  mountain  of,  ii. 

24. 
Charles  VI.,  of  Austria,  death  of, 

i.  21. 
Charlestown,    ii.   251.       See  also 

"  Number  Four." 
Charlevoix,  i.  373  ;  his  account  of 

Quebec,  i.  373. 
Chartres,  Fort,  i.  44,  80,  88. 
Chateau,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii.  369. 
Chateau  battery,  the,  at   Quebec, 

ii.  218. 

Chateau  Bigot,  ii.  24. 
Chateau   Richer,    the     parish   of, 

burned  by  Wolfe,  ii.  272,  273. 
Chateau,  St.  Louis,  the,  ii.  458. 
Chatelet  at  Paris,  the,  ii.  399. 
Chatham,  Lady,  ii.  413. 
Chaudiere,  the,  i.    175,    191,  199; 

Shirley's  plan   to   make   an  in 
road  down,  i.  394. 
Chautauqua  Lake,  i.  42. 


Chebucto,  harbor  of,  i.  96. 

Chelsea  (England),  ii.  457. 

Chelsea  Hospital,  the,  ii.  457. 

Cherbourg,  ii.  50. 

Cherokees,  the,  i.  72 ;  Dinwiddie 
asks  for  aid  against  the  French 
from,  i.  144;  i.  481 ;  in  Forbes' 
expedition  against  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  ii.  145 ;  in  Piquet's  war- 
party,  ii.  431. 

Chester  County  (Penn.),  i.  360. 

Chesterfield,  Lord,  i.  10 ;  on  Lord 
Albemarle,  i.  187  ;  ii.  44 ;  on  the 
gloomy  prospects  of  England, 
ii.  48 ;  ii.  93. 

"  Chevre,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
57. 

Chew,  Ensign,  ii.  147. 

Chickasaws,  the,  Dinwiddie  asks 
for  aid  against  the  French  from, 
i.  144. 

Chignecto,  i.  122 ;  English  fort  at, 
i.  248,  266  ;  i.  289. 

Chignecto  Bay,  i.  98,  125. 

Chiguecto  Channel,  i.  277. 

Chiningue  (on  the  Alleghany),  i. 
49. 

Chiningue  (of  Celoron),  i.  49  ; 
Gist  reaches,  i.  57  ;  Washington 
at,  i.  138. 

Chinodabichetha  River,  the,  see 
Kanawha  River,  the. 

Chipody,  the  fertile  shores  of,  i. 
125 ;  the  Acadians  on,  i.  125, 
127;  i.  256,  263,  285. 

Choate,  J.,  on  Bradstreet's  Fight, 
i.  409. 

Choctaws,  the,  i.  72,  481 ;  in 
Piquet's  war-party,  ii.  431. 

Choiseul,  Due  de,  made  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs,  ii.  408  ;  char 
acter  of,  ii.  408 ;  proposes  a 
congress  of  belligerent  powers 
at  Augsburg,  ii.  409;  Pitt  re 
jects  his  overtures,  ii.  409 ; 


INDEX. 


483 


makes  the  "  Family  Compact " 
with  Carlos  III.,  ii.  410;  feels 
the  need  of  peace,  ii.  417;  on 
the  presence  of  the  French  in 
America,  ii.  418. 

Christ,  Iroquois  legend  of,  i.  58  ; 
Father  Piquet's  instruction  on, 
i.  71. 

Christ  Church,  in  Philadelphia,  ii. 
169. 

Christian  Indians,  the,  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  502. 

Christie,  Captain,  on  the  panic 
among  the  English,  ii.  5. 

Civil  wars,  the,  in  England,  i.  7. 

Clare,  i.  294. 

Claverie,  a  trader,  ii.  27. 

Cleaveland,  Miss  Abby  E.f  ii.  122. 

Cleaveland,  Chaplain  Ebenezer,  ii. 
120. 

Cleaveland,  Chaplain  John,  ii. 
80;  his  indignation  at  Aber- 
crombie,  ii.  120,  121  ;  his  inter 
view  with  Abercrombie,  ii.  122; 
ii.  125  ;  on  the  capture  of  Fort 
Frontenac,  ii.  133. 

Clergy  battery,  the,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  218. 

Clerk,  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  107. 

Clermont,  Comte  de,  i.  12;  driven 
out  of  Hanover  by  Ferdinand, 
ii.  50 ;  recalled,  ii.  50. 

Clinton,  Governor,  of  New  York, 
i.  65  ;  letter  from  Johnson  to,  i. 
68 ;  personally  maintains  Os- 
wego,  i.  77  ;  correspondence  be 
tween  La  Jonquiere  and,  i.  83, 
84;  i.  93. 

Clive,  Lord,  wins  the  great  victory 
of  Plassey,  ii.  49. 

Cobequid,  i.  98;  Girard  at,  i.  Ill  ; 
emigration  of  the  people  of,  i. 
114. 

Cobequid,  mountains  of,  i.  279, 
291. 


Cocquard,  Rev.  Claude  Godefroy, 
on  the  horrors  of  border  war 
fare,  i.  342;  on  Bradstreet's 
Fight,  i.  410;  on  the  capture  of 
Oswego  by  the  French,  i.  426. 

Coffen,  Stephen,  on  the  Ohio  en 
terprise,  i.  136. 

Colbert,  ii.  425. 

Golden,  Alexander,  on  the  battle 
of  Ticonderoga,  ii.  448. 

Coldfoot,  the  great  Miami  chief,  i. 
87. 

Coldstream  Guards,  the,  Braddock 
in,  i.  198. 

Colonial  system,  of  England,  the, 
i.  6. 

Colonists,  the,  description  of,  i. 
176;  two  conditions  essential  to, 
i.  176. 

"  Comete,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
57. 

Conewango  River,  the,  i.  46. 

Conde,  the  great,  i.  12  ;  ii.  192. 

Conflans,  Admiral,  routed  by  the 
English,  ii.  415. 

Connecticut,  colony  of,  i.  28 ;  sends 
commissioners  to  Albany,  i. 
65 ;  joins  Shirley's  expedition 
against  Crown  Point,  i.  297 ; 
jealousy  of,  i.  301  ;  Parliament 
makes  a  grant  to,  i.  395 ;  sacri 
fices  made  by,  ii.  90. 

Connecticut  regiment,  the,  at  Fort 
Lyman,  i.  316,  325;  with  Aber 
crombie,  ii.  97,  127,  128,  129. 

Connecticut  River,  the,  i.  30 ;  ii. 
251,265,  267,  269. 

Conner,  James,  an  English  scout, 
at  the  ruins  of  Oswego,  i.  429. 

Contades  succeeds  Clermont,  i. 
12;  ii.  50. 

Continental  War,  the.  begun  by 
Frederic  of  Prussia,  ii.  41  ;  sup 
ported  by  Pitt,  ii.  405. 

Coiitrecosur,  lands  at  Presqu'isle, 


484 


INDEX. 


i.  149 ;  sends  Jumonville  to  scour 
the  country,  i.  153  ;  on  Wash 
ington's  attack  on  Jumonville,  i. 
156;  his  harangue  to  the  In 
dians  at  Fort  Duquesne,  i.  159, 
160,216;  determines  to  ambus 
cade  the  English,  i.  218,  219; 
on  the  battle  of  Monongahela,  i. 
223,  229 ;  succeeded  by  Dumas 
in  the  command  at  Fort  Du 
quesne,  i.  341,  342  ;  i.  443  ;  pen 
sion  asked  for,  ii.  438 ;  ii.  439, 
441 ;  receives  the  cross  of  the 
order  of  St.  Louis,  ii.  441. 

Conway,  General,  letter  from 
Walpole  to,  ii.  372. 

Cook,  the  navigator,  voyages  of, 
ii.  426. 

Cope,  Major  Jean-Baptiste,  chief 
of  Le  Loutre's  mission,  i.  108; 
makes  a  treaty  at  Halifax,  i. 
108 ;  treachery  of,  i.  109,  123. 

Corbiere,  i.  498. 

Cork,  i.  188. 

Cornier,  Madame,  i.  469. 

Cornwallis,  Edward,  governor  of 
Halifax,  i.  97 ;  requires  a  new 
oath  of  allegiance  from  the 
Acadians,  i.  101 ;  receives  the 
Acadian  deputies,  i.  102;  his 
answer,  i.  102;  i.  108,  109;  dis 
covers  the  work  of  the  French 
priests,  i.  Ill;  his  indignation, 
i.  Ill;  his  forbearance  toward 
the  Acadians,  i.  115;  his  ad 
dresses  to  the  Acadian  deputies, 
i.  117;  offers  a  reward  for  the 
head  of  Le  Loutre,  i.  119 ;  i.  266. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  i.  97. 

Corpron,  official  knavery  of,  ii.  25, 
33 ;  trial  of,  ii.  40  ;  arrested  and 
tried,  ii.  399. 

Corry,  William,  on  the  quarrel 
over  quartering  the  troops,  i. 
454. 


Cortland,  manor  of,  i.  35. 

Cosnan,  Captain,  at  Quebec,  ii.  231. 

Cosue,  De,  see  De  Cosne. 

Coteau  du  Lac,  the,  Amherst  de 
scends,  ii.  385. 

Cote  d'Abraham,  ii.  356. 

Cote  Ste.  Genevieve,  ii.  312,  313, 
317,  356. 

Coureurs  de  bois,  the,  at  Detroit, 
ii.  185  ;  at  Quebec,  ii.  231. 

Courserac,  Chevalier  de,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  77 ;  on  the  siege  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  85. 

Courtemanche,  Canadian  brigade 
of,  in  Montcalm's  expedition,  i. 
506. 

Courvol,  at  Quebec,  ii.  237. 

"  Covent  Garden  Tragedy,"  Field 
ing's,  i.  196. 

Cox,  i.  450. 

Crawford,  Chaplain  William, 
trials  of,  i.  417,  418. 

Cremille,  i.  190. 

Croghan,  George,  i.  45  ;  at  Mus- 
kingum,  i.  57  ;  on  White  Wo 
man's  Creek,  i.  58 ;  among  the 
Miamis,  i.  60 ;  report  of,  i.  61 ; 
journal  of,  i.  63 ;  his  report  re 
jected  by  the  Pennsylvania  As 
sembly,  i.  63 ;  sent  to  the 
Mingoes  and  the  Delawares,  i. 
63 ;  reward  offered  for  the  scalp 
of,  i.  84 ;  accusations  against,  i. 
85  ,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  i.  211. 

Crown  Point,  i.  26,  180;  the  key 
to  Lake  Champlain,  i.  199 ;  Eng 
lish  plans  against,  i.  200 ;  Wil 
liam  Johnson  to  lead  the  expe 
dition  against,  i.  201,  202 : 
threatens  the  northern  colonies, 
i.  296 ;  Shirley's  plan  to  attack, 
i.  296;  the  French  prepare  to 
defend,  i.  299;  Dieskau  at,  i. 
307  ;  the  expedition  a  failure,  i. 
325 ;  the  New  Jersey  regiment 


INDEX. 


485 


diverted  by  Shirley  from,  i.  339 ; 
i.  386,  390,  391  ;  Shirley's  new 
plan  to  attack,  i.  394,  395,  397, 
412,  447,  449,  450,  451,  452,  455, 
456,  467;  ii.  91,  245;  Amherst 
plans  an  attack  upon,  ii.  246  ; 
Bourlamaque  ordered  by  Vau- 
dreuil  to  abandon,  ii.  248  ;  Am 
herst  takes  possession  of,  ii.  250 ; 
Amherst  builds  a  new  fort  at, 
ii.  251,  252,  260,  262;  ii.  265, 
276,  375  ;  Haviland  at,  ii.  381. 

Cruger,  mayor  of  New  York,  i. 
454. 

Cruikshank,  Captain,  ii.  124. 

Culloden,  the  fight  of,  the  Stuarts 
receive  their  death-blow  at,  i.  8 ; 
Duke  of  Cumberland  at,  i.  10; 
i.  22;  ii.  193. 

Cumberland,  i.  207. 

Cumberland,  the  shores  of,  i.  277. 

Cumberland  County  (Penn.),  laid 
waste  by  the  Indians,  i.  356. 

Cumberland,  Duke  of,  at  Culloden 
and  Fontenoy,  i.  10;  an  indif 
ferent  soldier,  i.  186;  i.  188, 
203,  243 ;  prejudiced  against 
Shirley,  i.  434  ;  opposed  to  Pitt, 
ii.  44 ;  the  miscarriage  of,  ii.  48 ; 
recalled  in  disgrace,  ii.  50. 

Cumberland,  Fort,  i.  207 ;  descrip 
tion  of,  i.  207 ;  Croghan  at,  i. 
211;  Indians  at,  i.  211;  Innes 
in  command  at,  i.  234 ;  Dunbar 
arrives  at,  i.  235 ;  Fort  Beause- 
jour  becomes,  i.  263  ;  the  Aca- 
dians  at,  i.  264 ;  Winslow  at,  i. 
277;  i.  291,  342,  344;  Indian 
massacre  near,  i.  355  ;  ii.  139 ; 
Knox  at,  ii.  189;  St.  Patrick's 
Day  at,  ii.  190. 

Gumming,  Miss  C.  F.  Gordon,  ii. 
452. 

Cummings,  Colonel,  in  command 
at  Fort  William  Henry,  ii.  119. 


Cunningham,  aide  -  de  -  camp,  to 
Abercrombie,  ii.  119. 

DAINE,  on  Beletre's  campaign,  ii. 
10;  on  the  maladministration 
of  Canada,  ii.  40 ;  on  Wolfe's 
victory,  ii.  311 ;  presents  Rame- 
say  with  a  petition  for  capitulat 
ing,  ii.  324. 

D'Alembert,  see  Alembert,  D\ 

Dalling,  Major,  sent  to  occupy 
Port  Espagnol,  ii.  82 ;  at  Que 
bec,  ii.  236 ;  sent  against  the 
French  skirmishers,  ii.  349 ;  at 
Ste.-Foy,  ii.  361. 

Dalquier,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  ii. 
315  ;  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  362. 

Dalzell,  Captain,  ii.  127,  128. 

D'Anthonay,  see  Anthonay,  D\ 

Danvers,  ii.  121. 

Darby,  Major,  at  Isle-aux-Noix, 
ii.  382. 

D'Argens,  see  Argens,  D'. 

D'Argenson,  see  Argenson,  D'. 

D'Arnouville,  Machault,  see  Ar- 
nouville,  Machault  d'. 

Daudin,  priest  of  Pisiquid,  on  the 
idea  of  replacing  the  French 
priests  in  Acadia,  i.  112  ;  sent 
to  Halifax,  i.  253. 

Daun,  the  Austrian  general,  gains 
a  partial  victory  over  Frederic 
of  Prussia,  ii.  401. 

"Dauphin,"  the,  i.  192;  escapes 
from  the  English,  i.  193. 

Dauphin's  Bastion,  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  58,  69,  73,  74,  78. 

Dauphin's  Battery,  the,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  218. 

Dauphin's  Gate  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
78. 

Davison,  a  trader,  accompanies 
Washington  as  Indian  inter 
preter,  i.  138. 

Day,  Mrs.  C.  M.,  ii.  269. 


486 


INDEX. 


De  Bassignac,  see  Basstgnac,  De. 

De  Cosne,  advises  England  of  the 
French  preparations  for  Cana 
dian  expedition,  i.  191. 

Defiance,  Mount,  ii.  106,  107,  109. 

De  Gaspe',  see  Gaspe,  De. 

Dejean,  Montcalm's  servant,  i. 
373. 

Delancey,  Captain,  ii.  257. 

Delancey,  Governor,  of  New  York, 
i.  146 ;  letter  from  Dinwiddie  to, 
i.  168;  answer  of  the  Assembly 
to  the  appeal  of,  i.  1 74  ;  his  let 
ters  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  i. 
1 74  ;  summoned  by  Braddock  to 
Alexandria,  i.  199;  letters  from 
Wraxall  to,  i.  312  ;  i.  327  ;  takes 
umbrage  at  Shirley,  i.  340  ;  joins 
hands  with  Johnson  against 
Shirley,  i.  340 ;  secures  Shirley's 
removal,  i.  396 ;  letter  from 
Webb  to,  i.  499;  deals  with  a 
mutinous  militia,  ii.  5. 

Delancey,  Oliver,  i.  454. 

Delaware,  colony  of,  i.  36. 

Delaware,  George,  receives  Post, 
ii.  151. 

Delaware  Indians,  the,  in  the  Ohio 
valley,  i.  43 ;  village  of,  i.  48 ; 
i.  49,  61  ;  not  hearty  in  the  Eng 
lish  cause,  i.  62  ;  Croghan  sent 
to,  i.  63  ;  profess  devotion  to  the 
French,  i.  135  ;  invited  to  join 
the  English,  i.  155 ;  join  the 
French  against  the  English,  i. 
159,  160;  i.  210;  set  on  by 
Dumas  to  attack  the  border 
settlements,  i.  341  ;  pledge  them 
selves  to  the  English,  i.  406 ; 
Governor  Morris  declares  war 
against,  i.  406;  Governor  Bel 
cher  declares  war  against,  i. 
406;  Forbes  tries  to  win  over, 
ii.  149;  wavering,  ii.  150;  Post's 
mission  among,  ii.  150-153; 


attend  the  convention  at  Easton, 
ii.  154;  join  the  English,  ii. 
157. 

Delaware  towns,  the,  Post  at,  ii. 
155. 

Deloche,  in  charge  of  the  fireships 
at  Quebec,  ii.  220;  his  nerves 
fail,  ii.  220. 

Demoiselle,  the,  see  La  Demoiselle. 

De  Monts,  Acadian  commission  of, 
i.  128. 

Denmark,  royal  house  of,  i.  12. 

Denny,  Governor  Armstrong's  re 
port  on  the  destruction  of  Kittan- 
ning  to,  i.  439  ;  his  attitude  on 
London's  demand  for  free  quar 
ters  for  his  troops,  i.  453. 

De  Noyan,  see  Noyan,  De. 

Desandrouins,  the  engineer,  on  the 
capture  of  Oswego,  i.  429  ;  at 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  104. 

Desauniers,  the  Demoiselles,  at 
Caughnawaga,  i.  68. 

Deschambault,  at  Montreal,  ii.  11. 

Deschambault,  Murray  at,  ii.  274  ; 
garrison  of,  ii.  355 ;  Dumas 
stationed  at,  ii.  375. 

Deschamps,  Chief  Justice,  ii.  86. 

Deschenaux,  ii.  32. 

Descombles,  the  engineer,  i.  421 ; 
death  of,  i.  423. 

Desgouttes,  naval  commander  at 
Louisbourg,  ii.  68 ;  in  council 
at  Louisbourg,  ii.  74;  Dru- 
cour's  correspondence  with,  ii. 
85. 

Des  Habitants  River,  the,  i.  278, 
282. 

Desherbiers,  in  command  of  Louis 
bourg,  i.  105  ;  advises  the  Aca- 
dians  not  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  i.  105  ;  letter  from 
the  minister  to,  i.  105 ;  engages 
Le  Loutre  to  distribute  presents 
among  the  Indians,  i.  107  :  i.  114. 


INDEX. 


487 


Desirade,  the  Island  of,  restored 
by  England,  ii.  420. 

Desmeloi/es,  Mademoiselle,  see 
Pean,  Madame. 

Des  Moines  River,  the,  ii.  500. 

De  Soto,  i.  27. 

Detroit,  i.  60 ;  described  by  Bonne- 
camp,  i.  80 ;  the  "  Touraine  and 
Beauce  of  Canada,"  i.  80 ;  Bien- 
ville  in  command  at,  i.  81  ;  ef 
forts  to  make  it  the  centre  of 
French  power  in  the  West,  i. 
81  ;  Lery's  plan  of,  i.  81  ;  popu 
lation  of,  i.  82 ;  small-pox  in,  i. 
88  ;  i.  89  ;  Langlade  at,  i.  89 ;  i. 
217,  227;  ii.  127,  148,  167,  254, 
258,  259,  376. 

Detroit,  Fort,  important  position 
of,  i.  80 ;  described  by  Bonne- 
camp,  i.  80  ;  i.  85. 

Detroit  Indians,  the,  ii.  162. 

Detroit  River,  the,  i.  27. 

Dettingen,  victory  of,  i.  22 ;  ii. 
193,  405. 

Devonshire,  Duke  of,  ii.  45. 

"  Devourer  of  Villages,"  the,  see 
Vaudreuil. 

Diamond,  Cape,  ii.  218,  222,  368. 

"  Diana,"  the,  arrives  at  Quebec, 
ii.  370. 

Diderot,  i.  18,  321,  322. 

Diereville,  i.  270. 

Dieskau,  Baron,  in  command  of 
the  French  troops  sent  to  Can 
ada,  i.  189 ;  sails  from  Brest,  i. 
299 ;  ordered  to  Lake  Cham- 
plain,  i.  300 ;  at  Crown  Point, 
1.  307 ;  prepares  a  surprise  for 
Johnson,  i.  307  ;  the  Indians  a 
source  of  annoyance  to,  i.  308 ; 
resolves  to  attack  Fort  Lyman, 
i.  309 ;  daring  to  rashness,  i. 
311 ;  the  march  against  Johnson, 
i.  311  ;  lays  an  ambush  for  John 
son,  i.  313 ;  the  attack,  i.  314 ; 


retreat  of  the  provincials,  i.  314  ; 
in  the  battle  of  Lake  George,  i. 
316-320;  wounded,  i.  318;  cap 
tured  by  the  English,  i.  319; 
routed  by  the  English,  i.  319; 
protected  by  Johnson  from  the 
Indians,  i.  320;  his  escape,  i. 
321 ;  his  gratitude,  i.  321  ;  sails 
for  England,  i.  322  ;  Sewell  on, 
i.  322 ;  his  death,  i.  322 ;  corre 
spondence  of,  i.  328 ;  replaced 
by  Montcalm,  i.  368  ;  i.  373,  380, 
385,  389,  513  ;  ii.  92. 
Dinwiddie,  Governor,  of  Virginia, 
on  the  English  fur-traders,  i. 
45 ;  on  the  uncertain  ownership 
of  the  Ohio  valley,  i.  65 ;  jeal 
ously  watchful  of  French  ag 
gression,  i.  137,  142 ;  sends 
Washington  to  summon  the 
French  to  withdraw  from  the 
Ohio,  i.  137;  forts  built  by,  i. 
137  ;  his  letter  to  Saint-Pierre,  i. 
139,  140 ;  Saint-Pierre's  answer, 
i.  140;  Washington  makes  his 
report  to,  i.  142 ;  sketch  of,  i. 
142;  unpopularity  of,  i.  142; 
debt  due  from  the  British  colo 
nies  to,  i.  142 ;  urges  the  Vir 
ginia  Assembly  to  build  forts 
on  the  Ohio,  i.  142 ;  ordered  by 
the  King  to  repel  invaders  from 
Virginia,  i.  142 ;  his  disputes 
with  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
i.  143,  170,  171  ;  unable  to  obey 
the  instructions  of  the  King,  i. 
144 ;  orders  a  draft  from  the 
militia,  i.  144  ;  places  Washing 
ton  in  command,  i.  144 ;  his 
appeals  for  help,  i.  144,  146  ; 
appoints  a  rendezvous  at  Will's 
Creek,  i.  144  ;  his  letter  to  Lord 
Fairfax,  i.  144 ;  his  instructions 
to  Washington,!.  144;  gains  a 
frugal  appropriation  from  the 


488 


INDEX. 


Assembly,  i.  145 ;  his  letters  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade,  i.  145,  165, 
168, 184  ;  his  letters  to  Hanbury, 
i.  145,  149;  his  energy,  i.  146; 
invites  the  Indians  to  meet  him 
at  Winchester,  i.  146;  provin 
cial  apathy  to  his  schemes,  i. 
146,  147 ;  his  vexation  at  the 
blighting  of  his  plans,  i.  149 ; 
orders  a  rendezvous  at  Redstone 
Creek,  i.  150;  rejoices  at  news 
of  Washington's  success,  i.  150, 
151 ;  letters  from  Druillon  to, 
i.  1 54 ;  highly  approves  of  Wash 
ington's  conduct,  i.  156  ;  on  the 
losses  in  the  fight  at  Great 
Meadows,  i.  165  ;  Washington's 
defeat  a  heavy  blow  to,  i.  168; 
on  the  condition  of  the  King's 
companies  from  New  York,  i. 
168  ;  letter  from  Innes  to,  i. 
1 69 ;  letter  to  Governor  Hamil 
ton  from,  i.  171 ;  letter  to  Aber- 
crombie  from,  i.  171 ;  attitude 
of,  i.  177;  exasperated  at  the 
supineness  of  the  provinces,  i. 
177;  becoming  more  and  more 
alarmed,  i.  183 ;  his  letter  to 
Lord  Granville,  i.  183,  184; 
vexed  by  Governor  Glen,  i. 
183 ;  appeals  to  England  for 
aid,  i.  183;  his  letters  to 
Albemarle,  Halifax,  Fox,  Hol- 
dernesse,  and  Walpole,  i.  184; 
on  the  arrival  of  Braddock,  i. 
194  ;  his  letter  to  Governor 
Dobbs,  i.  194 ;  at  Alexandria, 
i.  198  ;  in  the  front  of  opposition 
to  French  designs,  i.  201  ;  debt 
of  gratitude  due  to,  i.  201  ;  on 
the  defeat  of  Braddock,  i.  229 ; 
Braddock's  defeat  announced  to, 
i.  £35 ;  letter  from  Orme  to, 
i.  237 ;  his  letter  to  Colonel 
Carter,  i.  237 ;  his  reply  to 


Orme,  i.  239  ;  his  reply  to  Wash 
ington,  i.  239  ;  urges  Dunbar  to 
wipe  out  Braddock's  defeat,  i. 

240  ;  Dunbar's  reply,  i.  240 ;  his 
view   of    Dunbar's    conduct,   i. 

241  ;  letter  from  Governor  Mor 
ris    to,   i.    336 ;  i.    343 ;    gives 
Washington     cold    support,    i. 
344;  soured  by  disappointment, 
i.  344  ;  his  friendship  for  Innes, 
i.     344 ;     Washington    protests 
against  the  lack  of  support  to, 
i.  345,  346  ;  conceives  a  dislike 
to  Washington,  ii.  137,  138;  on 
the  death  of  Jumonville,  ii.  437. 

Dinwiddie  Papers,  the,  i.  144 ;  on 
Washington's  attack  on  Jumon 
ville,  i.  156;  on  Dinwiddie's 
appeal  to  England  for  aid,  i. 
184. 

Divination  among  the  Indians,  i. 
452. 

Dobbs,  Governor,  of  North  Caro 
lina,  letter  from  Dinwiddie  to, 
i.  194  ;  summoned  by  Braddock 
to  Alexandria,  i.  198. 

Dobson,  Captain,  i.  238. 

Dog  Tribe,  the,  i.  72. 

Dominica,  seized  by  the  English, 
ii.  415,  420. 

Dorchester,  Lord,  see  Carleton, 
Guy. 

Doreil,  commissary  of  war,  i.  189; 
on  the  French  losses  in  the  battle 
of  Lake  George,  i.  323 ;  his  ac 
count  of  Rogers'  fight,  ii.  19  ; 
on  the  maladministration  of 
Canada,  ii.  40 ;  on  Abercrom- 
bie's  missed  opportunity,  ii.  309  ; 
Montcalm  announces  his  victory 
to,  ii.  1 07  ;  on  the  peril  of  Can 
ada,  ii.  169  ;  ii.  178  ;  sent  to  make 
an  appeal  at  court,  ii.  179;  at 
Versailles,  ii.  181  ;  letters  of,  i?. 
188;  ii.  447. 


INDEX. 


489 


Douville,  a  French  officer,  i.  342  ; 
death  of,  i.  436. 

Dover,  ii.  417. 

Draper,  ii.  441. 

Dresden,  taken  from  Frederic  of 
Prussia,  ii.  402. 

Drowned  Lands,  the,  i.  309,  313. 

Drucour,  Chevalier  de,  governor 
of  Louisbourg,  i.  262,  286,  292  ; 
journal  of,  ii.  58 ;  prepares  for 
defence,  ii.  59;  on  the  number 
of  soldiers  stationed  at  Fresh 
water  Cove,  ii.  62 ;  ii.  66 ; 
defends  the,  harbor,  ii.  67 ; 
exchanges  courtesies  with  Am- 
herst,  ii.  68 ;  burning  of  his 
fleet,  ii.  70 ;  conflagration  in 
the  citadel,  ii.  71  ;  his  deplor 
able  position,  ii.  72 ;  decides  to 
capitulate,  ii.  74;  negotiations 
with  Boscawen  and  Amherst, 
ii.  75-78 ;  receives  a  memo 
rial  from  Pre'vost,  ii.  76 ;  signs 
the  articles  of  capitulation,  ii. 
78  ;  his  diary  of  the  siege  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  85. 

Drucour,  Madame,  a  woman  of 
heroic  spirit,  ii.  68 ;  at  Louis 
bourg,  ii.  71 ;  Amherst's  cour 
tesies  to,  ii.  79. 

Druillon,  letters  to  Dinwiddie 
from,  i.  154. 

"  Dublin,"  the,  ii.  54. 

Dublin,  ii.  198. 

Du  Boulay,  Angelique  Louise  Ta 
lon,  see  Montcalm,  Madame  de. 

Dubrowski,  ii.  40. 

Du  Cayla,  ii.  443. 

Duchat,  Captain,  on  Ticonderoga, 
i.  392. 

Duchesnaye,  ii.  23. 

Dumas,  tutor  of  Montcalm,  i.  368 ; 
his  report  on  his  pupil,  i.  369. 

Dumas,  Captain,  at  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  i.  216,  218;  in  the  bat 


tle  of  Monongahela,  i.  223,  224, 
229 ;  replaces  Contrecoeur  in 
the  command  of  Fort  Duquesne, 
i.  341 ;  sets  the  western  tribes  to 
attack  the  border  settlements, 
i.  341  ;  his  report  on  the  re 
sults,  i.  342 ;  tries  to  temper  the 
horrors,  i.  342 ;  his  report  of 
the  destruction  of  Kittanning, 
i.  440 ;  at  Quebec,  ii.  224 ;  fail 
ure  of  his  night  attacks,  ii.  225, 
229  ;  sent  to  strengthen  acces 
sible  points,  ii.  234,  238;  sta 
tioned  at  Deschambault,  ii.  375 ; 
ii.  379,  439,  440;  receives  the 
cross  of  the  order  of  St.  Louis, 
ii.  441. 

Dumont,  ii.  360,  361,  362. 

Dunbar,  Colonel  Thomas,  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  214, 
228,  232,  233;  at  the  Great 
Meadows,  i.  234;  arrives  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  i.  235 ;  i.  239, 
240 ;  urged  by  Dinwiddie  to 
wipe  out  Braddock's  defeat,  i. 
240 ;  his  reply,  i.  240  ;  views  on 
the  conduct  of,  i.  241  ;  receives 
orders  to  renew  offensive  opera 
tions,  i.  241 ;  his  tardy  response, 
i.  242  ;  his  unpardonable  retreat, 
i.  341. 

Dunbar,  Lieutenant,  in  Rogers' 
expedition,  ii.  267. 

Dunbar's  regiment,  i.  208. 

"  Dunkirk,"  the,  attacks  the 
French  fleet,  i.  192. 

Dunkirk,  the  fortress  of,  ii.  410  ; 
destroyed  by  the  French,  ii.  420. 

"Dunkirk  of  America,"  the,  see 
Louisbourg. 

Duquesne,  Fort,  built  by  the 
French,  i.  149,  153,  156,  158; 
receives  strong  reinforcements, 
i.  159;  Coulon  de  Villiers  at,  i. 
159  ;  Contrecoaur  harangues  the 


490 


INDEX. 


Indians  at,  i.  159,  160;  i.  165; 
Villiers  returns  exultant  to,  i. 
167;  English  plans  against,  i. 
201  ;  Bracldock  to  lead  the  ex 
pedition  against,  i.  201  ;  i.  213, 
214;  location  of,  i.  215;  de 
scription  of,  i.  215  ;  garrison  of, 
i.  216  ;  i.  337  ;  Dumas  succeeds 
Contreco3ur  in  the  command  at, 
i.  341  ;  Shirley's  plan  to  attack, 
ii.  394  ;  the  attack  abandoned, 
i.  395 ;  i.  436 ;  Pitt's  plan  to 
capture,  ii.  51,  52  ;  Forbes'  ex 
pedition  against,  ii.  135;  Lig- 
neris  in  command  at,  ii.  148 ; 
Forbes'  advance  against,  ii.  165  ; 
deserted  by  the  French,  ii.  166  ; 
ii.  169,  175,  176,  245,  438.  See 
also  Pittsburg. 

Duquesne,  Marquis,  governor  of 
Canada,  i.  44 ;  of  the  Abbe 
Piquet,  i.  71 ;  i.  88  ;  the  great 
naval  commander,  i.  90 ;  receives 
the  captive  traders  from  Lang- 
lade,  i.  90  ;  highly  praises  Lang- 
lade,  i.  90;  sketch  of,  i.  90; 
on  the  attack  on  Pickawillany, 
i.  90 ;  prepares  to  occupy  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Ohio,  i.  91  ; 
the  colonial  minister  not  in 
sympathy  with,  i.  91  ;  exasper 
ated  by  opposition,  i.  92 ;  the 
Ohio  enterprise,  i.  93,  133;  his 
letter  to  Marin,  i.  134;  appoints 
Saint-Pierre  to  succeed  Marin, 
i.  135  ;  his  plan  for  forts,  i.  135 ; 
his  letter  on  the  Ohio  enter 
prise,  i.  136;  i.  189;  ordered  to 
destroy  Fort  Halifax,  i.  190; 
seeks  for  a  pretext  to  attack 
the  English,  i.  248;  supports 
Le  Loutre,  i.  252  ;  his  reception 
of  the  Acadian  deputies,  i.  254  ; 
recalled,  i.  299 ;  restores  order 
in  the  troupes  de  la  marine,  i. 


382  ;  on  the  troupes  de  la  marine, 
i.  382. 

Durell,  Admiral,  ii.  200,  207 ;  ar 
rives  at  Isle-aux-Coudres,  ii. 
207,  212;  ii.  214. 

Durham  Terrace,  at  Quebec,  ii.  369. 

Dury,  i.  197. 

Dussieux,  on  Washington's  attack 
on  Jumonville,  i.  156;  i.  477; 
on  the  responsibility  for  the 
signal  of  butchery  at  Fort  Wil 
liam  Henry,  i.  529  ;  on  the  trial 
of  Bigot  and  his  associates,  ii. 
400. 

Dutch,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i.  33  ; 
in  New  York,  i.  35. 

Dutch  boors,  the,  i.  298. 

Dutch  Indian  commissioners,  the, 
at  Albany,  i.  202 ;  misconduct 
of,  i.  202. 

Dutch  of  Albany,  the,  i.  69 ;  alien 
ate  the  Mohawks,  i.  178  ;  ready 
to  do  anything  to  save  their 
trade,  i.  200 ;  characteristics  of, 
i.  332  ;  Shirley's  agents  allied 
to,  i.  339  ;  i.  466. 

Dutch  Reformed  Church,  the,  in 
New  York,  i.  35. 

Duvivier,  Major,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  77. 

Dwight,  Benjamin,  letter  from 
Ephraim  Williams  to,  i.  305  ;  on 
the  battle  of  Lake  George,  i. 
328,  329. 

EAST,  the,  tempest  gathering  in, 
i.  94. 

Eastburn,  on  the  destruction  of 
Fort  Bull,  i.  388. 

Easton,  town  of,  ii.  149;  conven 
tion  held  at,  ii.  154,  168. 

"Echo,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
57;  sent  to  Quebec  for  aid,  ii. 
66,  67  ;  captured  by  the  English, 
ii.  67. 


INDEX. 


491 


Edinburgh,  the  University  of,  ii. 
297. 

Edward,  Fort,  Captain  Alexander 
Murray  in  command  at,  i.  278  ; 
Winslow  at,  i.  278 ;  i.  280,  282, 
285,  291,  305;  name  of  Fort 
Lyman  changed  to,  i.  327  ;  i. 
363,  402 ;  Colonel  David  Woos- 
ter  at,  i.  402  ;  Win  slew's  com 
mand  at,  i.  414;  description  of 
the  camp  at,  i.  415,  416;  i.  420; 
Loudon  at,  i.  434;  i.  455,  466, 
489;  Marin  makes  a  dash  at, 
i.  499;  General  Webb  at,  i. 
510;  i.  514,  520,  522,  526,  527; 
Johnson  joins  Webb  at,  ii.  4  ; 
impossible  for  Montcalm  to  be 
siege,  ii.  6 ;  Captain  Haviland 
in  command  at,  ii.  14;  ii.  16,  17, 
18,  127,  129,  175,  247,  444,  445, 
446,448,  451,  453. 

Edwards,  i.  30. 

Egmont,  Cape,  ii.  202. 

Egremont,  Earl  of,  letter  from 
the  Count  de  Fuentes  to,  ii.  409. 

Elder,  John,  on  the  Indian  mas 
sacres,  i.  356. 

Elizabeth  of  Russia,  daughter  of 
Peter  the  Great,  i.  20  ;  her  hatred 
for  Frederic  the  Great,  i.  365  ; 
ready  to  attack  Frederic,  ii.  41 ; 
ii.  404,  407 ;  death  of,  ii.  413. 

Elizabeth  Castle,  Le  Loutre  con 
fined  in,  i.  261. 

Emerson,  Mr.,  of  New  Hampshire, 
ii.  125. 

England,  restores  Cape  Breton  to 
France,  i.  5 ;  benefits  derived 
from  the  Seven  Years'  War,  i. 
5 ;  gains  the  mastery  of  North 
America  and  India,  i.  6;  her 
colonial  system,  i.  6  ;  reign  of 
George  II.  in,  i.  7 ;  civil  wars 
and  the  Restoration,  i.  7  ;  social 
aspect  of,  i.  8,  9;  nobility  of 


France  compared  with  that  of, 
i.  13;  supports -Austria  against 
Bavaria,  i.  21 ;  France  cedes 
Acadia  to,  i.  95  ;  the  Acadians 
swear  fidelity  to,  i.  95  ;  restores 
Louisbourg  to  France,  i.  96  ;  the 
question  of  American  bounda 
ries  between  France  and,  i.  128 ; 
Dinwiddie  appeals  for  aid  to,  i. 
183  ;  military  and  naval  strength 
of,  i.  187 ;  weak  in  leadership,  i. 
187;  policy  of,  i.  188;  sends 
regiments  to  Virginia,  i.  188 ; 
mutual  dissimulation,  i.  190 ; 
France  admits  that  the  Kenne- 
bec  River  belongs  to,  i.  190 ;  de 
clares  war  against  France,  i.  364 ; 
France  declares  war  against, 
i.  364;  always  trembling  for 
Hanover,  i.  365 ;  makes  a  de 
fensive  treaty  with  Prussia,  i. 
365  ;  seeks  a  guarantee  against 
France,  i.  365  ;  a  Protestant  na 
tion,  i.  367 ;  makes  common 
cause  with  Frederic  of  Prussia, 
ii.  41  ;  dragged  into  the  Conti 
nental  War,  ii.  43;  loses  Mi 
norca,  ii.  43  ;  the  reins  of  power 
fall  into  the  hands  of  Pitt,  ii. 
43 ;  her  gloomy  prospects,  ii. 
48;  her  successes  in  India,  ii. 
49 ;  rejoices  in  the  successes  of 
her  Prussian  allies,  ii.  49;  re 
ceives  the  news  of  the  fall  of 
Louisbourg  with  noisy  rapture, 
ii.  79;  effect  of  the  news  of 
Wolfe's  victory  and  death  in, 
ii.  336,  337  ;  in  the  full  career 
of  success,  ii.  400  ;  declares  war 
against  Spain,  ii.  415;  tempo 
rary  reverses  in  Newfoundland, 
ii.  417  ;  French  possessions  ceded 
by  the  Peace  of  Paris  to,  ii. 
419;  effects  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War  on,  ii.  425,  426;  mistress 


492 


INDEX. 


of  the  seas,  ii.  426 ;  her  glory 
in  giving  birth  to  the  United 
States,  ii.  426;  her  British- 
American  provinces  show  symp 
toms  of  revolt,  ii.  428. 
English,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i. 
33  ;  in  New  York,  i.  34 ;  make 
a  treaty  with  the  Miamis,  i.  60 ; 
favorable  outlook  in  the  West 
for,  i.  62  ;  Father  Piquet's 
scheme  to  drive  them  from  the 
Ohio,  i.  72;  the  Ohio  Indians 
ride  with,  i.  87 ;  on  the  Miami, 
i.  88;  the  Acadiaus  well-used 
by,  i.  99 ;  La  Jonquiere  the  de 
termined  adversary  of,  i.  99 ; 
hostilities  of  the  Acadians 
against,  i.  101 ;  occupy  Beau- 
bassin,  i.  120;  the  defeat  at 
Fort  Necessity  doubly  disastrous 
to,  i.  167 ;  call  a  convention  at 
Albany,  i.  179;  Chief  Hen- 
drick's  speech,  i.  180;  realize 
the  importance  of  union,  i.  181 ; 
Franklin's  famous  project  of 
union,  i.  182;  their  peril  in 
Acadia,  i.  247  ;  Fort  Beausejour 
a  continual  menace  to,  i.  248 ; 
Duquesne  seeks  for  a  pretext  to 
attack,  i.  248;  the  Acadians  a 
ceaseless  annoyance  and  menace 
to,  i.  254;  capture  Beausejour, 
i.  257-261  ;  all  Acadia  now  in 
the  hands  of,  i.  262 ;  their  losses 
in  the  battle  of  Lake  George,  i. 
323,  324;  the  Niagara  expedi 
tion,  i.  331 ;  its  failure,  i.  338  ;  re 
sults  of  the  entire  campaign,  i. 
341  ;  Acadia  lost  to,  i.  341  ;  John 
son  seeks  to  attach  the  Five  Na 
tions  to  the  interest  of,  i.  403 ; 
the  Five  Nations  pledge  them 
selves  to,  i.  404 ;  plan  to  attack 
Louisbourg,  i.  483 ;  their  delays, 
i.  483. 


English  colonies,  the,  i.  22;  rea 
sons  for  the  success  of,  i.  23 ; 
more  populous  and  wealthy  than 
the  French,  i.  132. 

English  fur-traders,  i.  40;  wel 
comed  by  the  savages  of  the 
Ohio,  i.  45 ;  among  the  Shawa- 
noes,  i.  48  ;  at  Logstown,  i.  50 ; 
on  the  shores  of  the  Ohio,  i.  54 ; 
at  Pique  Town,  i.  60;  among 
the  Miamis,  i.  84;  accusations 
against,  i.  85  ;  spare  no  pains  to 
win  over  the  Indians,  i.  87 ;  at 
Pickawillany,  i.  88. 

English  Indians,  the,  ii.  388. 

English  land  speculators,  i.  40. 

English  of  Oswego,  the,  i.  56,  74. 

English  rangers,  ii.  13. 

Entick,  i.  188,  191  ;  on  the  en 
gagement  between  the  French 
and  English  fleets,  i.  193;  on 
the  defeat  of  Braddock,  i.  229 ; 
on  the  pressure  brought  to  force 
the  Pennsylvania  Assembly  to 
pass  measures  of  war,  i.  360 ;  on 
the  destruction  of  Fort  Bull,  i. 
388  ;  on  the  failure  of  the  Louis 
bourg  expedition,  i.  487 ;  on 
the  British  naval  officers,  ii.  53  ; 
on  the  size  of  the  English  force 
in  the  Louisbourg  expedition, 
ii.  59;  on  Boscawen's  determi 
nation  to  land  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  60;  on  the  English  landing 
at  Louisbourg,  ii.  64 ;  on  the 
siege  of  Louisbourg,  ii.  85 ;  on 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  112;  on  Wolfe, 
ii.  203  ;  on  the  battle  of  Ste.- 
Foy,  ii.  373  ;  on  the  arrogance 
of  Pitt,  ii.  409 ;  on  the  capture 
of  Havana,  ii.  416. 

Erie,  Lake,  i.  41,  55,  80,  85,  93, 
137  ;  ii.  258. 

Erie,  town  of,  i.  93,  133. 

Esopus,  i.  435. 


INDEX. 


493 


Espagnol,  Port,  Major  Balling 
sent  to  occupy,  ii.  82. 

Espineuse,  Madame  d',  see  Mont- 
calm,  Mademoiselle  de. 

Estebe,  trial  of,  ii.  40. 

Esteve,  Montcalm's  secretary,  i. 
373,  376. 

Etechemin  River,  the,  ii.  285. 

Etechemins,  the,  i.  26. 

Eugene,  Prince,  i.  21. 

Europe,  trembling  with  the  com 
ing  earthquake,  i.  365. 

European  seas,  the,  English  suc 
cesses  in,  ii.  415. 

"  Entreprenant,"  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  57 ;  burned,  ii.  70. 

Eyre,  Major,  in  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  317;  takes  possession 
of  Fort  William  Henry,  i.  453  ; 
i.  454 ;  on  the  strength  of  the 
garrison,  i.  462  ;  called  upon  by 
Rigaud  to  surrender,  i.  463  ;  he 
refuses,  i.  463 ;  his  report  to 
Loudon,  i.  465. 

FAILLON,  on  the  wreck  of  the 
"Auguste,"  ii.  398. 

Fairfax,  Lord,  letter  from  Din- 
widdie  to,  i.  144 ;  note  from 
Innes  to,  i.  235,  237. 

Falmouth,  Shirley  at,  i.  175;  Dies- 
kau  at,  i.  322.  See  also  Port 
land. 

"Family  Compact,"  the,  ii.  410; 
provisions  of,  ii.  410. 

Faneuil  Hall,  in  Boston,  ii.  391. 

Faubourg  St.  Germain,  the,  i.  16. 

"  Feather  dance,"  the,  i.  61. 

Ferdinand  VI.,  of  Spain,  death 
of,  ii.  410. 

Ferdinand  of  Brunswick,  Prince, 
placed  in  command  of  the  Ger 
man  troops,  ii.  50 ;  drives  Cler- 
mont  out  of  Hanover  ii.  50; 
ii.  414. 


Ferguson,  Captain,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  60. 

Feudalism,  robbed  of  its  vitality,  i. 
12. 

Feudal  proprietorship,  odious  to 
the  democratic  nature  of  Frank 
lin,  i  350. 

"Fidele,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
57. 

Fiedmont,  Captain,  at  Quebec,  ii. 
324,  327. 

Fielding,  Henry,  i.  9,  196. 

Fireships  at  Quebec,  ii.  220. 

Fitch,  Colonel,  on  the  Indian  raids, 
i.  401. 

Fitch's  provincial  regiment  at  Ti- 
conderoga,  ii.  99,  101. 

Five  Nations,  the,  in  the  Ohio  val 
ley,  i.  43 ;  a  power  of  high  im 
portance,  i.  67  ;  joined  by  the 
Tuscaroras,  i.  67  ;  Joncaire  in 
trigues  to  gain  them  for  the 
French,  i.  67;  i.  72;  declared 
by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  to  be 
British  subjects,  i.  130;  Wil 
liam  Johnson's  wonderful  influ 
ence  over,  i.  179,  298;  attend 
the  convention  at  Albany,  i. 
179  ;  ask  that  William  Johnson 
be  restored  to  the  management 
of  Indian  affairs,  i.  181 ;  held 
up  as  an  example  of  confedera 
tion,  i.  182;  i.  210;  look  with 
favor  on  William  Johnson,  i. 
297 ;  called  in  council  by  John 
son,  i.  299 ;  forest  homes  of,  i. 
331 ;  trading  at  Albany,  i.  332  ; 
Shirley  holds  conferences  with, 
i.  339 ;  set  on  by  Dumas  to  at 
tack  the  border  settlements,  i. 
341 ;  their  power  and  pride 
greatly  fallen,  i.  384 ;  Johnson 
seeks  to  attach  them  to  the 
English  interest,  i.  403 ;  unable 
to  remain  neutral,  i.  403  ;  pledge 


494 


INDEX. 


themselves  to  the  English,  i. 
404 ;  Shirley  longs  for  their  aid 
against  Niagara  and  Frontenac, 
i.  406 ;  half  won  for  France,  i. 
481 ;  Vaudreuil's  plan  to  force 
them  to  declare  for  France,  ii. 
90 ;  nearly  lost  to  the  English, 
ii.  133;  wavering,  ii.  149,  150; 
attend  the  convention  at  Easton, 
ii.  154 ;  ii.  254  ;  in  the  attack  on 
Oswego,  ii.  432.  See  also  Iro- 
quois  Indians,  and  Six  Nations, 
the. 

Five-Mile  Point,  i.  456  ;  ii.  106. 
Flanders,  Wolfe  at,  ii.  193. 
Flassan,  on  Choiseul,  ii.  409  ;  on 
the  "Family  Compact,"  ii.  411. 
Flatheads,  the,  i.  72. 
Flat  Point,  ii.  60,  61. 
Flat  Point  Cove,  ii.  64. 
Fleurimont,  at  Montcalm's  grand 

council,  i.  501. 
Florence,  ii.  336. 
Florida,  i.  22  ;  ceded  to  England 

by  Spain,  ii.  420. 

Foligny,  M.  de,  on  the  fireships  at 
Quebec,  ii.  220 ;  on  the  siege  of 
Quebec,  ii.  225 ;  on  the  repulse 
of  the  English  at  Montmorenci 
ii.  244 ;  ii.  287,  296  ;  on  Wolfe's 
ascent  of  the  Heights  of  Abr& 
ham,  ii.  298 ;  on  the  loss  oJ 
Montcalm,  ii.  319;  ii.  455;  on 
the  burial  of  Moutcalm,  ii.  459 
Folsom,  Captain,  at  Fort  Lyman 

i.  320. 
Fontbrune,  sent  to  summon  Monroe 

to  surrender,  i.  513. 
Fontenoy,   Duke   of  Cumberlan 

at,  i.  10;  i.  22. 
Forbes,  Rev.  Eli,  rejoices  over  the 

fall  of  Canada,  ii.  392,  393. 

Forbes,  Brigadier  John,   in  com 

mand  of  the  expedition  agains 

Fort    Duquesne,    ii.    52;    lead 


an  expedition  against  Fort  Du 
quesne,  ii.  135 ;  sketch  of,  ii. 
138  ;  his  army,  ii.  138  ;  conflict 
ing  views,  ii.  139  ;  his  plan  of 
advance,  ii.  140 ;  displeased  with 
his  provincials,  ii.  141  ;  in  Phil 
adelphia,  ii.  141  ;  letters  to  Bou 
quet,  ii.  141,  142,  143,  144,  149, 
161,  163,  164;  vexed  with  the 
Pennsylvania  Assembly,  ii.  142; 
at  Carlisle,  ii.  142  ;  his  illness, 
ii.  142,  143 ;  his  imputations 
against  Washington,  ii.  143 ; 
his  relations  with  the  Indians, 
ii.  145 ;  troublesome  allies,  ii. 
145,  146  ;  his  ignorance  of  the 
strength  of  the  enemy,  ii.  146  ; 
his  advance,  ii.  147 ;  the  object 
of  his  long  delays,  ii.  148 ; 
wavering  allies,  ii.  149;  ii.  156, 
157,  158;  on  Grant's  defeat, 
ii.  161;  ii.  162;  his  advance 
against  Fort  Duquesne,  ii.  165  ; 
finds  it  deserted,  ii.  166;  the 
homeward  march,  ii.  167 ;  ad 
vises  Amherst  of  his  success,  ii. 
168;  death  of,  ii.  169;  impor 
tance  of  his  work,  ii.  169 ;  ii. 
254. 

Forbes,  Thomas,  journal  of,  i.  165, 
216. 

Forest  outposts,  i.  74. 

Fort  Hill,  ii.  80. 

Fort  William  Henry  Hotel,  i.  414, 
518. 

"  Foudroyant,"  the,  captured  by 
the  "  Monmouth,"  ii.  53. 

Fox,  Henry,  i.  10;  letter  from 
Dinwiddie  to,  i.  184;  i.  186; 
letters  from  Shirley  to,  i.  388, 
396,  407,  409,  412,  419;  on 
Shirley's  successor,  i.  396 ;  on 
Johnson's  commission,  i.  403 ; 
letters  from  London  to,  i.  407, 
413,419. 


INDEX. 


495 


Foxcroft,   Rev.   Thomas,   rejoices 
over  the  fall  of  Canada,  ii.  392. 

Foxes,  the,   at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  500. 

France,  Louis  XV.,  breaks  the 
traditionary  policy  of,  i.  4 ; 
American  possessions  of,  i.  5  ; 
ruined  by  the  Seven  Years' 
War  in  two  continents,  i.  5 ; 
House  of  Bourbon,  holds  the 
throne  of,  i.  12;  her  claims,  i. 
12  ;  nobility  of  England,  com 
pared  with  that  of,  i.  13 ;  pro 
digious  influence  of  women  in, 
i.  14;  signs  of  decay,  i.  14  ;  the 
court,  i.  15;  the  clergy,  i.  15; 
the  people,  i.  15,  16;  an  aggre 
gate  of  disjointed  parts,  i.  16  ; 
attempt  to  scour  heresy  out  of, 
i.  16;  her  manifold  ills  summed 
up  in  the  King,  i.  16  ;  influence 
of  Madame  de  Pompadour  on, 
i.  17;  decline  of  the  monarchy, 
i.  18;  supports  the  claims  of 
the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  i.  21 ; 
her  claims  in  America,  i.  22 ; 
builds  its  best  colony  on  a  prin 
ciple  of  exclusion,  i.  24 ;  her 
claims  to  Canada,  i.  27 ;  Galis- 
soniere  the  chief  representative 
of  the  American  policy  in,  i. 
39;  in  the  Ohio  valley,  i.  43, 
44 ;  cedes  Acadia  to  England, 
i.  95  ;  Louisbourg  restored  by 
England  to,  i.  96  ;  tries  to  turn 
the  Acadians  from  England,  i 
99;  the  question  of  American 
boundaries  between  England 
and,  i.  128;  Madame  de  Pom 
padour  the  true  ruler  of,  i.  186  ; 
military  and  naval  strength  of, 
i.  187 ;  weak  in  leadership,  i. 
187;  policy  of,  i.  187;  prepares 
an  expedition  for  America,  i. 
189;  mutual  dissimulation,  i. 


190;  admits  that  the  Kennebec 
River  belongs  to  England,  i. 
190;  the  possession  of  Acadia 
necessary  to,  i.  246 ;  her  chances 
of  success  good,  i.  247  ;  Acadian 
exiles  in,  i.  294;  England 
declares  war  against,  i.  364 ; 
declares  war  against  England, 
i.  364  ;  England  seeks  a  guaran 
tee  against,  i.  365  ;  Maria  The 
resa  courts  the  alliance  of,  i.  366  ; 
is  made  the  instrument  of  Aus 
tria,  i.  366;  joins  Austria  and 
Russia  against  Prussia,  i.  367  ; 
ii.  41 ;  henceforth  to  turn  her 
strength  against  her  European 
foes,  i.  367 ;  reasons  for  this,  i. 
367,  368 ;  her  policy,  i.  368 ;  the 
Indians  at  the  beck  of,  i.  384 ; 
conquers  the  undisputed  com 
mand  of  Lake  Ontario,  i.  428 ; 
hastens  to  protect  Louisbourg 
against  an  English  attack,  i.  483 ; 
weakness  of  the  government  in, 
ii.  47  ;  in  sore  need  of  peace,  ii. 
407  ;  tries  to  seize  Hanover,  ii. 
414;  its  navy  reduced  to  help 
lessness,  ii.  415;  desperate  fi 
nancial  condition  of,  ii.  417  ; 
her  cessions  to  Great  Britain 
by  the  Peace  of  Paris,  ii.  419; 
moving  swiftly  towards  ruin,  ii. 
424;  effect  of  Colbert  on,  ii. 
425  ;  loses  her  grand  opportuni 
ties  as  a  world-power,  ii.  425. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  i.  30,  173 ; 
his  famous  project  of  union,  i. 
182;  his  plan  rejected  by  the 
Crown,  i.  182;  his  estimate  of 
Braddock,  i.  195 ;  a  powerful 
ally  of  Braddock,  i.  205 ;  his 
antagonism  to  the  Penns,  i.  206 ; 
visits  Braddock's  camp,  i.  206 ; 
enables  Braddock  to  begin  his 
march,  i.  206,  207  ;  i.  234,  236  ; 


496 


INDEX. 


leader  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly,  i.  350;  the  idea  of 
feudal  proprietorship  odious  to, 
i.  350;  i.  354,  358,  361,  362,  363; 
his  opinion  of  Shirley,  i.  434; 
his  opinion  of  Loudon,  i.  434, 
484 ;  on  the  jealousy  of  the 
colonies,  ii.  418. 

Franquet,  the  engineer,  on  the  Aca- 
dians,  i.  269 ;  sent  to  strengthen 
Louisbourg,  ii.  21  ;  his  journal, 
ii.  21  ;  on  Bigot,  ii.  21 ;  in  coun 
cil  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  74  ;  on  the 
siege  of  Louisbourg,  ii.  85. 

Fraser,  the  trader,  the  French 
seize  the  house  of,  i.  138 ;  i.  142, 
221. 

Fraser,  Colonel,  at  Quebec,  ii.  236 ; 
on  the  repulse  of  the  English  at 
Montmorenci,  ii.  244 ;  on  the 
cruelty  of  Montgomery,  ii.  273 ; 
on  the  force  of  the  English  and 
French  at  the  battle  of  Quebec, 
ii.  310;  on  the  capture  of  Le 
Calvaire,  ii.  350;  at  Ste.-Foy, 
ii.  364 ;  on  the  battle  of  Ste.-Foy, 
ii.  372 ;  on  the  force  of  the 
French  and  English  at  Quebec, 
ii.  454 ;  on  the  siege  of  Quebec, 
ii.  457  ;  on  the  strength  of  the 
French  and  English  at  the  bat 
tle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  460. 

Fraser,  Hon.  Malcolm,  ii.  309. 

Eraser's  Highlanders,  at  Louis 
bourg,  ii.  62  ;  at  Quebec,  ii.  241, 
242,  297,304,  312;  suffer  from 
the  Canadian  winter,  ii.  348; 
attack  the  French  skirmishers, 
ii.  349  ;  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  364,  454. 

Frederic  II.  of  Prussia,  i.  4 ; 
severe  apprenticeship  of,  i.  19; 
the  first  warrior  of  his  time,  i. 
20;  seizes  Silesia,  i.  21 ;  draws 
an  avalanche  upon  himself,  i. 
365  ;  hatred  of  Elizabeth,  Maria 


Theresa,  and  Madame  de  Pom 
padour  for,  i.  365  ;  a  rebellious 
vassal  of  the  Holy  Roman  Em 
pire,  i.  365 ;  robs  Maria  Theresa 
of  Silesia,  i.  365 ;  a  veritable 
fire-king,  ii.  41  ;  begins  the  Con 
tinental  war,  ii.  41 ;  England 
makes  common  cause  with,  ii. 
41  ;  wins  the  battle  of  Prague, 
ii.  42  ;  defeated  at  Kolin,  ii.  42  ; 
wins  at  Rossbach,  ii.  43 ;  de 
feats  the  Austrians  at  Leuthen, 
ii.  43  ;  Madame  de  Pompadour 
never  wavers  in  her  spite 
against,  ii.  48 ;  his  tribute  to 
Pitt,  ii.  49  ;  seemed  tottering  to 
his  ruin,  ii.  401 ;  reverses  of,  ii. 
401  ;  his  letters  to  D'Argens, 
ii.  402,  403  ;  his  letter  to  Vol 
taire,  ii.  402  ;  his  unconquerable 
spirit,  ii.  403 ;  domestic  losses, 
ii.  403;  his  campaign  of  1760, 
ii.  403;  his  campaign  of  1761, 
ii.  404 ;  the  fall  of  Pitt  a  knell 
of  doom  to,  ii.  413  ;  Peter  III. 
of  Russia  becomes  his  friend,  ii. 
413 ;  on  the  loss  of  life  in  the 
Continental  War,  ii.  424;  suc 
ceeds  in  defying  his  adversaries, 
ii.  424. 

Frederic,  Fort,  i.  26,  390.  See 
also  Crown  Point. 

Frederick  Louis,  Prince  of  Wales 
(eldest  son  of  George  II.),  i.  10. 

Frederic  William,  King  of  Ger 
many,  makes  Germany  the  best 
engine  of  war  in  Europe,  i.  19. 

Fremont,  M.,  at  Oswego,  i.  475. 

French,  the,  Miamis  refuse  to 
listen  to,  i.  60,  61  ;  Oswego  of 
ill  omen  to,  i.  77 ;  plot  to  de 
stroy  Oswego,  i.  82,  83  ;  perils 
of,  i.  87,  88 ;  destroy  Canseau, 
i.  97  ;  never  reconciled  to  the 
loss  of  Acadia,  i.  97 ;  dread  Fort 


INDEX. 


497 


Halifax,  i.  191  ;  Lawrence  and 
Shirley  plan  against,  i.  248,  249; 
heartlessness  of  their  dealings 
with  the  Acadians,  i.  254 ;  their 
losses  in  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  323  ;  capture  Oswego, 
i.  419;  think  to  crush  Frederic 
of  Prussia  at  Rossbach,  ii.  43 ; 
elated  by  the  repulse  of  the  Eng 
lish  at  Montmorenci,  ii.  270  ; 
flee  before  Frederic  of  Prussia, 
ii.  401. 

French  Academy,  the,  Montcalm's 
ambition  to  become  a  member 
of,  i.  369. 

French  America,  two  heads  of,  i. 
42 ;  Vaudreuil  the  new  governor 
of,  i.  189. 

French,  the  Canadian,  prepare  to 
defend  Crown  Point,  i.  299. 

"  French  Catharine's  Town,"  i.  58. 

French  colonies,  the,  causes  of  fail 
ure  of,  i.  23 ;  the  English  colo 
nies  more  populous  and  wealthy 
than,  i.  132. 

French  Creek,  i.  48,  133,  135,  138, 
139,  174. 

French  Indians,  the,  i.  62,  141 ; 
in  the  battle  of  Lake  George, 
i.  318;  in  the  siege  of  Niagara, 
ii.  258. 

French  Mountain,  the  heights  of, 
i.  311,320;  ii.  96. 

French  posts,  in  the  West,  i.  4, 
200. 

French  priests,  the,  persuade  the 
Acadians  to  break  faith  with 
England,  i.  95 ;  indignation  of 
Cornwallis  towards,  i.  Ill;  the 
proposition  to  replace,  i.  112. 

French  Revolution,  the,  i.  20. 

Freshwater    Cove,     ii.     60,     61 ; 
Wolfe   attempts  to  land  at,  ii. 
62 ;    the  defence  of  the  French 
at,  ii.  62. 
VOL.  ii.  —  32 


Frontenac,  Fort,  i.  41 ;  Bienville 
at,  i.  55 ;  Father  Piquet  at,  i. 
72  ;  reason  for  building,  i.  77  ; 
reception  of  Father  Piquet  at, 
i.  78  ;  i.  335  ;  location  of,  i.  336  ; 
French  force  at,  i.  336,  337 ; 
French  camp  at,  i.  385  ;  French 
engineers  strengthen  the  de 
fences  of,  i.  386 ;  guarded  by 
the  battalions  of  Guienne  and 
La  Sarre,  i.  388 ;  Shirley's  plan 
to  seize,  i.  394,  406,  412  ;  Lou- 
don  abandons  the  attempt 
against,  i.  413 ;  Montcalm  at, 
i.  421  ;  i.  428 ;  falls  into  British 
hands,  ii.  132,  133  ;  baffles  Shir 
ley  in  his  attempt  against  Niag 
ara,  ii.  133  ;  gives  Montcalm  the 
means  of  conquering  Oswego, 
ii.  133 ;  Bradstreet's  expedition 
against,  ii.  133;  De  Noyan  in 
command  at,  ii.  133  ;  surrenders 
to  Bradstreet,  ii.  133 ;  de 
stroyed,  ii.  134;  importance  of 
possessing,  ii.  134. 

Frontiers,  the,  misery  of,  i.  344 ; 
the  nature  of,  i.  346 ;  petition 
for  protection,  i.  352,  355. 

Fry,  Colonel  Joshua,  in  command 
of  the  Virginia  regiment,  i.  147, 
150;  dangerous  illness  of,  i. 
156;  death  of,  i.  157. 

Frye,  Major,  i.  285  ;  attacked  by 
Boishe'bert,  i.  286 ;  on  Chaplain 
Weld,  i.  418 ;  on  Marin's  dash 
on  Fort  Edward,  i.  499  ;  sent  to 
Fort  William  Henry,  i.  511,  517, 
523 ;  his  escape  from  the  In 
dians,  i.  525,  526;  his  letter  to 
Governor  Pownall,  i.  528 ;  on 
the  attack  on  Fort  William 
Henry,  ii.  444,  445. 

Fuentes,  Count  de,  on  the  arro 
gance  of  Pitt,  ii.  409. 

Fundy,  Bay  of,  i.  246,  248,  256, 


498 


INDEX. 


268,  270,  277;  Monckton  de 
spatched  to,  ii.  82  ;  ii.  83. 

Fur-trade,  the,  i.  40;  at  Albany, 
i.  332. 

Fur-traders,  i.  40,  45,  74,  77. 

GABARUS  BAY,  Boscawen  sails 
into,  ii.  60. 

Gage,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  i.  220, 
222  ;  in  the  battle  of  Mononga- 
hela,  i.  223,  224 ;  wounded,  i. 
227  ;  on  the  defeat  of  Braddock, 
i.  229  ;  i.  232  ;  with  Abercrom- 
bie,  ii.  97  ;  letter  from  Amherst 
to,  ii.  251 ;  sent  to  supersede 
Johnson,  ii.  259. 

Galissoniere,  see  La  Galissoniere. 

Gallows  Hill,  seized  by  Wolfe,  ii. 
69. 

Galops,  the,  Amherst  descends, 
ii.  385. 

Gait,  ii.  167. 

Ganouskie  Bay,  i.  504. 

Gardiner,  Captain,  of  the  "  Mon- 
mouth,"  ii.  53 ;  his  fight  with 
the  "  Foudroyant,"  ii.  53  ;  death 
of,  ii.  53. 

Gardiner,  Richard,  on  the  siege 
of  Quebec,  ii.  456. 

Gardner,  death  of,  i.  457. 

Garneau,  on  the  strength  of  the 
French  and  English  at  the  bat 
tle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  461. 

Gaspe',  ii.  84,  368. 

Gaspe,  county  of,  i.  131. 

Gaspe,  De,  on  Washington's  at 
tack  on  Jumonville,  i.  156;  on 
Bigot's  life  and  character,  ii. 
24. 

Gaspereau,  Fort,  at  Baye  Verte, 
i.  262  ;  summoned  to  surrender, 
i.  262  ;  surrenders,  i.  262. 

Gates,  Horatio,  wounded  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  227  ; 
letter  from  Macaulay  to,  ii.  136. 


"  General  Court,"  the,  at  Boston, 
i.  28. 

General  Hospital,  the,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  276,  317,  343,  458. 

Genesee  River,  the,  Father  Piquet 
at,  i.  76. 

"Gentleman's  Magazine,"  i.  204; 
on  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  i. 
229  ;  on  the  Niagara  expedition, 
i.  339 ;  on  the  Pennsylvania!! 
disputes,  i.  363  ;  on  the  failure 
of  the  Louisbourg  expedition, 
i.  487  ;  ii.  132  ;  on  Grant's  de 
feat,  ii.  161 ;  on  Forbes'  advance, 
ii.  165;  on  the  question  of  re 
taining  Canada,  ii.  419. 

George  II.,  prosaic  reign  of,  i.  7 ; 
the  Acadians  swear  fidelity  to, 
i.  95,  96  ;  the  Acadians  refuse 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to,  i.  275  ;  his  opinion  of  Wolfe, 
ii.  199;  death  of,  ii.  405. 

George  III.,  becomes  King  of 
England,  ii.  405  ;  characteristics 
of,  ii.  405  ;  dislikes  Pitt,  ii.  405  ; 
becomes  the  supporter  of  the 
peace  party,  ii.  406 ;  his  new 
cabinet,  ii.  407  ;  his  new  policy, 
ii.  407  ;  deposes  Newcastle,  ii. 
414  ;  feels  the  need  of  peace,  ii. 
417 ;  negotiations  opened,  ii.  417  ; 
the  question  of  restoring  Can 
ada,  ii.  418. 

George,  Fort,  built  by  Amherst, 
i.  306;  ii.  80,  247,  333,  451.  See 
also  William  Henry,  Fort. 

George,  Fort,  see  New  Oswego. 

George,  Lake,  Johnson's  march 
for,  i.  305 ;  Johnson  changes 
name  of  Lac  St.  Sacrement  to, 
i.  306,  327  ;  i.  310,  363  ;  New 
England  mustering  against  the 
French  at,  i.  393  ;  Winslow  at, 
i.  414,  434  ;  the  chief  centre  of 
partisan  war,  i.  441  ;  rangers  at, 


INDEX. 


499 


i.  446,  447,  458,  462,  466,  489, 
491,  492,  505,  507  ;  ii.  6,  14,  16, 
17,  80,  84,  90,  91,  92,  104,  106, 
108,  111,  135;  Amherst  at,  ii. 
246,  248. 

Georgia,  colony  of,  i.  23,  36. 

Germain,  Reverend  Father,  i.  104  ; 
advises  the  Acadians  not  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  i.  105 ; 
i.  107  ;  at  Beaubassin,  i.  122  ;  ii. 
434. 

German  Flats,  the  Palatine  settle 
ment  of,  i.  333 ;  Webb  at,  i.  420  ; 
attacked  by  Vaudreuil,  ii.  8 ; 
destruction  of,  ii.  9  ;  population 
of,  ii.  10. 

Germanic  Empire,  the  collective, 
i.  19 ;  joins  the  three  powers 
against  Prussia,  ii.  42  ;  ii.  414. 

Germans,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i. 
33,34,172,  200;  in  New  York, 
i.  35 ;  hate  the  thought  of  mili 
tary  service,  i.  351 ;  demand 
measures  of  war  from  the  As 
sembly,  i.  360. 

German  States,  the  smaller,  join 
the  three  powers  against  Prus 
sia,  ii.  42. 

Germany,  the  destinies  of,  i.  19; 
left  by  Frederic  William  the 
best  engine  of  war  in  Europe, 
i.  19;  Rossbach  begins  the  re 
creation  of,  ii.  423. 

Gethen,  Captain,  killed  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  236. 

Gibraltar,  garrison  of,  i.  11; 
Braddock  made  governor  of,  i. 
197  ;  the  fact  questioned,  i.  197. 

Gibraltar,  the  Straits  of,  ii.  52. 

Gibson,  George,  i.  236. 

Gibson,  J.,  on  the  repulse  of  the 
English  at  Montmorenci,  ii.  244. 

Giddings,  Captain,  on  Rogers,  ii. 
129. 

Gilchrist,  ii.  453. 


Girard,  priest  at  Cobequid,  i.  Ill  ; 
sent  prisoner  to  Halifax,  but 
released,  i.  Ill  ;  retires  to  Isle 
St.  Jean,  i.  1 1 1  ;  on  the  misery 
of  the  Acadians,  i.  114. 

Gist,  Christopher,  i.  45 ;  sent  to 
explore  the  Ohio  country,  i. 
57 ;  reaches  Logstown,  i.  57  ;  at 
Muskingum,  i.  57  ;  service  ren 
dered  by  Montour  to,  i.  57 ;  on 
Mary  Harris,  i.  59 ;  at  Pickawil- 
lany,  i.  59 ;  among  the  Miamis, 
i.  60 ;  received  by  La  Demoi 
selle,  i.  60 ;  makes  a  treaty  with 
the  Miamis,  i.  60  ;  describes  the 
"  feather  dance,"  i.  61  ;  returns 
to  Roanoke,  i.  62  ;  his  report,  i. 
62 ;  journal  of,  i.  62,  137  ;  acts 
as  guide  for  Washington,  i.  138, 
141 ;  on  the  Alleghany,  i.  141, 
142  ;  makes  a  settlement  at 
Laurel  Hill,  i.  151  ;  i.  157  ;  a 
council  of  war  in  the  house  of, 
i.  158. 

Gist's  settlement,  Washington  ad 
vances  to,  i.  158;  Villiers  at, 
i.  161;  burned  by  Villiers,  i. 
167  ;  Braddock  at,  i.  232,  234. 
See  also  Laurel  Hill. 

Givard,  ii.  443. 

Gladwin,  wounded  in  the  battle  of 
Mouougahela,  i.  227. 

Glasgow,  Wolfe  at,  ii.  193. 

Glasier,  Colonel,  i.  417. 

Glen,  Governor,  of  South  Carolina, 
vexes  Dinwiddie,  i.  183. 

Gnadenhutten,  Moravian  settle 
ment  of,  burned  by  the  Indians, 
i.  360. 

Goat  Island,  ii.  56. 

Godefroy,  i.  218,  221  ;  on  the  de 
feat  of  Braddock,  i.  229. 

Goldsmith,  Oliver,  tells  the  story 
of  Braddock's  sister,  i.  196. 

"  Goodwill,"  the  transport,  ii.  214. 


500 


INDEX. 


Gordon,  Mr.,  i.  417. 

Gordon,    the    engineer,    on    the 

French  in  the  Ohio  valley,  i.  44. 
Goree,  the   Island  of,  taken  from 

the  French,  ii.  415;  restored  to 

France,  ii.  420. 
Gorham,  Captain,  i.  485. 
Governors,  the  royal,  attitude  of, 

i.  177. 
"  Governor's     Palace,"     the,     at 

Williamsburg,  i.  147,   169. 
Gradis  and  Son,  official   knavery 

of,  ii.  26. 

Graham,  Rev.  John,  diary  of,  i.  41 6. 
Grand  Battery,  the,  at  Louisbourg, 

ii.  58  ;  abandoned  by  the  French, 

ii.  64. 

Grand  Menan,  the,  ii.  191. 
Grand  Pre,  i.  98, 110,  270 ;  Acadian 

deputies  at,  i.  274  ;  Winslow  at, 

i.  278,  279,  280,  281,  282,  288. 
Grant,  Mrs.,  ii.  96. 
Grant,  Mrs.  Anne,  see  Mac  Vicar, 

Anne. 
Grant,  Ensign,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 

63. 
Grant,  Major,  of  the  Highlanders, 

ii.  157  ;    his  expedition,  ii.  157, 

158;    the   attack,    ii.    159;    the 

panic,  ii.  160  ;  defeat  of,  ii.  161  ; 

captured  by  the  French,  ii.  161. 
Grant,  Lieutenant  William,  on  the 

bravery  of   the  Highlanders  at 

Ticonderoga,  ii.  114. 
Grant's  Hill,  ii.  147,  157. 
Granville,  Earl,  letter  from  Din- 

widdie  to,  i.  183,  184;  ii.  411; 

his  reply  to  Pitt,  ii.  412  ;  on  the 

result  of  the  Seven  Years'  War, 

ii.  423. 
Granville,   Fort,  captured  by  the 

French  and  Indians,  i.  436. 
Gray,  John,  letter  from  his  brother 

James  to,  i.  333. 
Gray,  Sergeant  James,  on  the  uni 


forms  in  the  Niagara  expedition, 
i.  333. 

Gray,  Thomas,  ii.  297. 

"Great  Cardinal,"  the,  i.  17. 

Great  Carrying  Place  of  the 
Mohawk,  the,  Johnson's  army 
at,  i.  305 ;  Shirley  at,  i.  333 ; 
the  English  build  forts  to  guard, 
i.  387 ;  Shirley  rebuilds  the  fort 
at,  i.  397,  406  ;  Webb  at,  i.  419  : 
Webb  burns  the  forts  at,  i.  420 ; 
ii.  134,  252. 

"  Great  Commoner,"  the,  see  Pitt, 
William. 

Great  Company,  the,  i.  293. 

Great  Cove,  the,  settlements  in, 
destroyed  by  the  Indians,  i.  356. 

Great  Kanawha  River,  the,  Bien- 
ville  at,  i.  51. 

Great  Lakes,  the,  i.  130. 

Great  Meadows,  the,  Washington 
at,  i.  150, 151,  156;  Washington 
joined  by  the  Indians  at,  i.  157  ; 
the  fight  at,  i.  164;  Dunbar  at, 
i.  234. 

Great  Miami  River,  the,  i.  53. 

Great  Ouontio,  the,  see  Onontio. 

Great  Savage  Mountain,  the,  i. 
213. 

Great  West,  the,  i.  42  ;  the  key  of, 
i.  66  ;  opened  to  English  enter 
prise,  ii.  169. 

Green  Bay,  i.  89  ;  ii.  30. 

Green  Mountains,  the,  i.  467. 

Grenada,  captured  by  the  English, 
ii.  416  ;  ceded  by  France,  ii.  420. 

Grenadiers,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii.  241, 
242 ;  their  losses,  ii.  243 ;  re 
buked  by  Wolfe,  ii.  270  ;  on  the 
Heights  of  Abraham,  ii.  301. 

Grenadiers,  the  French,  attack  Old 
Lorette,  ii.  348 ;  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii. 
361. 

Grenadines,  the,  ceded  by  France, 
ii.  420. 


INDEX. 


501 


Grenville,  ii.  94;  on  Wolfe,  ii. 
203. 

Gridley,  Colonel,  i.  415. 

Grignon,  Pierre,  ii.  441. 

Guadeloupe,  seized  by  the  English, 
ii.  415,  418;  restored  by  the 
English,  ii.  420. 

Guienne,  the  battalion  of,  ordered 
to  Canada,  i.  189 ;  guards  Fort 
Frontenac,  i.  388 ;  in  the  expe 
dition  against  Oswego,  ii.  422  ; 
at  Ticonderoga,  i.  491 ;  ii.  108, 
113;  in  Montcalm's  expedition, 
i.  506 ;  at  Quebec,  ii.  240,  242, 
287 ;  encamped  on  the  St. 
Charles,  ii.  296  ;  on  the  Heights 
of  Abraham,  ii.  302,  304. 

Guinea  coast,  the,  ii.  51. 

Gumley,  Colonel,  Braddock's  duel 
with,  i.  196. 

HABITANTS,  i.  81. 

Hague,  village  of,  i.  442.    f 

Hainaut,  the  regiment  of,  Mont- 
calm  joins,  i.  370. 

Haldimand,  Colonel,  at  Oswego, 
ii.  252 ;  ii.  255. 

Hale,  George  S.,  i.  417. 

Half-King,  the,  orders  the  French 
to  leave  the  country,  i.  135  ;  his 
interview  with  Marin,  i.  135 ; 
accompanies  Washington  to 
Fort  Le  BcEuf,  i.  138;  the 
French  try  to  win  over,  i.  140; 
joins  Washington,  i.  151,  152; 
Washington's  council  with,  i. 
152 ;  claims  to  have  killed  Ju- 
monville,  i.  156;  at  the  Great 
Meadows,  i.  157  ;  stands  fast  by 
the  English,  i.  158  ;  holds  aloof 
from  Washington,  i.  166 ;  his 
comments  on  the  fight  at  Great 
Meadows,  i.  166;  his  estimate 
of  Washington,  i.  166. 

Half-Moon,     the    New    England 


troops  at,  i.  397 ;  Winslow's 
headquarters  at,  i.  401  ;  i.  466 ; 
ii.  124. 

Halfway  Brook,  ii.  247. 

Haliburton,  on  the  embarkation  of 
the  Acadians,  i.  288. 

Halifax,  i.  95  ;  founding  of,  i.  97 ; 
the  offspring  of  royal  authority, 
i.  97 ;  Acadian  deputies  at,  i. 
101 ;  harassed  by  La  Jon- 
quiere's  Indians,  i.  103 ;  Hob- 
son  governor  of,  i.  117;  the 
authorities  not  models  of  inter 
national  virtue,  i.  119;  i.  129; 
Monckton  at,  i.  203;  English 
militia  at,  i.  247  ;  Governor  Law 
rence  at,  i.  248,  252;  Daudin 
sent  to,  i.  253  ;  i.  264,  265,  270, 
272,  289;  English  rendezvous 
at,  i.  483,  484,  485 ;  ii.  3 ;  Bos- 
cawen  and  Amherst  at,  ii.  59 ; 
ii.  200,  202,  289,  371,  434,  460. 

Halifax  Council,  the,  on  the  ab 
surd  claim  of  Le  Loutre,  i.  126. 

Halifax,  Fort,  Duquesne  ordered 
to  destroy,  i.  190;  dreaded  by 
the  French,  i.  191. 

Halifax,  Lord,  i.  10 ;  letters  from 
Diuwiddie  to,  i.  184,  237  ;  at  the 
head  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and 
Plantations,  i.  186;  on  Shirley's 
successor,  i.  396 ;  letter  from 
Winslow  to,  i.  453. 

Halket,  Lieutenant,  killed  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  227. 

Halket,  Major,  in  Forbes'  expedi 
tion  against  Fort  Duquesne,  ii. 
167;  on  the  discomforts  of 
Forbes,  ii.  168,  169. 

Halket,  Sir  Peter,  in  the  battle  of 
Monongahela,  i.  224 ;  death  of, 
i.  227  ;  death  of  his  son,  i.  227  ; 
ii.  167. 

Halket's  regiment,  i.  208. 

Halkett,  ii.  448. 


502 


INDEX. 


Hamilton,  Captain,  ii.  261. 

Hamilton,  Governor,  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  on  the  English  fur-traders, 
i.  45  ;  letter  from  Bienville  to,  i. 
48 ;  sends  Croghan  to  the  Wy- 
andot,  i.  57,  63 ;  letter  from 
Governor  Clinton  to,  i.  65  ;  let 
ter  from  Saint-Pierre  sent  to,  i. 
140;  powerless  against  his  As 
sembly,  i.  1 47 ;  letter  from 
Colonel  Innes  to,  i.  164;  letter 
from  Dinwiddie  to,  i.  171 ;  pre 
sents  circular  letter  from  the 
Earl  of  Holdernesse  to  his  As 
sembly,  i.  172;  the  Assembly 
refuses  to  respond  to  his  re 
quests,  i.  1 73 ;  succeeded  by 
Morris,  i.  173. 

Hampton,  Braddock  lands  at,  i. 
194,  198. 

Hanbury,  John,  the  Quaker  mer 
chant,  a  member  of  the  Ohio 
Company,  i.  57;  letters  from 
Dinwiddie  to,  i.  145,  149  ;  Brad- 
dock's  blunder  ascribed  to,  i. 
204  ;  consulted  by  Newcastle  on 
American  affairs,  i.  204. 

Hanbury,  Mrs.,  i.  149. 

Hancock,  the  Boston  merchant,  i. 
254. 

Handfield,  Major,  in  command  at 
Annapolis,  i.  276 ;  ordered  to 
seize  the  Acadians,  i.  276  ;  his 
report,  i.  285  ;  letter  from  Wins- 
low  to,  i.  288. 

Hanover,  the  vulnerable  part 
for  which  England  was  always 
trembling,  i.  365 ;  an  apple  of 
discord,  ii.  43 ;  Ferdinand 
drives  Clermont  out  of,  ii.  50  ; 
Continental  kingdom  of,  ii. 
405 ;  France  tries  to  seize,  ii. 
414. 

Hanover,  the  House  of,  i.  7 ;  ii. 
52. 


Hardy,  Sir  Charles,  Governor  of 
New  York,  i.  396 ;  his  repre 
sentations  of  Shirley's  conduct, 
i.  396 ;  letter  from  Abercrombie 
to,  i.  409  ;  on  the  capture  of  Os- 
wego,  i.  429 ;  i.  484 ;  ii.  84. 

Hardy,  Major,  at  Quebec,  ii.  226, 
229. 

Harris,  John,  on  the  Indian  mas 
sacres  on  the  Susquehanna,  i. 
356. 

Harris,  Mary,  story  of,  i.  58,  59. 

Harris,  Thomas,  an  English  scout, 
at  the  ruins  of  Oswego,  i.  429. 

Haslet,  Captain,  i.  216. 

Hauteur-de-la-Potence,  ii.  69. 

Havana,  English  attack  planned 
on,  ii.  415 ;  Albemarle  and 
Pococke  attack,  ii.  416  ;  in  Eng 
lish  hands,  ii.  416. 

Haviland,  Colonel,  in  command  at 
Fort  Edward,  ii.  14  ;  letter  from 
Pringle  to,  ii.  19;  ii.  375,  376, 
379,  380,  381  ;  at  Isle-aux-Noix, 
ii.  382,  383. 

Hawke,  Sir  Edward,  intercepts  a 
French  fleet  bound  for  America, 
ii.  54. 

Hawley,  Captain  Elisha,  death  of, 
i.  313,  322. 

Hawley,  Joseph,  i.  313. 

Hay,  Sir  Charles,  i.  485. 

Hay,  Ensign,  killed  at  Fort  Beau- 
sejour,  i.  260. 

Hazard,  i.  212  ;  on  Fort  Duquesne, 
i.  216,  220;  on  the  destruction 
of  Kittanning,  i.  439. 

"  Hazard's  Pennsylvania  Regis 
ter,"  on  Grant's  defeat,  ii.  161. 

Hazen,  Captain  Moses,  in  the  at 
tack  on  Fort  Beausejour,  i.  258 ; 
i.  441;  at  Lorette,  ii.  350;  ex 
ploits  of,  ii.  350,  351  ;  wounded 
at  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  364  ;  anecdote  of, 
ii.  364,  365. 


INDEX. 


503 


Hazen's  rangers,  exploits  of,  ii. 
350,  351;  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  361, 
362. 

Hebecourt,  Captain,  at  Ticonder- 
oga,  ii.  14 ;  takes  his  revenge 
on  Rogers,  ii.  14  ;  reinforced  by 
the  Mission  Indians,  ii.  14 ;  his 
account  .of  Rogers'  fight,  ii. 
19  ;  left  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  248  ; 
escape  of,  ii.  249. 

Henderson,  on  the  Heights  of 
Abraham,  ii.  308. 

Hendrick,  chief  of  the  Mohawks, 
complains  of  his  wrongs,  i.  178; 
pacified  by  William  Johnson,  i. 
178;  attends  the  Convention  at 
Albany,  i.  180;  his  speech  at 
the  Convention,  i.  180;  at  Fort 
Lyman,  i.  312;  at  the  Drowned 
Lands,  i.  313 ;  death  of,  i.  314, 
320. 

Hening,  i.  145 ;  on  Dinwiddie's 
disputes  with  the  Burgesses,  i. 
171. 

Hensey,  Florence,  the  French  spy 
in  London,  i.  483. 

Herbin,  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  401  ;  in  command 
at  Le  Calvaire,  ii  350;  put  to 
flight  by  the  English,  ii.  350. 

Herkimer,  Fort,  ii.  9. 

Hermitage,  the,  ii.  24. 

"  Heros,"  the,  i.  375. 

Hertel,  at  Montcalm's  grand  coun 
cil,  i.  501. 

Highlanders,  the,  i.  412;  with 
Abercrombie,  ii.  97 ;  their  brav 
ery  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  113;  ii. 
138,  193. 

Highlanders  of  Montgomery's  reg 
iment,  the,  in  Forbes'  expedi 
tion  against  Fort  Duquesne,  ii. 
138 ;  in  Grant's  expedition,  ii. 
157,  158,  159,  160;  ii.  165,  166. 

Highlands  of  the  Hudson,  the,  ii.  5. 


"  Historical  Magazine,"  on  the 
massacre  at  Fort  William  Henry, 
i.  529  ;  on  Roubaud,  ii.  338. 

Hobbs,  Captain,  at  Fort  Edward, 
i.  280,  282. 

Hocquart,  Captain,  in  command  of 
the  "Alcide,"  i.  192;  attacked 
by  the  "  Dauphin,"  i.  192,  193; 
his  account  of  the  engagement, 
i.  193  ;  on  the  dwellings  of  the 
Acadians,  i.  268. 

Hodges,  Captain,  ambushed  by 
Canadians  and  Indians,  i.  442. 

Hogarth,  i.  9. 

Holbourne,  Admiral  Francis,  or 
dered  to  intercept  the  French 
expedition  for  Canada,  i.  191 ; 
in  command  of  the  English  fleet 
sent  against  Louisbourg,  i.  483 ; 
at  Halifax,  i.  485 ;  the  expe 
dition  abandoned,  i.  486;  his 
fleet  seriously  damaged  by  a 
hurricane,  i.  486  ;  on  the  fail 
ure  of  the  Louisbourg  expedi 
tion,  i.  487. 

Holdernesse,  Earl  of,  Secretary  of 
State,  circular  letter  from,  i. 
172;  letter  from  Dinwiddie  to, 
i.  1 84 ;  letter  from  Sewell  to, 
i.  322 ;  letter  from  London  to,  ii. 
4  ;  letter  from  Wolfe  to,  ii.  282, 
283 ;  ii.  372  ;  supplanted  by  the 
Earl  of  Bute,  ii.  407. 

Holdernesse,  Lady,  ii.  372. 

Holdernesse,  Lady  Emily,  ii.  372. 

Holland,  ii.  297,  426. 

Holland,  Lieutenant,  i.  93. 

Holmes,  Admiral,  at  Quebec,  ii. 
200,  274,  275,  284,  285,  290,  291, 
292,  294,  296. 

Holy  Roman  Empire,  the,  i.  19; 
Frederic  the  Great  a  rebellious 
vassal  of,  i.  365. 

Hoops,  Adam,  on  the  Indian  mas 
sacres,  i.  355. 


504 


INDEX. 


Hoover,  Jacob,  i.  233. 

Hoover,  Michael,  i.  233. 

Hopkins,  Lieutenant,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  63. 

Hopson,  succeeds  Cornwallis  as 
governor  of  Halifax,  i.  108;  de 
scription  of,  i.  117;  his  order  to 
his  military  subordinates,  i.  117  ; 
his  considerate  treatment  of  the 
Acadians,  i.  117;  i.  266. 

Hospital  battery,  the,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  218. 

Hospital  nuns,  the,  ii.  232 ;  Knox 
on,  ii.  343 ;  above  praise,  ii.  344. 

Hotel-Dieu,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii.  276, 
341. 

Hotel-Dieu  nuns,  the,  see  Hospital 
nuns,  the. 

"  Hot  Stuff,"  written  by  Edward 
Botwood,  ii.  244. 

Houlliere,  commander  of  the  regu 
lars  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  57 ;  in 
council  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  74 ; 
on  the  siege  of  Louisbourg,  ii. 
85. 

House  of  Burgesses,  the,  see  Bur 
gesses,  the  House  of. 

"  Howard,"  i.  9. 

Howe,  Captain  Edward,  detested 
by  Le  Loutre,  i.  123  ;  treacher 
ously  murdered  by  Le  Loutre's 
Indians,  i.  123,  124 ;  in  command 
of  the  "Dunkirk,"  i.  192;  at 
tacks  and  captures  the  "Al- 
tide,"  i.  192,  193. 

Howe,  Colonel,  ii.  294 ;  on  the 
Heights  of  Abraham,  ii.  301. 

Howe,  Brigadier  Lord,  reaches 
German  Flats  too  late,  ii.  9  ; 
with  Abercrombie,  ii.  51 ;  the 
real  commander  of  the  Ticon- 
deroga  expedition,  ii.  93 ;  esti 
mates  of,  ii.  94 ;  sketch  of,  ii. 
94  ;  anecdote  of,  ii.  95  ;  before 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  97,  98;  death 


of,  ii.  101 ;  his  death  the  ruin  of 
fifteen  thousand,  ii.  102 ;  effect 
of  his  death,  ii.  103  ;  warmly  in 
favor  of  Bradstreet's  expedition, 
ii.  133. 

Hoyt,  on  the  battle  of  Lake  George, 
i.  328,  329  ;  on  the  sufferings  of 
Rogers'  rangers,  ii.  269. 

Hubbard,  Thomas,  ii.  444. 

Hubertsburg,  the  treaty  of,  ii.  422. 

Hudson  Bay,  i.  22. 

Hudson  River,  the,  i.  31,  35,  200, 
300,  331,  333,  397,  401,  435,  466, 
488;  ii.  4,  121,  172,  251. 

Huguenot  French,  the,  in  New 
York,  i.  35. 

Huguenots,  the,  Louis  XV.  re 
vives  the  persecution  of,  i.  16; 
i.  24. 

Hugues,  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  104. 

Humanitarianism,  New  England, 
i.  294. 

"  Humphrey  Clinker,"  i.  185. 

Humphreys,  the  biographer  of 
Putnam,  ii.  129 ;  on  Putnam's 
adventures,  ii.  132. 

Hungarian  nobles,  the,  devotion 
for  Maria  Theresa,  i.  22. 

Hungary,  Queen  of,  ii.  404. 

"  Hunter,"  the,  at  Quebec,  ii.  298. 

Huron,  Lake,  i.  80,  131. 

Huron  Indians,  the,  i.  45,  61,  130; 
join  the  French  against  the 
English,  i.  159;  sent  to  the  de 
fence  of  Fort  Duquesne,  ii. 
148. 

Hurons  of  Detroit,  the,  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500. 

Hurons  of  Lorette,  the,  at  Fort 
Duquesne,  i.  216;  i.  384;  bar 
barities  of,  ii.  151  ;  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500. 

Huske,  map  of,  shows  British 
claims  in  America,  i.  131. 

Hutchins,  Ensign,  ii.  261,  283. 


INDEX. 


505 


Hutchinson,  on  the  conduct  of 
Governor  Shirley,  i.  175;  on 
the  fate  of  the  Acadians,  i.  293  ; 
on  cannibalism  among  the  In 
dians,  ii.  7. 

ILLINOIS,  the,  militia  of,  at  Loyal- 
hannon,  ii.  162  ;  ii.  254,  259. 

Illinois  Colony,  the,  maps  of,  i.  44. 

Illinois  Indians,  the,  i.  43 ;  leagu 
ing  with  the  Osages,  i.  88 ;  i. 
130. 

Illinois  River,  plains  of,  i.  59  ;  ii. 
148. 

"  Illustre,"  the,  i.  375. 

Imperialists,  the,  think  to  crush 
Frederic  of  Prussia  at  Koss- 
bach,  ii.  42,  43. 

"  Imperial  Magazine,"  the,  ii.  329. 

Independents,  the,  in  New  York, 
i.  35. 

India,  England  gains  the  mastery 
of,  i.  6 ;  France  disputes  with 
England  the  mastery  of,  i.  12  ; 
convulsed  by  the  war  between 
England  and  France,  i.  365 ;  ris 
ing  French  colonies  in,  i.  368; 
English  successes  in,  ii.  49 ; 
French  losses  in,  ii.  420. 

Indians,  the,  in  the  Ohio  valley, 
i.  43 ;  give  great  trouble  to 
Halifax,  i.  105 ;  invited  by  Din- 
widdie  to  meet  him  at  Winches 
ter,  i.  146 ;  the  British  Cabinet 
urges  the  colonies  to  make 
treaties  with,  i.  178;  despised 
by  Braddock,  i.  210;  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  i.  211;  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  223- 
231 ;  their  losses,  i.  231  ;  at 
Crown  Point,  i.  308 ;  a  source 
of  annoyance  to  Dieskau,  i.  308  ; 
in  the  battle  of  Lake  George,  i. 
318,  320,324;  at  the  beck  of 
France,  i.  384;  divination 


among,  i.  452  ;  their  war-feasts, 
i.  494 ;  cannibalism  among,  i. 
497  ;  ii.  7,  8. 

For  individual  tribes  see  also  : 
Abeiiakis,  Mohawks, 

Algonquins,  Mohegans, 

Catawbas,  Neutrals, 

Caughnawagas,          Nipissings, 
Cayugas,  Ohios, 

Cherokees,  Ojibwas, 

Chickasaws,  Oneidas, 

Choctaws,  Onondagas, 

Delawares,  Osages, 

Detroits,  Ottawas, 

Dogs,  Penobscots, 

Eteche"mins,  Piankishaws, 

Five  Nations,  Pottawattamies, 

Foxes,  Sacs, 

Hurons,  St.  Francis, 

Illinois,  Saut  St.  Louis, 

lowas,  Seiiecas, 

Iroquois,  Shawanoes, 

Malicites,  Six  Nations, 

Menominies,  Tuscaroras, 

Miamis,  Twightwees, 

Micmacs,  Wabashes, 

Mingoes,  Winnebagoes, 

Mississagas,  Wyandots. 

Indians  of  Canada,  the,  trading  at 

Albany,  i.  332. 

Indians  of  Nova  Scotia,  the,  plan  to 
attack  the  English  settlements, 
i.  249. 
Indian  traders,  rarely  models   of 

virtue,  i.  45. 
Indies,  the,  ii.  411. 
Inteudant's  Palace,  the,  at  Quebec, 

ii.  24. 
Inverawe,   castle  of,   ii.   97,  449 ; 

legend  of,  ii.  449-453. 
Inverness,  town  of,  ii.  193. 
lowas,     the,     at    Ticonderoga,    i. 
492  ;  at  Montcalm's  grand  coun 
cil,  i.  500. 
Ipswich,  ii.  120. 
Ireland,  i.    198 ;  bold  attempt  to 

invade,  ii.  415. 

Irish,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i.  33, 
34. 


506 


INDEX. 


Irish  traders,  the,  i.  57. 

Iroquois  Indians,  the,  i.  41  ;  in  the 
Ohio  valley,  i.  43;  village  of, 
i.  49 ;  their  legend  of  Christ,  i. 
58 ;  a  power  of  high  import 
ance,  i.  67  ;  towns  of,  i.  70 ;  to 
be  agents  of  the  French  in 
destroying  Oswego,  i.  82,  83 ; 
declared  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht 
to  be  British  subjects,  i.  130; 
profess  devotion  to  the  French, 
i.  135;  with  Dieskau,  i.  314; 
in  Piquet's  war-party,  ii.  431. 
See  also  Five  Nations,  the. 

Iroquois  ladies,  the,  Moutcalm's 
impressions  of,  i.  385. 

Iroquois  of  Caughnawaga,  the,  i. 
384;  at  Montcalm's  grand  coun 
cil,  i.  500. 

Iroquois  of  La  Presentation,  the, 
join  the  French  against  the 
English,  i.  159,  384;  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500. 

Iroquois  of  the  Ohio,  the,  Din- 
widdie  asks  for  aid  against  the 
French  from,  i.  144. 

Iroquois  of  the  Two  Mountains, 
the,  i.  384  ;  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  500. 

Iroquois  towns,  the,  i.  70. 

Irwin,  Lieutenant,  i.  127. 

Island  Battery,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
58 ;  the  English  open  fire  on, 
ii.  65 ;  silenced  by  Wolfe,  ii. 
67. 

Tsle-au-Castor,  ii.  23. 

Isle-aux-Coudres,  Durell's  fleet  ar 
rives  at,  ii.  207  ;  ordered  to  be 
evacuated,  ii.  209  ;  Wolfe's  plan 
to  fortify,  ii.  271. 

Isle-aux-Noix,  ii.  186,  204  ;  Bourla- 
maque  at,  ii.  248,  249,  260  ;  ii. 
251  ;  its  fortifications,  ii.  260  ;  ii. 
262,  263,  276,  320  ;  Bougainville 
at,  ii  375,  381 ;  Haviland  at,  ii. 


382;  abandoned  by  Bougain 
ville,  ii.  382. 

Isle  d'Orleans  ordered  to  be  evac 
uated,  ii.  209.  See  also  Orleans, 
the  Island  of. 

Isle  Royale,  i.  100 ;  Acadian  emi 
gration  to,  i.  113,  244.  See  also 
Breton,  Cape. 

Isle  St.  Jean,  i.  102 ;  Girard  re 
tires  to,  i.  Ill  ;  Acadian  emi 
gration  to,  i.  113,  244;  Bona- 
venture  governor  of,  i.  114;  i. 
125,  292;  ii.  78,  82.  See  also 
Prince  Edward's  Island. 

Isle  St.-Therese,  Murray  at,  ii. 
380. 

Italy,  Bourbon  princes  of,  ii.  411. 

Inues,  Colonel  James,  letter  to 
Governor  Hamilton  from,  i.  164; 
in  command  of  the  North  Caro 
lina  regiment,  i.  168;  his  letter 
to  Dinwiddie,  i.  169;  in  com 
mand  at  Fort  Cumberland,  i. 
234 ;  his  note  to  Lord  Fairfax, 
i.  235,  237  ;  friendship  of  Din 
widdie  for,  i.  344 ;  his  opinion 
of  Loudon,  i.  484. 

JACK,  CAPTAIN,  vows  vengeance 
against  the  Indians,  i.  212; 
coldly  received  by  Braddock, 
i.  212. 

Jacobites,  the,  i.  200. 

Jacobs,  Captain,  the  terror  of  the 
English  border,  i.  437;  at  Kit- 
tanning,  i.  438 ;  attacked  by 
Armstrong,  i.  438 ;  death  of, 
i.  439. 

Jacques-Cartier,  ii.  287,  316,  317, 
320,  324  ;  Levis  at,  ii.  330  ;  gar 
rison  at,  ii.  355 ;  Repentigny 
stationed  at,  ii.  375  ;  ii.  377. 

James  II.,  tries  to  unite  the  north 
ern  American  colonies,  i.  37. 

James  River,  i.  435. 


INDEX. 


507 


Jefferson,  Thomas,  on  William 
and  Mary  College,  i.  169. 

Jefferys,  ii.  86. 

Jersey,  the  Island  of,  i.  261. 

"Jersey  Blues/'  the,  in  the  Niag 
ara  expedition,  i.  332 ;  in  Shir 
ley's  new  campaign,  i.  396. 

Jervis,  John,  see  St.  Vincent,  Earl. 

Jesuits,  the,  at  Caughnawaga,  i. 
68;  missions  of,  ii.  151;  at 
Quebec,  ii.  218. 

Jesuits,  the  college  of  the,  at 
Quebec,  ii.  341. 

Jesus  Christ,  see  Christ. 

Joannes,  Major  of  Quebec,  ii. 
291 ;  unwilling  to  surrender 
Quebec,  ii.  327 ;  sent  to  capitu 
late  with  Townshend,  ii.  328; 
on  the  battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  455. 

Johnson,  Fort,  council  at,  i.  299 ; 
i.  333  ;  Indian  councils  at,  i.  404  ; 
Johnson  sick  at,  i.  405  ;  i.  429. 

Johnson,  Sergeant  John,  on  the 
siege  of  Quebec,  ii.  225  ;  on  the 
repulse  of  the  English  at  Mont- 
morenci,  ii.  244 ;  on  the  loyalty 
of  the  army  to  Wolfe,  ii.  292 ; 
on  Wolfe's  ascent  of  the  Heights 
of  Abraham,  ii.  298 ;  on  the 
temper  of  Murray's  troops,  ii. 
352;  on  the  fight  at  Ste.-Foy, 
ii.  362 ;  on  the  condition  of 
Murray's  troops,  ii.  365  ;  on  the 
rashness  of  Murray,  ii.  366  ;  on 
the  conduct  of  the  British  offi 
cers,  ii.  367 ;  on  the  battle  of 
Ste.-Foy,  ii.  372  ;  on  the  siege  of 
Quebec,  ii.  457  ;  on  the  strength 
of  the  French  and  English  at 
Ste.-Foy,  ii.  461. 

Johnson,  Colonel  William,  i.  66; 
his  skill  in  managing  Indians,  i. 
68  ;  his  letter  to  Governor  Clin 
ton,  i.  68;  i.  77  ;  his  anxiety  for 
his  safety,  i.  84 ;  advised  of  the 


Ohio  expedition,  i.  93;  pacifies 
Chief  Hendrick,  i.  178  ;  his  won 
derful  influence  over  the  Five 
Nations,  i.  179,  298;  the  Five 
Nations  ask  that  he  be  restored 
to  the  management  of  Indian 
affairs,  i.  181  ;  in  command  of 
the  expedition  against  Crown 
Point,  i.  201  ;  made  sole  super 
intendent  of  Indian  affairs,  i. 
202,  203;  in  command  of  the 
expedition  against  Crown  Point, 
i.  297 ;  his  heterogeneous  au 
thority,  i.  297  ;  sketch  of,  i.  298 ; 
born  to  prosper,  i.  298  ;  compar 
atively  a  model  of  uprightness, 
i.  298;  his  fortified  house,  i. 
298 ;  his  marriages,  i.  298 ;  calls 
a  council  of  the  Indians,  i.  299  ; 
encamped  near  Albany,  i.  300; 
his  army,  i.  301 ;  sends  to  the 
colonies  for  reinforcements,  i. 
305;  at  the  Great  Carrying 
Place,  i.  305 ;  his  march  for 
Lake  George,  i.  305, 306  ;  names 
Lake  George,  i.  306 ;  Dieskau 
prepares  a  surprise  for,  i.  307  ; 
Dieskau  marches  against,  i.  311 ; 
Dieskau  lays  an  ambush  for,  i. 
313;  the  attack,  i.  314  ;  retreats, 
i.  314;  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  316-320;  wounded,  i. 
317  ;  rout  of  the  French,  i.  319; 
protects  Dieskau  from  the 
Indians,  i.  320 ;  did  not  follow 
up  his  success,  i.  324 ;  on  the 
French  losses  in  the  battle  of 
Lake  George,  i.  324;  urged  to 
capture  Ticonderoga,  i.  324, 325 ; 
jealous  of  Lyman,  i.  325 ;  the 
Crown  Point  expedition  a  fail 
ure,  i.  325  ;  his  letter  to  Phipps, 
i.  325  ;  calls  a  council  of  war,  i. 
326 ;  reaps  the  laurels  of  his 
victory,  i.  327 ;  a  courtier,  i. 


508 


INDEX. 


327 ;  ignores  Lyman  in  his 
report,  i.  327 ;  made  a  baronet 
by  the  King,  i.  328  ;  correspond 
ence  of,  i.  328;  i.  331,  338;  his 
falling  out  with  Shirley,  i.  339 ; 
Shirley  encroaches  on  his  new 
office  of  Indian  superintendent,  i. 
339;  inveighs  against  Shirley's 
Indian  agents,  i.  339  ;  Governor 
Delancey  joins  hands  against 
Shirley  with,  i.  340 ;  i.  386 ;  ar 
rives  too  late  to  defend  .Fort 
Bull,  i.  388 ;  discourages  New 
England  by  his  failure  to  cap 
ture  Crown  Point,  i.  395  ;  i.  397  ; 
seeks  to  attach  the  Five  Nations 
to  the  English  interest,  i.  403 ; 
his  commission,  i.  403  ;  difficulty 
of  his  task,  i.  403 ;  his  success, 
i.  404 ;  goes  to  Onondaga,  i. 
404  ;  seized  with  a  fever,  i.  405 ; 
obstacles  to  his  work,  i.  406  ; 
Rogers'  report  to,  i.  450  ;  i.  454, 
509;  joins  Webb  at  Fort 
Edward,  ii.  4 ;  cost  to  Massa 
chusetts  of  the  expedition  of, 
ii.  88 ;  ii.  92 ;  at  Ticonderoga, 
ii.  109;  ii.  149,  150;  attends  the 
convention  at  Easton,ii.  154;  in 
Prideaux's  camp,  ii.  254  ;  in  the 
siege  of  Niagara,  ii.  255  ;  defeats 
Aubry,  ii.  257,  258;  calls  on 
Pouchot  to  surrender,  ii.  258  ;  the 
terms  of  capitulation,  ii.  259 ; 
in  Amherst's  expedition  against 
Canada,  ii.  383,  389. 

Johnson  Papers,  the,  i.  203. 

Johnson's  Mohawks,  i.  300  ;  ii.  383. 

Johnstone,  Chevalier,  on  the  fail 
ure  of  the  Louisbourg  expedi 
tion,  i.  487 ;  on  the  siege  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  85 ;  on  Aber- 
crombie's  blunders,  ii.  107  ;  at 
Quebec,  ii.  227,  228,  242 ;  on  the 
repulse  of  the  English  at  Mont- 


morenci,  ii.  244 ;  on  Wolfe's 
desperate  plan,  ii.  284 ;  ii.  296 ; 
on  Montcalm's  agitation,  ii.  302, 
303;  at  St.  John,  ii.  313,  314; 
on  Vaudreuil's  cowardice,  ii. 
315;  on  the  retreat  of  the 
French,  ii.  319;  on  the  last 
words  of  Montcalm,  ii.  321 ;  on 
the  battle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  372; 
on  Amherst's  expedition  against 
Canada,  ii.  382,  383 ;  on  the 
siege  of  Quebec,  ii.  457  ;  on  the 
death  and  burial  of  Montcalm, 
ii.  458. 

Joncaire,  Chabert  de,  i.  47,  48; 
among  the  Shawanoes,  i.  52; 
makes  anti-English  speeches  to 
the  Ohio  Indians,  i.  62;  i.  66; 
intrigues  to  gain  the  Five  Na 
tions  for  France,  i.  67  ;  at  Niag 
ara,  i.  74,  75  ;  i.  79 ;  reports  the 
Ohio  Indians  as  on  the  side  of 
the  English,  i.  87  ;  in  command 
at  Venango,  i.  138 ;  gains  over 
most  of  the  Senecas,  i.  178;  i. 
404;  ii.  150;  trial  of,  ii.  40;  in 
command  at  Little  Niagara,  ii. 
254 ;  his  influence  with  the 
Indians  waning,  ii.  254 ;  burns 
his  fort,  ii.  254. 

Joncaire,  Clauzonne,  ii.  254. 

Jonquiere,  see  La  Jonquiere. 

Joseph,  Montcalm's  servant,  i.  373, 
376. 

Jumouville,  Charlotte  Aimable, 
receives  a  pension,  i.  156. 

Jumonville,  Coulon  de,  death  of, 
i.  153;  sent  to  scour  the  coun 
try,  i.  153 ;  brings  destruction 
on  himself,  i.  154;  opinions  on 
his  conduct,  i.  154;  pension 
given  to  the  widow  of,  i.  156; 
i.  164,  165 ;  opinions  on  the 
death  of,  ii.  436-438. 

Juuiata,  the,  i.  436. 


INDEX. 


509 


KALM,  gives  an  account  of  Albany, 
i.  332 ;  on  the  presence  of  the 
French  in  America,  ii.  418. 

Kanaouagon  River,  the,  see  Cone- 
wango  River,  the. 

Kanawha  River,  the,  i.  51,  62. 

Kanon,  fleet  of,  ii.  207,  210,  339. 

Karl,  Prince,  ii.  43. 

Kaskaskia,  i.  44. 

Kaunitz,  minister  of  Maria  The 
resa,  i.  366. 

Kennebec  River,  the,  i.  30,  175 ; 
Shirley  builds  forts  on,  i.  190; 
admitted  by  the  French  to  be 
long  to  the  English,  i.  190  ;  the 
portage  between  the  Chaudiere 
and,  i.  199;  English  settlements 
east  of,  i.  249;  i.  255;  ii.  261. 

Kennedy,  on  the  confederation  of 
the  colonies,  i.  182. 

Kennedy,  Adjutant,  at  Fort  Ed 
ward,  i.  281. 

Kennedy,  Captain,  ii.  261. 

Kennedy,  Lieutenant,  i.  441,  455, 
456  ;  death  of,  i.  457. 

Kennington  Cove,  see  Freshwater 
Cove. 

Kensington,  i.  413. 

Keppel,  Commodore,  in  command 
of  the  American  squadron,  i. 
194;  at  Alexandria,  i.  198;  i. 
208. 

Kikensick,  chief  of  the  Nipissings, 
at  Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
502. 

Kilgore,  Ralph,  i.  84. 

Killick,  master  of  the  "  Goodwill," 
ii.  214,  215. 

King  Beaver,  receives  Post,  ii. 
151. 

King's  Bastion,  the,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  56,  58,  70,  73. 

King's  companies,  the,  from  New 
York,  at  Alexandria,  i.  168;  in 
Shirley's  new  campaign,  i.  396. 


Kings,  divine  right  of,  i.  7. 

Kingston,  i.  72. 

Kirkland,  Dr.,  i.  408. 

Kittanuing,  the  Delaware  town  of, 
site  of,  i.  48  ;  Armstrong  sent  to 
attack,  i.  436;  the  attack,  i. 
438 ;  destruction  of,  i.  439  ;  Arm 
strong's  report,  i.  439  ;  Dumas' 
report,  i.  440. 

Kloster-Zeven,  the  convention  of, 
ii.  48. 

Knox,  Cftptain  John,  on  Le  Lou- 
tre's  character,  i.  262 ;  on  the 
embarkation  of  the  Acadians, 
i.  291  ;  on  the  failure  of  the 
Louisbourg  expedition,  i.  487 ; 
on  the  size  of  the  Louisbourg 
expedition,  ii.  59  ;  on  the  Eng 
lish  landing  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
64  ;  on  the  reception  of  the  news 
of  the  fall  of  Louisbourg,  ii. 
81,  86;  at  Fort  Cumberland, 
ii.  189 ;  on  the  provincials  in 
Wolfe's  expedition  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  ii.  190  ;  in  the  harbor 
of  Louisbourg,  ii.  191  ;  on 
Wolfe,  ii.  203  ;  on  the  French 
preparations  to  defend  Quebec, 
ii.  205,  210;  on  board  the 
"Goodwill,"  ii.  214,  216  ;  at  the 
Island  of  Orleans,  ii.  217  ;  on 
the  failure  of  the  French  fire- 
ships,  ii.  221 ;  at  Point  Levi,  ii. 
224,  230;  on  the  desertions  of 
the  Canadians,  ii.  232,  233 ;  on 
Wolfe's  severities,  ii.  236;  on 
VaudreuiFs  second  attempt  to 
burn  the  English  fleet,  ii.  236, 
237  ;  on  the  losses  of  the  grena 
diers  and  the  Royal  Americans, 
ii.  243 ;  on  the  repulse  of  the 
English  at  Montmorenci,  ii. 
244;  on  Amherst's  capture  of 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  250;  on  the 
siege  of  Niagara,  ii.  257  ;  on  the 


510 


INDEX. 


cruelty  of  Montgomery,  ii.  273 ; 
on  the  illness  of  Wolfe,  ii.  277  ; 
on  the  moral  force  of  Wolfe,  ii. 
289  ;  ii.  290 ;  on  Wolfe's  ascent  of 
the  Heights  of  Abraham,  ii.  298  ; 
on  the  death  of  Wolfe,  ii.  309 ; 
on  the  force  of  the  English  and 
French  at  the  battle  of  Quebec, 
ii.  309,  310;  on  the  last  words 
of  Montcalm,  ii.  321  ;  on  the 
Canadian  ladies,  ii.  342 ;  his 
quarters  at  Quebec,  ii.  342 ;  on 
the  hospital  nuns,  ii.  343  ;  on  the 
Quebec  winter,  ii.  347  ;  on  the 
capture  of  Le  Calvaire,  ii.  350; 
on  the  exploits  of  Hazen's 
rangers,  ii.  351  ;  on  the  fight  at 
Ste.-Foy,  ii.  363 ;  on  the  arrival 
of  relief  at  Quebec,  ii.  369; 
on  the  battle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii. 
372;  on  Murray's  advance,  ii. 
377 ;  an  excellent  lover  of  the 
picturesque,  ii.  378 ;  on  Murray 
at  Isle  St.-Therese,  ii.  380;  on 
Amherst's  expedition  against 
Canada,  ii.  382  ;  on  the  capture 
of  Fort  Levis,  ii.  384;  on  the 
losses  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  448; 
on  the  force  of  the  French  and 
English  at  Quebec,  ii.  454 ;  on 
the  death  and  burial  of  Mont- 
calm,  ii.  458  ;  on  the  strength 
of  the  French  and  English  at 
the  battle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  461. 

Kolin,  Frederic  of  Prussia  defeated 
at,  ii.  42. 

Kunersdorf ,  the  Prussians  defeated 
at,  ii.  401. 

Kushkushkee,  the  Delaware  town 
of,  Post  at,  ii.  151. 

LA  BAROLON,  i.  472. 
La  Belle  Famille,  ii.  258. 
"  La    Belle    Riviere,"    see     Ohio 
River,  the. 


La  Chine,  i.  41,  472;  ii.  8,  11  ; 
Amherst  lands  at,  ii.  385,  387. 

La  Clue,  Admiral,  ii.  52  ;  held 
imprisoned  at  Toulon  by  Osboru, 
ii.  53. 

La  Cormorandiere,  see  Freshwater 
Cove. 

La  Corne,  Saint-Luc  de,  i.  107 ; 
sent  with  troops  to  Beause'jour, 
i.  120 ;  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  501  ;  in  Montcalm's 
expedition,  i.  512,  517,  522,  523; 
ii.  126 ;  sent  to  the  St.  Lawrence, 
ii.  204,  207  ;  attacks  Prideaux,  ii. 
253;  wounded,  ii.  253;  ii.  375, 
385 ;  sails  for  France,  ii.  398  ; 
shipwrecked,  ii.  399 ;  his  won 
derful  escape,  ii.  399. 

La  Demoiselle,  chief  of  the  Mi- 
amis,  i.  54 ;  his  interview  with 
Bienville,  i.  54  ;  receives  Gist, 
i.  60;  makes  a  treaty  with  the 
English,  i.  60 ;  refuses  to  listen 
to  the  French,  i.  60,  61  ;  a  mov 
ing  spirit  of  disaffection,  i.  88  ; 
attacked  by  Langlade,  i.  89 ; 
boiled  and  eaten  by  the  victors, 
i.  90. 

Ladies,  the  Canadian,  ii.  342. 

La  Fare,  Marquis  de,  i.  370. 

La  Friponne,  ii.  27. 

La  Galette,  Father  Piquet's  mis 
sion,  ii.  383. 

La  Galissoniere,  Marquis  de,  gov 
ernor  of  Canada,  i.  23,  24 ; 
sketch  of,  i.  39 ;  the  chief  repre 
sentative  of  the  American  policy 
in  France,  i.  39  ;  sends  Bienville 
into  the  valley  of  the  Ohio,  i. 
40  ;  his  message  to  the  Seuecas, 
i.  47  ;  honorably  recalled,  i.  82  ; 
French  commissioner  on  the 
question  of  American  boun 
daries  between  France  and 
England,  i.  128,  129. 


INDEX. 


511 


La  Have,  i.  276. 

Laine,  ii.  31. 

Laird,  Matthew,  i.  233. 

La  Jonquiere,  Marquis  de,  gov 
ernor  of  Canada,  i.  45,  69 ;  Fa 
ther  Piquet's  letter  to,  i.  71  ;  on 
Toronto,  i.  74  ;  his  estimate  of 
Bienville,  i.  81 ;  succeeds  La 
Galissoniere,  i.  82;  characteris 
tics  of,  i.  82;  instructed  to  de 
stroy  Oswego,  i.  83 ;  c»  rrespond- 
ence  between  Governor  Clinton 
and,  i.  83,  84;  advises  building 
forts  near  Lake  Erie,  i.  85  ;  his 
advice  rejected,  i.  85  ;  troubles 
of,  i.  85,  86 ;  complains  against 
Bienville,  i.  86  ;  death  of,  i.  86 ; 
i.  88,  89 ;  the  determined  adver 
sary  of  the  English,  i.  99 ;  his 
despatch  on  the  required  Aca 
dian  oath  of  allegiance,  i.  102, 
103 ;  encourages  the  Acadians 
to  seek  asylum  on  French  soil, 
i.  103 ;  harasses  the  English  of 
Halifax,  i.  103  ;  letters  from  Le 
Loutre  to,  i.  103 ;  his  covert 
war,  i.  104,  105,  107,  108;  on 
the  English  occupation  of  Beau- 
bassin,  i.  120;  on  the  landing  of 
Lawrence  at  Beaubassin,  i.  121  ; 
strange  proclamation  of,  i.  126  ; 
on  the  troupes  de  la  marine,  i. 
382  ;  receives  instructions  for  the 
destruction  of  Oswego,  ii.  432; 
on  Le  Loutre,  ii.  435  ;  on  having 
the  Acadians  join  the  Indians 
against  the  English,  ii.  435. 

Lake  George,  the  battle  of,  i.  302, 
316-320  ;  losses  in,  i.  323. 

Lake  of  Two  Mountains  Indians, 
the,  join  the  French  against  the 
English,  i.  159. 

Lakes,  the,  ii.  263,  376. 

Lakes,  the  northern,  i.  217. 

Lalande,  on  the  Abbe  Piquet,  i.  71. 


Lalerne,  the  missionary,  at  Beau 
bassin,  i.  122. 

"  La  Liberte',"  i.  471. 

La  Mole,  ii.  338. 

La  Motte,  Admiral  Dubois  de, 
ordered  to  Canada,  i.  189,  192; 
at  Louisbourg,  i.  485,  486. 

La  Motte,  Captain,  ii.  314. 

"  La  Mutine,"  the  French  frigate, 
i.  106. 

Lancaster,  i.  207,  236  ;  ii.  392. 

L'Ange  Gardien,  the  parish  of, 
ii.  226  ;  burned  by  Wolfe,  ii.  272. 

Langis,  at  Montcalm's  grand  coun 
cil,  i.  501. 

Langlade,  Charles,  at  Detroit,  i. 
89 ;  attacks  the  Demoiselle,  i. 
89 ;  takes  his  captive  traders  to 
Duquesne,  i.  90 ;  highly  praised 
by  Duquesne,  i.  90;  i.  217;  at 
Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
501  ;  the  partisan,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  227 ;  letter  from  Vaudreuil 
to,  ii.  386 ;  author  of  Braddock's 
defeat,  ii.  441. 

Languedoc,  i.  470. 

Languedoc,  the  battalion  of,  or 
dered  to  Canada,  i.  189;  cap 
tured  by  the  English,  i.  193  ;  i. 
310 ;  at  Ticouderoga,  i.  388, 392  ; 
Levis  in  command  of,  i.  491  ;  in 
Montcalm's  expedition,  i.  505  ; 
at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  108;  at  Que 
bec,  ii.  303. 

Laugy,  ii.  91 ;  at  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
92,  98,  99,  100 ;  attacks  Howe's 
column,  ii.  101. 

La  Paille  Coupee,  Seneca  village 
of,  i.  47. 

La  Pause,  M.  de,  ii.  387,  388. 

La  Perade,  Chevalier  de,  at  Fort 
Duquesne,  i.  218. 

La  Plante,  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  501. 

La  Prairie,  i.  471. 


512 


INDEX. 


La  Presentation,  Piquet's  mission 
of,  i.  69  ;  location  of,  i.  69 ;  de 
scription  of,  i.  70 ;  i.  74,  75,  79, 
384;  Amherst's  expedition  at, 
ii.  151,  383. 

La  Reine,  the  battalion  of,  ordered 
to  Canada,  i.  189;  captured  by 
the  English,  i.  193;  i.  310;  at 
Ticonderoga,  i.  388;  Le'vis  in 
command  of,  i.  491  ;  in  Mont- 
calm's  expedition,  i.  505;  at 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  108. 

La  Rochebeaucour,  M.  de,  see 
Beaucour,  La  Roche. 

La  Sarre,  the  regiment  of,  destined 
for  Canada,  i.  375  ;  guards  Fort 
Frontenac,  i.  388 ;  in  the  expedi 
tion  against  Oswego,  i.  422 ;  Le'vis 
in  command  of,  i.  491  ;  in  Mont- 
calm's  expedition,  i.  506 ;  at 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  108  ;  at  Quebec, 
ii.  303. 

Lascelles'  regiment  at  Quebec,  ii. 
243,  244. 

La  Suede,  ii.  355. 

"  La  Superbe,"  i.  471. 

Lauder,  Sir  Thomas  Dick,  on  the 
legend  of  Ticonderoga,  ii.  449. 

Laurel  Hill,  Washington  at,  i.  150; 
Gist  makes  a  settlement  at,  i. 
151,  157;  Villiers  at,  i.  161  ;  ii. 
147,  148. 

La  Valliere,  on  the  fight  at  Beau- 
bassin,  i.  122  ;  on  the  murder  of 
Howe,  i.  124. 

Lawrence,  Major  Charles,  succeeds 
Hopsou  as  governor  of  Halifax, 
i.  118  ;  sent  to  Beaubassin  with 
troops,  i.  121 ;  re-embarks,  i.  121  ; 
returns  to  Beaubassin,  i.  121  ;  de 
feats  Le  Loutre  and  his  Indians, 
i.  122  ;  i.  126  ;  plots  against  the 
French,  i.  199;  on  the  French 
designs  against  the  English,  i. 
248  ;  sends  Monckton  to  Boston, 


i.  248;  Shirley  offers  to  assist 
him  against  the  French,  i.  249  ; 
active  preparations,  i.  254;  i. 
266;  characteristics  of,  i.  266; 
on  the  obstinacy  of  the  Aca- 
dians,  i.  267  ;  exacts  an  unquali 
fied  oath  of  allegiance  from  the 
Acadians,  i.  270 ;  the  Acadians 
refuse  to  take  the  oath,  i.  273  ; 
determined  to  reduce  the  Aca 
dians  to  compliance,  i.  273; 
orders  Monckton  to  seize  the 
Acadians,  i.  276;  his  instruc 
tions  to  Winslow,  i.  279,  280; 
his  disposition  of  the  Acadians, 
i.  292 ;  ii.  51 ;  reconnoitres  at 
Louisbourg,  ii.  61 ;  makes  a 
landing,  ii.  63 ;  ii.  202,  244. 

Lawrence,  Fort,  i.  123,  125,  126; 
French  designs  upon,  i.  248, 
250  ;  Monckton  at,  i.  257. 

Learned,  Captain,  i.  418. 

Le  Batard,  Etieune,  lures  Captain 
Howe  into  an  ambush,  i.  123. 

Le  Bceuf,  Fort,  i.  133  ;  the  Half- 
King  at,  i.  135;  i.  136;  Saint- 
Pierre  arrives  at,  i.  136  ;  Wash 
ington  at,  i.  139,  148,  221,  308; 
ii.  167,  255 ;  burned  by  the 
French,  ii.  258. 

Le  Borgne,  Chevalier,  ii.  31,  440. 

Le  Brun,  the  frescoes  of,  i.  14. 

Le  Calvaire,  French  post  at,  ii. 
350 ;  captured  by  MacDonald, 
ii.  350. 

Legge,  Chancellor  of  the  Ex 
chequer,  ii.  407. 

Le  Guerne,  missionary  at  Fort 
Cumberland,  on  the  conjugal 
devotion  of  the  Acadians,  i.  291. 

Le  Loutre,  Louis  Joseph,  Vicar- 
General  of  Acadia  and  mission 
ary  to  the  Micmacs,  i.  103  ;  his 
letters  to  La  Jonquiere,  i.  103  ; 
i.  104  ;  advises  the  Acadians  not 


INDEX. 


513 


to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  i. 
105 ;  engaged  by  Desherbiers  to 
distribute  gifts  among  the  Indi 
ans,  i.  107;  his  mission,  i.  108; 
keeps  the  Acadiaus  in  allegiance 
to  King  Louis,  i.  109 ;  receives 
a  pension,  i.  109;  chief  agent 
in  stimulating  Acadian  emigra 
tion,  i.  113,  114;  sketch  of,  i. 
118;  the  most  conspicuous  per 
son  in  the  province,  i.  118;  a 
despot  towards  the  Acadians,  i. 
118;  his  masterful  dealing  with 
the  Acadian  clergy,  i.  119 ;  con 
sidered  too  violent  by  the  Bishop 
of  Quebec,  i.  119;  Cornwallis 
offers  a  reward  for  the  head  of, 
i.  119;  at  Beaubassin,  i.  121; 
burns  Beaubassin,  i.  121,  122; 
his  hatred  of  Captain  Howe,  i. 
123 ;  Captain  Howe  treacher 
ously  murdered  by  the  Indians 
of,  i.  123,  124 ;  his  harshness  to 
the  Acadians,  i.  125;  absurd 
letter  of,  i.  126 ;  threatens  the 
Acadians,  i.  127,  244  ;  shares  the 
control  of  Beause'jour,  i.  248 ; 
asked  by  Duquesne  to  find  a  pre 
text  for  attacking  the  Eng 
lish,  i.  248;  his  power  at  Fort 
Beausejour,  i.  252 ;  supported  by 
Duquesne,  i.  252 ;  nicknamed 
"  Moses,"  i.  252 ;  possesses  an  in 
gredient  of  honest  fanaticism,  i. 
252, 253 ;  threatens  the  Acadians, 
i.  253  ;  sustained  by  Vergor,  i. 
253;  in  the  attack  on  Fort 
Beausejour,  i.  259 ;  his  flight, 
i.  261  ;  at  Quebec,  i.  261  ;  em 
barks  for  France,  i.  261  ;  cap 
tured  by  the  English,  i.  261 ; 
narrow  escape  of,  i.  261 ;  his 
remarkable  character  for  in 
humanity,  i.  262 ;  i.  265  ;  letter 
to  La  Jonquiere  from,  ii.  433, 
VOL.  ii.  — 33 


434;  cost  of  his  intrigues,  ii. 
435,  436 ;  his  payments  for 
English  scalps,  ii.  436. 

Le  Marchant,  Sir  Denis,  on  the 
Heights  of  Abraham,  ii.  306; 
on  Pitt's  resignation,  ii.  412. 

Le  Mercier,  Chevalier,  at  Fort 
Duquesue,  i.  159,  160;  in  the 
attack  on  Fort  Necessity,  i.  163 ; 
chief  of  the  Canadian  artillery, 
i.  463  ;  his  interview  with  Major 
Eyre,  i.  463 ;  at  Oswego,  i.  475 ; 
ii.  23 ;  his  knavery  exposed  by 
Montcalm,  ii.  38 ;  ii.  91 ;  ar 
rested,  ii.  399. 

Lenfaut,  i.  14. 

Leuisse,  Madame  de,  i.  472. 

"  Leopard,"  the,  i.  375. 

Lepaon,  i.  14. 

Le'ry,  the  engineer,  draws  a  plan 
of  Detroit,  i.  81  ;  sent  by  Vau- 
dreuil  against  Fort  Bull,  i.  387 ; 
destroys  Fort  Bull,  i.  388. 

Leslie,  Lieutenant,  on  the  battle 
of  Monongahela,  i.  227. 

Les  Mines,  i.  113. 

Lesser  Onontio,  the,  see  Onontio. 

Leuthen,  Frederic  of  Prussia  de 
feats  the  Austrians  at,  ii.  43,  49. 

Le  Verrier,  in  command  at  Michi- 
limackinac,  ii.  33;  makes  his 
fortune,  ii.  33. 

Levi,  Point,  ii.  222 ;  seized  by 
Wolfe,  ii.  223,  226,  229,  230, 
231,  233,  234,  238,  239,  240, 
242,  274,  282,  285,  286,  288,  291, 
292,  349;  English  outpost  es 
tablished  at,  ii.  349;  attacked 
by  French  skirmishers,  ii.  349 ; 
ii.  458. 

Levies,  the  New  England,  i.  397- 
399. 

"Le  Vieux  Montreal,"  ii.  386. 

Le'vis,  Chevalier  de,  on  the  death 
of  Jumonville,  i.  156;  named 


514 


INDEX. 


second  in  command  to  Mont- 
calm,  i.  372  ;  Montcalm's  fond 
ness  for,  i.  375  ;  at  Brest,  i.  376 ; 
in  Canada,  i.  385  ;  at  Montreal, 
i.  388 ;  hastens  to  Ticonderoga, 
i.  390  ;  in  command  at  Ticonder 
oga,  i.  391  ;  Montcalm's  high  es 
timate  of,  i.  391 ;  his  estimate  of 
Montcalm,  i.  391 ;  left  in  charge 
of  Ticonderoga,!. 421;  i.  469, 470, 
471,472,478,480;  in  command 
of  the  battalions  at  Ticonderoga, 
i.  491  ;  in  Montcalm's  expedi 
tion,  i.  504,  505,  506,  508,  513, 
515;  on  the  massacre  at  Fort 
William  Henry,  i.  528,  529; 
on  the  population  of  German 
Flats,  ii.  10;  at  Montreal,  ii. 
1 1  ;  recommended  by  Vaudreuil 
to  succeed  Montcalm,  ii.  12; 
quells  the  mob  at  Montreal,  ii. 
13  ;  his  account  of  Rogers'  fight, 
ii.  19;  captivated  by  Madame 
Penisseault,  ii.  32 ;  ii.  90,  91 ; 
summoned  to  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
294;  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  108, 
114,  115,  116,  132;  made  major- 
general,  ii.  182;  at  Quebec,  ii. 
226,  227,  228;  his  preparations 
for  defence,  ii.  240;  sent  to 
Montreal,  ii.  260 ;  his  letter  to 
Bourlamaque,  ii.  263 ;  Quebec 
weakened  by  the  absence  of,  ii. 
276  ;  Montcalm's  praise  of,  ii. 
320 ;  arrives  at  Quebec,  ii.  324  ; 
his  plans,  ii.  325  ;  his  letter  to 
Bougainville,  ii.  326 ;  on  the  loss 
of  Montcalm,  ii.  326  ;  reaches  St. 
Augustine,  ii.  327 ;  learns  that 
Quebec  has  surrendered,  ii.  327  ; 
at  Jacques-Cartier,  ii.  330; 
rumors  of  his  approach  to  storm 
Quebec,  ii.  348 ;  hopes  to  re 
cover  Quebec,  ii.  353  ;  sets  out 
against  Quebec,  ii.  354;  his 


force,  ii.  355;  attacks  Old  Lo- 
rette,  ii.  355  ;  before  Ste.-Foy,  ii. 
355,  356  ;  attacked  by  Murray, 
ii.  361 ;  the  battle,  ii.  363  ;  on 
the  French  losses  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii. 
365  ;  asks  for  aid  from  France,  ii. 
367  ;  exchanges  courtesies  with 
Murray,  ii.  368 ;  destruction  of 
his  ships,  ii.  370;  raises  the 
siege  of  Quebec,  ii.  371  ;  his 
retreat,  ii.  371  ,  on  the  battle 
of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  372  ;  exerts  him 
self  for  defence,  ii.  375 ;  at  Mont 
real,  ii.  379  ;  ii.  380 ;  his  rela 
tions  with  Vaudreuil,  ii.  381 ; 
ii.  384,  387  ;  his  protest  against 
capitulating,  ii.  389 ;  returns  to 
France,  ii.  398  ;  ii.  442, 443, 447  ; 
on  the  losses  at  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
448  ;  on  the  force  of  the  French 
and  English  at  Quebec,  ii.  454  ; 
on  the  battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  455 ; 
on  the  strength  of  the  French 
and  English  at  the  battle  of 
Ste.-Foy,  ii.  461. 

Levis,  Fort,  Pouchot  in  command 
at,  ii.  384  ;  attacked  by  Amherst, 
ii.  384 ;  surrenders  to  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  384. 

Lewis,  Major,  ii.  145 ;  in  Grant's 
expedition,  ii.  158,  160;  cap 
tured  by  the  French,  ii.  161. 

"  Licorne,"  the,  i.  375  ;  Montcalm 
and  Bougainville  sail  for  New 
France  in,  i.  376. 

Liegnitz,  Frederic  of  Prussia  vic 
torious  at,  ii.  403. 

Lighthouse  Point,  ii.  56 ;  Wolfe 
at,  ii.  65,  66. 

Ligneris,  Captain,  at  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  i.  216;  in  the  battle  of 
Monongahela,  i.  224,  229 ;  in 
command  at  Fort  Duquesne,  ii. 
148;  ii.  158;  uncomfortable  po 
sition  of,  ii.  162  ;  deserts  Fort 


INDEX. 


515 


Duqnesne,  ii.  167,  168;  ii.  176; 
summoned  to  Pouchot's  aid,  ii. 
255 ;  responds,  ii.  256 ;  cap 
tured  by  the  English,  ii.  258; 
pension  asked  for,  ii.  438 ;  ii. 
439,  440 ;  receives  the  Cross  of 
the  Order  of  St.  Louis,  ii.  441. 

Ligonier  Bay,  ii.  262. 

Ligonier,  General,  urges  that  An 
napolis  ought  to  be  defended,  i. 
184. 

Lindesay,  Lieutenant,  on  the 
building  of  Fort  Frontenac,  i. 
77. 

"Lis,"  the,  i.  192;  attacked  and 
overpowered  by  the  English,  i. 
193. 

L'Isle-Dieu,  Abbe'  de,  i.  98,  111, 
129  ;  on  Washington's  attack  on 
Jumonville,  i.  156. 

Lismahago,  the,  of  Smollett,  i. 
165. 

Littlehales,  on  the  capture  of 
Oswego,  i.  429. 

Little  Meadows,  the,  Braddock's 
army  at,  i.  213. 

Little  Niagara,  Fort,  Joncaire- 
Chabert  in  command  at,  ii.  254 ; 
burned,  ii.  254. 

Livingston,  manor  of,  i.  35. 

Livingston,  William,  on  William 
Johnson,  i.  327  ;  on  the  Shirley- 
Johnson-Delancey  dispute,  i. 
340 ;  on  the  weak  condition  of 
the  colonies,  i.  432. 

Lloyd,  John,  letter  from  Campbell 
to,  ii.  342. 

Lodge,  Henry  Cabot,  on  the  social 
condition  of  the  colonies',  i.  170. 

Logstown,  i.  49  ;  a  chief  resort  for 
English  traders,  i.  50 ;  Gist  at, 
i.  57  ;  treaty  at,  i.  64 ;  Wash 
ington  at,  i.  138. 

London,  i.  9  ;  ii.  409,  417. 

"London  Chronicle,"  the,  ii.  124. 


"London  Magazine,"  on  the 
Niagara  expedition,  i.  339 ;  on 
the  capture  of  Oswego,  i.  429 ; 
on  the  failure  of  the  Louis- 
bourg  expedition,  i.  487 ;  on 
the  importance  of  Indian  as 
sistance,  i.  499  ;  on  the  siege 
of  Louisbourg,  ii.  85 ;  on  the 
battle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  372;  on 
the  losses  at  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
448. 

London,  the  Cabinet  of,  ii.  184. 

London,  the  Tower  of,  ii.  409. 

"  Long  House,"  the,  of  the  Five 
Nations,  i.  67. 

Long  Island,  ii.  4. 

Long  Saut,  the,  Amherst  descends, 
ii.  385. 

Longueuil,  Baron  de,  temporarily 
succeeds  La  Jonquiere  as  gov 
ernor  of  Canada,  i.  86 ;  on  the 
perils  of  the  French,  i.  87,  88 ; 
on  the  English  traders,  i.  88; 
on  the  attack  on  Pickawillany, 
i.  90;  i.  107;  correspondence 
between  Girard  and,  i.  Ill;  at 
Fort  Duquesne,  i.  160 ;  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  501  ; 
ii.  90  ;  ii.  269. 

Longueuil  (younger)  among  the 
Mission  Indians,  i.  490. 

Long  Wharf,  at  Boston,  i.  256. 

Lonsdale,  Lord,  ii.  198. 

Loppinot,  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  74,  75, 
77. 

Lorambec,  ii.  60,  61. 

Loramie  Creek,  i.  54. 

Lords  of  the  Admiralty,  the,  i. 
188,  192. 

Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations, 
the,  letters  from  Dinwiddie  to, 
i.  145,  165,  168,  184;  letters 
from  Delancey  to,  i.  174;  urge 
treaties  to  be  made  with  the 
Indians,  i.  179;  i.  267;  letter 


516 


INDEX. 


from  Lawrence  to,  i.  273 ;  John 
son  writes  to,  i.  306 ;  Johnson 
inveighs  against  Shirley's  Indian 
agents  to,  i.  339,  340;  on  the 
grant  made  by  Parliament  for 
Shirley's  new  campaign,  i.  395 ; 
letter  from  Hardy  to,  i.  429. 

Lords  of  the  Treasury,  the,  i.  395. 

Lorette,  i.  216,  384;  ii.  296,  320; 
Hazen's  rangers  at,  ii.  350. 

Lorimier,  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  501. 

Loring,  Captain,  ii.  251,  261. 

Lossiug,  on  Bradstreet's  Fight,  i. 
409. 

Lotbiniere,  on  the  defeat  of  Brad- 
dock,  i.  229;  a  Canadian  engi 
neer,  fortifies  Ticonderoga,  i. 
386,  390,  391  ;  ii.  91. 

London,  Earl  of,  supersedes  Shir 
ley  as  commander-in-chief,  i. 
396 ;  confused  by  the  independ 
ent  committees,  ii.  74;  per 
suades  the  colonies  to  give  up 
their  independent  committees, 
i.  400 ;  on  Villiers'  expedition 
against  Oswego,  i.  407 ;  meets 
Shirley  in  New  York,  i.  412; 
characteristics  of,  i.  412  ;  reaches 
Albany,  i.  413  ;  turns  his  whole 
force  against  Ticonderoga,  i. 
413  ;  his  meeting  with  Winslow, 
i.  413  ;  his  conflict  with  the  New 
England  officers,  i.  413 ;  exam 
ines  the  state  of  the  provincial 
forces,  i.  414 ;  correspondence 
of,  i.  414;  Burton's  report  on 
the  provincial  camps  to,  i.  414, 
415  ;  reinforces  Oswego,  i.  419  ; 
accuses  Shirley  of  leaving  Os 
wego  weakly  garrisoned,  i.  427  ; 
on  the  capture  of  Oswego,  i. 
429  ;  not  a  Scipio,  i.  433 ;  blames 
Shirley  for  the  loss  of  Oswego, 
i.  433  ;  himself  to  blame  for  the 


loss  of  Oswego,  i.  433 ;  Frank 
lin's  opinion  of  the  campaign  of, 
i.  434 ;  size  of  his  command,  i. 
434  ;  at  Fort  Edward,  i.  434 ; 
i.  441,  442,  448;  his  sarcastic 
letter  to  the  colonial  minister,  i. 
452 ;  demands  free  quarters  for 
his  troops,  i.  453 ;  opposition 
to  his  demands,  i.  454 ;  Major 
Eyre's  report  to,  i.  462,  465; 
i.  475 ;  urges  an  expedition 
against  Louisbourg,  i  483 ;  lays 
an  embargo  on  colonial  ship 
ping,  i.  484  ;  impatient  at  Hoi- 
bourne's  delay,  i.  484 ;  sets  sail 
with  his  force,  i.  485  ;  meets 
Holbourne  at  Halifax,  i.  485 ; 
abandons  his  enterprise,  i.  486 ; 
i.  499,  511,  512,  516;  receives 
news  that  Fort  William  Henry 
is  captured,  ii.  3 ;  his  boasts, 
ii.  3;  his  orders  to  Webb,  ii. 
3 ;  in  New  York,  ii.  4 ;  on 
Beletre's  campaign,  ii.  9 ;  ii.  13  ; 
manifold  failures  of,  ii.  48;  re 
called  by  Pitt,  ii.  51  ;  cost  to 
Massachusetts  of  the  expedition 
of,  ii.  88 ;  ii.  133,  137, 394 ;  letter 
from  Webb  to,  ii.  444. 

Louis  XIII.,  unfit  to  govern,  i.  17. 

Louis  XV.,  breaks  the  traditionary 
policy  of  France,  i.  4  ;  America 
owes  much  to  the  imbecility  of, 
i.  5  ;  his  generals,  i.  12 ;  at  Ver 
sailles,  i.  13 ;  revives  the  per 
secution  of  the  Huguenots,  i. 
16  ;  the  manifold  ills  of  France 
summed  up  in,  i.  1 6  ;  description 
of,  i.  16,  17;  stints  Madame  de 
Pompadour  in  nothing,  i.  18; 
orders  Dinwiddie  to  repel  invad 
ers  from  Virginia,  i.  1 43  ;  makes 
the  Acadians  his  tools  and  then 
his  victims,  i.  295;  shares  Ma 
dame  de  Pompadour's  hatred  for 


INDEX. 


517 


Frederic  the  Great,  i.  367  ;  small- 
ness  of  the  force  given  to  Mont- 
calm  by,  i.  375 ;  responsible  for 
the  loss  of  Canada,  ii.  391  ;  ii. 
424. 

Louisbourg,  capture  of,  i.  31 ;  i. 
301,302 ;  the  battalions  of  Artois 
and  Bourgogne  at,  i.  381  ;  Eng 
lish  preparations  against,  i.  483  ; 
France  prepares  a  strong  de 
fence,  i.  483 ;  the  English  ex- 
pedHon  abandoned,  i.  486 ; 
Frauquet  sent  to  strengthen, 
ii.  21  ;  Pitt's  plan  to  capture, 
ii.  51,  52 ;  location  of,  ii.  56  ;  de 
scription  of,  ii.  56  ;  condition  of 
the  fortress,  ii.  57  ;  its  garrison, 
ii.  57 ;  signs  of  the  enemy,  ii. 
58 ;  Drucour  governor  of,  ii.  59  ; 
the  siege,  ii.  65 ;  capitulates,  ii. 
78 ;  the  English  in  possession 
of,  ii.  78 ;  Whitmore  made  gov 
ernor  of,  ii.  79;  ii.  169,  185,  190; 
Wolfe's  fleet  at,  ii.  191,  200;  ii. 
198;  abandoned  and  dismantled, 
ii.  377. 

Louisbourg  expedition,  the,  Colo 
nel  Jeffrey  Amherst  placed  in 
command  of,  ii.  51  ;  size  of  the 
English  force  in,  ii.  59 ;  at 
tempts  at  lauding,  ii.  61 ;  a 
landing  effected,  ii.  63,  64; 
the  siege  begun,  ii.  65  ;  burning 
of  the  French  fleet,  ii.  70 ;  con 
flagration  in  the  citadel,  ii.  71  ; 
deplorable  position  of  the  be 
sieged,  ii.  72 ;  the  end  near,  ii. 
73 ;  Drucour  offers  to  Capitu 
late,  ii.  74 ;  negotiations,  ii.  75  ; 
the  articles  of  capitulation,  ii. 
78. 

Louisbourg,  fortress  of,  i.  96  ;  re 
stored  to  France  by  the  Treaty 
of  Utrecht,  i.  96 ;  made  more 
formidable,  i.  96 ;  Desherbiers 


in  command  at,  i.  105 ;  Count 
Raymond  in  command  at,  i.  106  ; 
i.  192,  246,  247,  251,  256,  260. 

Louisbourg  grenadiers,  the,  on  the 
Heights  of  Abraham,  ii.  308; 
in  Quebec,  ii.  329  ;  ii.  454. 

Louisiana,  i.  22 ;  population  of,  i. 
23  ;  i.  26,  39,  42,  43,  77,  85,  88 ; 
the  Acadian  exiles  in,  i.  293 ; 
Vaudreuil  governor  of,  i.  379  ; 
swamps  of,  ii.  1 86 ;  ceded  to 
Spain  by  France,  ii.  186. 

Louisiana  militia,  the,  at  Loyal- 
hannon,  ii.  162. 

Louisville,  i.  62- 

Louvigny,  i.  472. 

Loweudal,  General,  i.  12. 

Lower  Town  (Quebec),  the,  set  on 
fire  by  the  English  batteries,  ii. 
276 ;  Wolfe's  plan  to  attack,  ii. 
2*8;  ii.  327,  340,  347,  356,  367, 
36r. 

"  Lowestoff  e,"  the,  brings  relief  to 
Quebec,  ii.  369,  370. 

Lowry,  reward  offered  for  the 
scalp  of,  i.  84. 

Lowther,  Katherine,  betrothed  to 
Wolfe,  ii.  198,  295. 

Loyalhannon  Creek,  ii.  148,  155, 
157,  161,  162,  163,  164. 

Lumina,  Paulin  de,  on  Washing 
ton's  attack  on  Jumonville,  i. 
155. 

Lusignan,  commandant  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  i.  459. 

Lutherans,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i. 
33  ;  in  New  York,  i.  35. 

Lutterberg,  the  battle  of,  ii.  252. 

Lydius,  a  Dutch  trader,  in  corre 
spondence  with  the  French,  i. 
448. 

Lyman,  General  Phineas,  in  Shir 
ley's  expedition  against  Crown 
Point,  i.  301 ;  at  the  Great  Car 
rying  Place,  i.  305 ;  in  the  battle 


518 


INDEX. 


of  Lake  George,  i.  317;  urges 
Johnson  to  capture  Ticonderoga, 
i.  324 ;  Johnson  jealous  of,  i. 
325  ;  presides  at  Johnson's  coun 
cil  of  war,  i.  326  ;  Johnson  makes 
no  mention  of,  i.  327  ;  at  Fort 
Edward,  i.  414,  415,  416. 

Lyman,  Fort,  i.  305 ;  Blanchard  at, 
i.  305 ;  Johnson  at,  i.  306 ;  the 
Mohawks  at,  i.  307  ;  i.  309  ;  Dies- 
kau  resolves  to  attack,  i.  309 ;  i. 
310,  311,312;  preparations  for 
defence,  i.  315;  i.  320;  name 
changed  to  Fort  Edward,  i.  327. 

Lyman's  provincial  regiment,  i. 
416  ;  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  99, 101. 

Lyons,  i.  373. 

Lyon's  Cove,  i.  278. 

MACARTNEY,  CAPTAIN,  ii.  356. 

Macauley,  Lieutenant,  on  the  cap 
ture  of  Fort  Frontenac,  ii.  136. 

McBryer,  Andrew,  escapes  from 
Pique  Town,  i.  90. 

MacDonald,  Captain,  in  Grant's 
expedition,  ii.  159. 

MacDouald,  Captain  Donald,  sent 
against  Le  Calvaire,  ii.  350 ;  his 
success,  ii.  350 ;  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii. 
361,  363. 

McDonough,  Thomas,  ii.  457. 

Machault,  the  minister,  i.  15  ;  a 
favorite  of  Madame  de  Pompa 
dour,  i.  17  ;  ii.  47. 

Machault,  Fort,  ii.  166. 

Machault,  see  Arnouville,  Ma 
chault  d'. 

McGinnis,  Captain,  at  Fort  Ly 
man,  i.  320  ;  mortally  wounded, 
i.  320. 

Mackay,  Captain,  in  command  of 
the  regulars,  i.  157;  in  trouble 
with  the  volunteers,  i.  157;  ar 
rives  at  Gist's  settlement,  i.  158  ; 
in  the  fight  at  Great  Meadows, 


i.  165  ;  on  the  capitulation  at 
Fort  Necessity,  ii.  437. 

Mackellar,  Major  Patrick,  the 
engineer,  on  the  English  losses 
in  the  battle  of  Monongahela, 
i.  228,  229 ;  on  the  defences  at 
Oswego,  i.  410,  433;  at  Quebec, 
ii.  217. 

Mackenzie,  Captain,  in  Grant's  ex 
pedition,  ii.  159. 

M'Kinney,  describes  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  i.  216. 

Macleaue,  Allan,  on  the  siege  of 
Niagara,  ii.  255. 

McMullen,  Lieutenant,  ii.  265. 

Macnamara,  Admiral,  ordered  to 
Canada,  i.  189. 

MacVicar,  Anne,  at  Albany,  i. 
331  ;  her  recollections  of  Albany, 
i.  331,  332. 

Madawaska,  i.  294. 

Mahon,  Lord,  on  the  incapacity  of 
Robinson,  i.  186. 

Maillard,  missionary  on  Cape 
Breton,  i.  110;  receives  a  pen 
sion,  i.  110;  on  the  murder  of 
Captain  Howe,  i.  124. 

Maillebois,  Marechal  de,  i.  12  ;  in 
Italy,  i.  371. 

Maine,  State  of,  i.  23,  129. 

Malartic,  i.  452 ;  on  the  defeat  of 
the  rangers,  i.  459 ;  on  the 
embassy  from  the  Five  Nations, 
i.  481  ;  on  the  importance  of 
Indian  assistance,  i.  499  ;  diary 
of,  i.  528 ;  on  the  defences  at 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  106  ;  ii.  132  ;  on 
Montcalm's  anxiety,  ii.  303  ;  on 
the  battle  on  the  Heights  of 
Abraham,  ii.  307 ;  on  the  plans 
of  Levis,  ii.  325  ;  on  the  battle 
of  Quebec,  ii.  455. 

Mali  cites  from  Acadia,  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500. 

Manach,  the   missionary,   i.   261 ; 


INDEX. 


519 


letter  from  Boishebert  to,  i. 
275. 

Manila,  English  attack  planned 
on,  ii.  415,  417. 

Manitou,  the,  i.  493. 

Mann,  Sir  Horace,  letters  from 
Walpole  to,  i.  195;  ambassador 
at  Florence,  ii.  336. 

Mansfield,  i.  10. 

Maute,  Major  Thomas,  on  the 
pressure  brought  to  force  the 
Pennsylvania  Assembly  to  pass 
measures  of  war,  i.  360 ;  on 
Bradstreet's  Fight,  i.  409;  on 
the  failure  of  the  Louisbourg 
expedition,  i.  487 ;  on  the  size 
of  the  English  force  in  the 
Louisbourg  expedition,  ii.  59 ; 
on  the  landing  of  the  English 
at  Louisbourg,  ii.  64 ;  on  the 
negotiations  for  capitulation  at 
Louisbourg,  ii.  75 ;  on  the  siege 
of  Louisbourg,  ii.  85 ;  his  plan 
of  the  siege  operations,  ii.  86 ; 
on  the  death  of  Howe,  ii.  102; 
on  Wolfe,  ii.  203;  on  the  re 
pulse  of  the  English  at  Mont- 
morenci,  ii.  244  ;  on  Amherst's 
force  at  Lake  George,  ii.  246  ;  on 
Amherst's  capture  of  Ticonder- 
oga,  ii.  250  ;  on  the  sufferings  of 
Rogers'  rangers,  ii.  269 ;  on  the 
battle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  373;  on 
Murray  at  Isle  St.-Therese,  ii. 
380;  on  Amherst's  expedition 
against  Canada,  ii.  382  ;  on  the 
capture  of  Fort  Levis,  ii.  384; 
on  the  capture  of  Havana,  ii.  416. 

Marcel,  ii.  442. 

Margry,  i.  383. 

Maria  Theresa,  of  Austria,  daugh 
ter  of  Charles  VI.,  i.  21  ;  claim 
ants  for  the  possessions  of,  i. 
21  ;  her  memorable  appeal,  i. 
21,  22  ;  devotion  of  her  Hun 


garian  nobles,  i.  22  ;  her  hatred 
for  Frederic  the  Great,  i.  365 ; 
Frederic  the  Great  robs  her  of 
Silesia,  i.  365 ;  joins  herself  in 
secret  league  with  Russia,  i. 
366 ;  the  recovery  of  Silesia  her 
ruling  passion,  i.  366 ;  courts  the 
alliance  of  France,  i.  366  ;  makes 
advances  to  Madame  de  Pom 
padour,  i.  366 ;  ready  to  attack 
Frederic  of  Prussia,  ii.  41  ;  ii. 
407. 

Marigalante,  the  Island  of,  re 
stored  by  England,  ii.  420. 

Mariu,  the  famous  partisan,  i. 
92;  in  command  of  the  Ohio 
enterprise,  i.  134 ;  indefatigable 
labors  of,  i.  134  ;  in  extremity, 
i.  134;  his  interview  with  the 
Half-King,  i.  135  ;  sees  that  his 
work  must  remain  half  done, 
i.  136;  i.  142,  382,  443,  444; 
makes  a  dash  at  Fort  Edward, 
i.  499 ;  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  501 ;  ii.  23 ;  official 
knavery  of,  ii.  30,  33 ;  attacks 
Rogers,  ii.  127  ;  the  battle  near 
Fort  Anne,  ii.  129  ;  saves  Put 
nam's  life,  ii.  131  ;  ii.  173  ;  sum 
moned  to  Pouchot's  aid,  ii. 
255 ;  captured  by  the  English, 
ii.  258. 

Marin,  Madame,  ii.  23. 

Marine  and  Colonial  Department, 
the,  Arnouville  at  the  head  of, 
i.  186. 

Marolles,  on  the  siege  of  Louis 
bourg,  ii.  85. 

"  Marriage  a  la  Mode,"  i.  9. 

Marsh,  Dr.  Perez,  on  the  battle  of 
Lake  George,  i.  316,  322. 

Marshall,  O.  H.,  on  the  plates 
buried  by  Bienville,  i.  51. 

Marshfield,  i.  255. 

Martel,  the  King's  storekeeper,  at 


520 


INDEX. 


Montreal,  ii.   11,  23,  33;   trial 
of,  ii.  40. 

Martin,  on  Montcalm,  i.  372. 

Martin,  Abraham,  ii.  300. 

Martin,  Father,  on  the  responsi 
bility  for  the  signal  of  butchery 
at  Fort  William  Henry,  i.  529. 

Martin,  Sergeant  Joshua,  wounded, 
i.  458. 

Martinique,  English  attack  planned 
on,  ii.  415  ;  Rodney  and  Monck- 
ton  attack,  ii.  416  ;  in  the  hands 
of  the  English,  ii.  416;  restored 
by  the  English,  ii.  420. 

Maryland,  the  colony  of,  i.  28,  36  ; 
Dinwiddie  asks  for  aid  against 
the  French  from,  i.  144 ;  her  re 
sponse,  i.  174  ;  sends  commis 
sioners  to  the  Albany  convention, 
i.  179;  Sharpe,  governor  of,  i. 
199;  Braddock  in,  i.  204;  In 
dian  attacks  on  the  border  set 
tlements  of,  i.  341  ;  Avrithing 
under  border  attacks,  i.  435. 

Maryland  troops,  the,  in  Forbes' 
expedition  against  Fort  Du- 
quesue,  ii.  138,  159. 

Massachusetts,  colony  of,  descrip 
tion  of,  i.  28 ;  almost  independ 
ent  of  the  mother  country,  i.  28 ; 
sends  commissioners  to  Albany, 
i.  65  ;  always  ready  to  fight,  i. 
175;  maintains  her  military 
reputation,  i.  296,  297 ;  grant 
made  by  Parliament  to,  i.  395 ; 
delays  in  supporting  Shirley's 
grand  scheme,  i.  431  ;  charges 
brought  against,  ii.  88 ;  Pow- 
nall's  report  of  the  condition  of, 
ii.  88 ;  raises  men  for  Abercrom- 
bie,  ii.  89  ;  her  war-debt,  ii.  89. 

Massachusetts,  General  Court  of, 
the,  Shirley  cautious  of  giving 
umbrage  to,  i.  175;  makes  a 
large  grant  to  Shirley  for  pro 


tection  against  the  French,  i. 
175 ;  makes  an  appropriation  for 
an  attack  on  Crown  Point,  i. 
296 ;  method  of  raising  and 
equipping  men,  i.  398. 

Massachusetts  regiment,  the,  with 
Abercrombie,  ii.  97. 

Massachusetts  troops,  the,  lay 
siege  to  Beausejour,  i.  269;  at 
Fort  Lyman,  i.  316,  325. 

Massey,  Colonel,  in  the  siege  of 
Niagara,  ii.  257. 

Mathevet,  missionary  for  the  Nip- 
issings,  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  501. 

Maumee  River,  the,  i.  44  ;  French 
fort  on,  i.  54,  55,  87,  89. 

Maurault,  Abbe',  ii.  266. 

Maurepas,  Comte  de,  i.  268. 

Maurin,  Francois,  ii.  23  ;  his  offi 
cial  knavery,  ii.  25,  33 ;  trial 
of,  ii.  40;  arrested  and  tried, 
ii.  399. 

Mauritius,  Island  of,  owned  by 
France,  i.  12. 

Maxen,  the  Prussians  defeated  at, 
ii.  402. 

Maxwell,  Thompson,  ii.  132 ;  on 
the  sufferings  of  Rogers'  ran 
gers,  ii.  269. 

Mayhew,  Rev.  Jonathan,  on  the 
future  greatness  of  the  British- 
American  colonies,  ii.  337. 

Maynard,  Captain,  on  Rogers,  ii. 
129. 

Mazade,  Madame,  i.  374. 

Meadow  Mountain,  i.  213. 

"Medicine  men,"  Indian,  i.  45], 

Mediterranean,  the,  ii.  52. 

Meech,  Lieutenant,  lands  on  the 
Island  of  Orleans,  ii.  217. 

Mellen,  Rev.  John,  rejoices  over 
the  fall  of  Canada,  ii.  392. 

Memeramcook,  fertile  shores  of, 
i.  125,  127. 


INDEX. 


521 


Memphremagog,  Lake,  ii.  265, 
267,  269. 

Menominies,  the,  i.  421  ;  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500. 

Mercer,  Colonel  Hugh,  in  com 
mand  at  Oswego,  i.  410;  aban 
dons  Fort  Ontario,  i.  424 ;  death 
of,  i.  426 ;  at  Fort  Duquesne, 
ii.  167  ;  on  the  siege  of  Niagara, 
i.  255. 

"  Mermaid,"  the,  i.  256. 

Merriman,  Sergeant,  on  the  expe 
dition  against  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
247. 

Mexico,  i.  12,  22. 

Mexico,  the  Gulf  of,  i.  42,  212, 
244. 

Miami  Indians,  the,  i.  43 ;  village 
of,  i.  54;  Bienville  among,  i.  54, 
55 ;  Gist  and  Croghan  among, 
i.  60;  make  a  treaty  with  the 
Indians,  i.  60;  hearty  in  the 
English  cause,  i.  62 ;  English 
traders  among,  i.  84;  depreda 
tions  of,  i.  87  ;  make  humble 
submission  to  the  French,  i.  135  ; 
i.  217;  at  Montcalm's  grand 
council,  i.  500 ;  sent  to  the  de 
fence  of  Fort  Duquesne,  ii.  148. 

Miami  Confederacy,  the,  La  De 
moiselle  the  great  chief  of,  i.  55. 

Miami  River,  the,  i.  43,  53  ;  Bien 
ville  ascends,  i.  53  ;  i.  59  ;  the 
English  on,  i.  88. 

Michel,  Bonhomme,  ii.  321. 

Michigan,  Lake,  i.  80;  i.  421. 

Michilimackinac,  the  mission  of,  i. 
89 ;  i.  489,  501  ;  Le  Verrier  in 
command  at,  ii.  33 ;  ii.  259. 

Michilimackinac,  Fort,  important 
position  of,  i.  80. 

Micmac  Indians,  the,  i.  26 ;  Le 
Loutre,  missionary  to,  i.  HI, 
118;  at  Beaubassin,  i.  121; 
treacherously  murder  Captain 


Howe,  i.  123,  124;  i.  126;  at 
Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
500 ;  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  69 ;  ii. 
189. 

Milbank,  Mr.,  ii.  372. 

Mildmay,  English  commissioner 
on  the  question  of  American 
boundaries  between  France  and 
England,  i.  128. 

Miller,  Captain,  i.  441  ;  ii.  345. 

Mines,  district  of,  i.  244. 

Mines  Basin,  i.  250. 

Mingoes,  the,  in  the  Ohio  valley, 
i.  43 ;  i.  49 ;  not  hearty  in  the 
English  cause,  i.  62  ;  Croghan 
sent  to,  i.  63  ;  at  Fort  Duquesne, 
i.  217;  set  on  by  Dumas  to 
attack  the  border  settlements, 
i.  341 ;  join  the  English,  ii.  157. 

Minorca,  garrison  of,  i.  11 ;  i.  39  ; 
wrested  from  England,  ii.  43 ; 
restored  by  France  to  England, 
ii.  421. 

Miquelon,  the  Island  of,  ii.  421. 

Miramichi,  ii.  84. 

Mirepoix,  French  ambassador  at 
London,  i.  186;  estimates  of,  i. 
186  ;  dissimulation,  i.  190  ;  ii.  13. 

Missaguash,  the  stream,  i.  120, 
123,  125,  244,  257  ;  ii.  189. 

Mission  Indians,  the,  i.  68,  384; 
Montcalm  among,  i.  489 ;  de 
scription  of,  i.  493,  494;  de 
scription  of  the  war-feasts  of, 
i.  494;  reinforce  Hebecourt,  ii. 
14  ;  barbarities  of,  ii.  151. 

Missisquoi  Bay,  ii.  264. 

Mississagas,  the,  i.  74  ;  at  Mont 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500. 

Mississippi  River,  the,  France  at 
the  mouth  of,  i.  22 ;  i.  26,  27  ; 
Indian  tribes  of,  i.43  ;  meadows 
of,  i.  44 ;  savages  of,  i.  45 ;  i. 
46,  57,  130,  176,  348,  384;  ii. 
186,  419.  420,  421. 


522 


INDEX. 


Mitchell,  Dr.  John,  on  England's 
claims  in  America,  i.  131. 

Mohawk  expedition,  Vaudreuil's, 
ii.  90,  91. 

Mohawk  Indians,  the,  i.  31,  69, 
93 ;  alienated  by  the  Dutch  of 
Albany,  i.  178;  with  Johnson,  i. 
300 ;  at  Fort  Lyman,  i.  307 ;  i. 
314  ;  their  ferocity  in  the  battle 
of  Lake  George,  i.  320,  321  ; 
villages  of,  i.  333;  i.  339; 
pledge  themselves  to  the  Eng 
lish,  i.  405;  i.  482;  at  Fort 
Edward,  ii.  4 ;  in  Piquet's  war- 
party,  ii.  431. 

Mohawk  River,  the,  i.  31,  35,  66, 
298,  331;  Shirley  on,  i.  332; 
Fort  Williams  built  on,  i.  387  ; 
i.  388,  405,  406,  420;  ii.  8,  121, 
133. 

Mohawk  Valley,  the,  ii.  90. 

Mohawk  villages,  the,  i.  333. 

Mohegaus,  the,  attend  the  conven 
tion  at  Easton,  ii.  154. 

Mohegans  from  the  Hudson,  the, 
pledge  themselves  to  the  Eng 
lish,  i.  405. 

"  Molang,"  see  Marin. 

Mole,  see  La  Mole. 

Mollwitz,  i.  22. 

Monarchy,  the,  in  France,  declin 
ing  prestige  of,  i.  18. 

Monckton,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Robert,  in  command  of  the 
Acadian  enterprise,  i.  201 ;  or 
dered  to  capture  Beausejour,  i. 
203;  sent  to  Boston  by  Law 
rence,  i.  248,  254  ;  in  Shirley's 
regiment,  i.  255  ;  at  Fort  Law 
rence,  i.  257  ;  before  Fort  Beau 
sejour,  i.  257  ;  attacks  Fort  Beau 
sejour,  i.  258;  at  Beausejour, 
i.  263 ;  determines  to  remove 
the  Acadians,  i.  263  ;  his  condi 
tions,  i.  264-266  ;  motives  of  his 


severe  sentence,  i.  265  ;  ordered 
to  seize  the  Acadians,  i.  276; 
his  curt  treatment  of  Winslow, 
i.  277 ;  i.  290,  291 ;  despatched 
to  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  ii.  82 ;  in 
Wolfe's  expedition,  ii.  201 ;  at 
Quebec,  ii.  223  ;  his  proclama 
tion,  ii.  223  ;  ii.  236 ;  letter  from 
Wolfe  to,  ii.  277  ;  ii.  285  ;  on 
the  Heights  of  Abraham,  ii.  301, 
306;  wounded,  ii.  316,  329; 
joins  Rodney  in  the  attack  on 
Martinique,  ii.  416 ;  on  the  force 
of  the  French  and  English  at 
Quebec,  ii.  454 ;  ii.  456. 

Monckton's  brigade,  at  Quebec,  ii. 
223,  241 ;  in  the  battle  of  Que 
bec,  ii.  309. 

"  Monmouth,"  the,  captures  the 
"  Foudroyant,"  ii.  53. 

Monongahela,  the  battle  of,  i.  223- 
227 ;  the  English  losses,  i.  227, 
228;  after  the  battle,  i.  230, 
231  ;  the  French  losses,  i.  231. 

Monongahela  River,  the,  Wash 
ington  on,  i.  142;  i.  150,  151, 
161,  214,  215,216,  218,219;  ii. 
144,  159,  165,  166. 

Monro,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  in 
command  at  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  510;  asks  for  rein 
forcements  from  Webb,  i.  511  ; 
Webb's  indecision,  i.  512  ;  asked 
to  surrender  by  Montcalm,  i. 
513;  his  refusal,  i.  513;  the 
attack,  i.  514;  warned  by  Webb 
to  expect  no  help  from  him,  i. 
517;  his  desperate  situation,  ii. 
193;  makes  terms  of  capitula 
tion,  i.  519;  futile  efforts  of 
Montcalm  to  hold  the  Indians 
to  the  terms  of  capitulation,  i. 
520-527;  ii.  92,  445. 

Montagu,  George,  letter  from 
Walpole  to,  ii.  404,  405. 


INDEX. 


523 


Montcalm,  the  elder,  i.  369  ;  death 
of,  i.  370. 

Montcalm,  Chevalier  de  (sou),  ap 
pointed  to  command  a  regi 
ment  in  France,  i.  373 ;  joins 
his  father,  i.  373 ;  presented  to 
the  royal  family,  i.  374 ;  mar 
riage  of,  ii.  183. 

Montcalm,  Louis  de,  i.  293 ;  ap 
pointed  general  to  replace  Dies- 
kau,  i.  368  ;  early  history  of,  i. 
368;  his  ambition  to  become  a 
member  of  the  Academy,  i.  369  ; 
joins  the  regiment  of  Hainaut, 
i.  370  ;  at  the  siege  of  Philips- 
bourg,  i.  370  ;  death  of  his-father, 
i.  370;  his  marriage,  i.  370;  his 
children,  i.  370 ;  his  family  seat 
at  Candiac,  i.  371 ;  his  early 
campaigns,  i.  371 ;  made  colonel 
of  the  regiment  of  Auxerrois, 
i.  371 ;  taken  prisoner  at  Pia- 
cenza,  i.  371  ;  returns  to  France, 
i.  371  ;  again  wounded,  i.  372; 
his  appointment  in  command 
of  the  French  troops  in  North 
America,  i.  372  ;  his  unpublished 
autobiography,  i.  372  ;  sets  out 
from  Candiac,  i.  373  ;  his  letters 
to  his  mother,  i.  373,  374,  384, 
468,  471,  478;  ii.  10,  171,  181, 
183  ;  joined  by  his  son,  i.  373  ; 
preparations  for  departure,  i. 
373  ;  at  Eennes,  i.  374 ;  his  letters 
to  his  wife,  i.  374,  376,  421,  429, 
467,  468,  469,  488;  ii.  10,  116, 
186,  187  ;  presents  his  son  to  the 
royal  family,  i.  374  ;  his  fond 
ness  for  Levis  and  Bougainville, 
i.  375 ;  his  troops,  i.  375  ;  sails 
for  New  France,  i.  376  ;  a  rough 
voyage,  i.  376  ;  reaches  the  St. 
Lawrence  River,  i.  377  ;  reaches 
Quebec,  i.  377  ;  meets  Vaudreuil, 
i.  378 ;  not  welcome  to  Vau 


dreuil,  i.  378;  compared  with 
Vaudrenil,  i.  379 ;  represents 
the  Old  France,  i.  380 ;  antago 
nism  of  his  force  to  that  of 
Vaudreuil's,  i.  380 ;  on  his  red 
allies,  i.  384  ;  his  impressions  of 
Canada,  i.  385,  386  ;  at  Montreal, 
i.  388  ;  Montreuil's  opinion  of,  i. 
389  ;  his  estimate  of  Vaudreuil,  i. 
389 ;  hastens  to  Ticonderoga, 
i.  390;  his  high  estimate  of 
Levis,  i.  391 ;  Levis'  estimate  of, 
i.  391 ;  his  plans  against  Oswego, 
i.  419;  recalled  by  Vaudreuil 
from  Ticonderoga,  i.  420 ;  on 
Lake  Champlain,  i.  421  ;  reaches 
Montreal,  i.  421 ;  at  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  i.  421 ;  attacks  Oswego, 
i.  422,  423;  on  the  capture  of 
Oswego,  i.  429 ;  faces  Winslow 
at  Ticouderoga,  i.  434 ;  on  Ri- 
gaud's  attack  on  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  465 ;  familiar  corre 
spondence  of,  i.  467-473;  pos 
sesses  the  tastes  of  a  country 
gentleman,  i.  468 ;  receives  the 
coveted  decoration  of  the  cordon 
rouge,  i.  468 ;  his  strained  rela 
tions  with  Vaudreuil,  i.  473 ; 
Vaudreuil's  accusations  against, 
i.  476 ;  rivalry  between  Vau 
dreuil  and,  i.  477-480;  foibles 
of,  i.  480;  the  Indians  eager  to 
see,  i.  489;  an  Indian  compli 
ment,  i.  489 ;  sings  the  war- 
song  with  the  converts  of  the 
Two  Mountains,  i.  489,  490; 
gathers  his  force  at  Ticonderoga, 
i.  491  ;  troublesome  allies,  i.  493  ; 
on  the  importance  of  Indian 
assistance,  i.  499 ;  calls  a  grand 
council,  i.  500-504  ;  his  circular 
letter  to  the  regular  officers,  i. 
504 ;  his  advance,  i.  505 ;  his 
preparations,  i.  513  ;  summons 


524 


INDEX. 


Monro  to  surrender,  i.  513; 
Monro  refuses,  i.  513 ;  inter 
cepts  Webb's  letter  to  Monro, 
i.  517;  makes  terms  of  capitu 
lation  with  Monro,  i.  520;  his 
efforts  to  prevent  butchery  by 
the  Indians,  i.  521,  522,  525, 
527;  on  the  responsibility  for 
the  signal  of  butchery,  i.  529  ; 
a  missed  opportunity,  ii.  5 ; 
Vaudreuil  tries  to  tarnish  his 
exploit,  ii.  5;  his  restrictions, 
ii.  6;  in  Quebec,  ii.  10;  his 
further  letters  to  Bourlamaque, 
ii.  10,  11,  13;  his  disgust,  ii. 
10 ;  not  pleased  with  Montreal, 
ii.  10;  annoyed  by  his  relations 
with  Vaudreuil,  ii.  11;  his  ac 
count  of  Rogers'  fight,  ii.  19; 
reveals  Bigot's  knavery  to  the 
ministry,  ii.  38 ;  given  absolute 
power  in  the  colony,  ii.  39  ;  on 
the  maladministration  of  Can 
ada,  ii.  39 ;  ii.  90 ;  left  to  de 
fend  himself  •  as  he  can,  ii.  91; 
decides  to  remain  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  ii.  91;  ii.  100;  at  the 
Falls,  ii.  103  ;  desperate  position 
of,  ii.  107  ;  his  chief  hope  lay  in 
Abercrombie's  blunders,  ii.  107 ; 
on  the  number  of  the  French 
force  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  109 ; 
the  assault,  ii.  109;  defeats  Ab- 
ercrombie,  ii.  114;  his  losses, 
ii.  115;  his  relief,  ii.  115; 
announces  his  victory,  ii.  116; 
erects  a  cross,  ii.  116;  receives 
reinforcements,  ii.  126;  ii.  133; 
breaks  camp,  ii.  135 ;  determines 
to  ask  for  his  recall,  ii.  171  ; 
Vaudreuil  envious  of,  ii.  171  ; 
Vaudreuil  asks  for  the  recall 
of,  ii.  174;  dissensions,  ii.  174, 
175  ;  his  disgust,  ii.  176  ;  realizes 
the  necessities  of  Canada,  ii. 


180;  made  lieutenant-general, 
ii.  182;  letter  from  Belleisle  to, 
ii.  184,  185;  his  reply,  ii.  185; 
inclined  to  the  plan  of  concentra 
tion,  ii.  186;  sad  news  from 
Candiac,  ii.  187  ;  correspondence 
of,  ii.  188;  ii.  206;  hastens  to 
Quebec,  ii.  207 ;  location  of  his 
troops,  ii.  209  ;  his  headquarters, 
ii.  210 ;  his  relative  position  to 
Vaudreuil,  ii.  212;  ii.  218,219; 
favored  by  the  elements,  ii.  219; 
tries  the  virtues  of  his  fireships, 
ii.  220;  his  letters  to  Bourla 
maque,  ii.  222,  286,  443  ;  ii.  226, 
228,  229 ;  in  a  defensive  at 
titude,  ii.  232  ;  forced  to  weaken 
his  army  at  Beauport,  ii.  234; 
does  not  improve  his  opportun 
ity,  ii.  234 ;  refuses  to  fight  on 
Wolfe's  terms,  ii.  238  ;  attacked 
by  Wolfe,  ii.  239 ;  his  perplexity, 
ii.  240;  ii.  249,  260;  let  the 
parishes  burn,  ii.  273;  ii.  280, 
281,  283;  deceived  by  a  pre 
tended  attack,  ii.  293 ;  his  force 
compared  to  Wolfe's,  ii.  293 ; 
passes  a  troubled  night,  ii.  302  ; 
the  alarm,  ii.  303  ;  gathers  his 
army  together,  ii.  303 ;  his 
amazement,  ii.  304  ;  Vaudreuil 
delays  sending  his  forces  to 
join,  ii.  304  ;  a  council  of  war, 
ii.  304  ;  alternatives,  ii.  305 ;  the 
crisis,  ii.  307 ;  his  defeat,  ii. 
307  ;  mortally  wounded,  ii.  309 , 
Vaudreuil  throws  the  blame 
for  defeat  on,  ii.  313  ;  his  advice, 
ii.  317  ;  seriousness  of  the  loss 
of,  ii.  319;  last  hours  of,  ii. 
320;  his  death,  ii.  321;  his  letter 
to  Townshend,  ii.  321  ;  his 
burial,  ii.  321,  322;  his  funeral 
the  funeral  of  New  France,  ii. 
322;  Vaudreuil's  jealous  spite 


INDEX. 


525 


follows  him  after  death,  ii.  330- 
335 ;  his  accusations  against 
Vaudreuil,  ii.  334,  338,  339; 
his  faults,  ii.  335;  ii.  359,  360; 
familiar  letters  of,  ii.  441-443; 
ii.  447  ;  on  the  losses  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  ii.  448;  letters  on  the 
battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  455  ;  au 
thorities  on  his  death  and  burial, 
ii.  458. 

Montcalm,  Madame  de  (wife),  i. 
370;  her  children,  i.  370;  i. 
373 ;  letters  from  her  husband, 
i.  374,  376,  421,  429,  467,  468, 
469,  488;  ii.  10,  116,  186,  187, 
441-443. 

Montcalm,  Mademoiselle  de,  mar 
riage  of,  ii.  183,  187. 

Montcalm,  the  Marquis  de,  i. 
viii,  378;  ii.  188. 

Montcalm,  Mirete,  death  of,  ii. 
187. 

Montesquieu,  i.  18. 

Montgomery,  Captain  Alexander, 
cruelty  of,  ii.  272. 

Montgomery,  Colonel  Richard,  in 
Forbes'  expedition  against  Fort 
Duquesne,  ii.  165,  272. 

Montgomery's  regiment,in  Forbes' 
expedition  against  Fort  Du 
quesne,  ii.  138. 

Montguet,  Captain,  ii.  314. 

Montguy,  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  103. 

Montigny,  captured  by  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  258. 

Montmorenci,  the  falls  of,  ii.  209, 
217,  218,  219,  226,  227,  229,  230, 
231,  238,  239,  240,  241  ;  repulse 
of  the  English  at,  ii.  241,  242, 
277,  278,  285. 

Montmorenci,  the  heights  of,  occu 
pied  by  Wolfe,  ii.  228 ;  ii.  231, 
238 ;  repulse  of  the  English  at, 
ii.  244,  270,  279,  396,  453. 

Montour,  Andrew,  the  interpreter, 


of  great  service  to  Gist,  i.  57 ; 
sketch  of,  i.  58. 

Montour,  Catharine,  i.  58. 

Montpellier,  i.  378,  471. 

Montreal,  Bienville  at,  i.  55,  56  ; 
i.  70,  93,  134,  136,  159;  Mont 
calm  and  Levis  at,  i.  388  ;  Vau- 
dreuil's  conference  with  the 
Indians  at,  i.  405 ;  Montcalm 
reaches,  i.  421 ;  i.  431,  441 ;  the 
military  heart  of  Canada,  i. 
467  ;  social  life  at,  i.  469 ;  famine 
in,  ii.  12;  census  of,  ii.  185;  ii. 
204  ;  militia  of,ii.  211  ;  Amherst 
plans  an  attack  upon,  ii.  246  ; 
Le'vis  sent  to,  ii.  260;  ii.  275; 
Vaudreuil  at,  ii.  330;  ii.  351, 
354,  355,  375,  376,  377  ;  Levis  at, 
ii.  379  ;  description  of,  ii.  385  ; 
the  French  army  gathered  at, 
ii.  386. 

Montreuil,  Dieskau's  adjutant,  in 
the  battle  of  Lake  George,  i. 
318;  correspondence  of,  i.  328; 
i.  389  ;  his  opinion  of  Montcalm, 
i.  389 ;  on  the  defeat  of  the 
rangers,  i.  459 ;  on  Rigaud's 
attack  on  Fort  William  Henry, 
i.  465;  ii.  313;  on  the  battle 
of  Quebec,  ii.  455. 

Monts,  De,  see  De  Monts. 

Moore,  William,  letter  to  Gov 
ernor  Morris  from,  i.  360. 

Moravian  brotherhood,  the,  ii.  150 ; 
the  mission  settlements  of,  ii.  151. 

Moravians,  the,  in  Pennsylvania, 
i.  34,  360. 

Moro  Castle,  attacked  by  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  416  ;  carried  by  storm, 
ii.  416. 

Morris,  Captain  Roger,  aide-de 
camp  to  Braddock,  i.  210; 
wounded  in  the  battle  of  Mo- 
nongahela,  i.  227,  238;  on  the 
defeat  of  Braddock,  i.  229. 


526 


INDEX. 


Morris,  Governor  of  Pennsylva 
nia,  succeeds  Hamilton,  i.  173; 
in  controversy  with  his  Assem 
bly,  i.  173,  174;  letters  from 
William  Shirley  the  younger  to, 
i.  195,  209;  summoned  to  Alex 
andria  by  Braddock,  i.  198;  on 
the  conduct  of  Dunbar,  i.  241  ; 
letters  from  John  Shirley  to,  i. 
335, 336, 338  ;  his  letter  of  condo 
lence  to  William  Shirley,  i.  336 ; 
his  letter  to  Dinwiddie,  i.  336 ; 
on  the  attitude  of  the  Quakers, 
i.  352;  his  struggle  with  the 
Assembly,  i.  353,  360;  on  the 
attitude  of  the  Assembly,  i. 
354 ;  troubled  by  the  Indian 
massacres,  i.  356  ;  still  fencing 
with  the  Assembly,  i.  357 ;  de 
clares  war  against  the  Delawares 
and  Shawauoes,  i.  406 ;  letter 
from  Washington  to,  i.  436. 

"  Moses,"  see  Le  Loutre. 

Mountain  Street,  in  Quebec,  ii. 
329,  340,  347,  357. 

Murdering  Town,  Indian  hamlet 
of,  Washington  at,  i.  141. 

Murdock,  Beamish,  on  Le  Loutre 
at  Fort  Beausejour,  i.  259  ;  on 
the  capture  of  Le  Loutre,  i. 
261. 

Murray,  Captain  Alexander,  i.  270 ; 
at  Fort  Edward,  i.  278 ;  assists 
Winslow  in  the  expulsion  of  the 
Acadians,  i.  280;  issues  a  sum 
mons  to  the  Acadiaus,  i.  282  ; 
his  success,  i.  285  ;  congratulates 
Winslow,  i.  288  ;  i.  289,  290. 

Murray,  Brigadier,  in  Wolfe's  ex 
pedition,  ii.  201;  at  Quebec,  ii. 
274 ;  repulsed  at  Pointe-aux- 
Trembles,  ii.  274 ;  at  Descham- 
bault,  ii.  274 ;  letter  from  Wolfe 
to,  ii.  277 ;  fords  the  Eteche- 
min,  ii.  285 ;  on  the  Heights  of 


Abraham,  ii.  301  ;  in  command 
at  Quebec,  ii.  329,  344 ;  charac 
ter  of,  ii.  344;  escape  of  the 
French  ships,  ii.  345 ;  rumors 
of  the  approach  of  Levis,  ii. 
348;  attacks  the  French  skir 
mishers,  ii.  349  ;  on  the  capture 
of  Le  Calvaire,  ii.  350 ;  prepares 
for  an  attack  from  the  French, 
ii.  352  ;  learns  of  the  expedition 
of  Levis,  ii.  357  ;  reinforces  Ste.- 
Foy,  ii.  358;  alternatives,  ii. 
358;  his  rashness,  ii.  359;  at 
tacks  Levis,  ii.  361  ;  the  battle, 
ii.  363 ;  forced  to  retreat,  ii. 
363 ;  strengthens  Quebec,  ii. 
366 ;  holds  the  confidence  of  his 
officers,  ii.  367 ;  exchanges 
courtesies  with  LeVis,  ii.  368 ; 
relief  arrives,  ii.  369 ;  on  the 
battle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  372 ;  ii. 
375  ;  to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence, 
ii.  375,  376 ;  his  advance,  ii. 
377-379  ;  his  proclamation  to  the 
Canadians,  ii.  379 ;  carries  out 
his  threats,  ii.  379  ;  at  Isle  St.- 
The'rese,  ii.  380,  383;  on  the 
force  of  the  French  and  English 
at  Quebec,  ii.  454 ;  on  the 
strength  of  the  French  and 
English  at  the  battle  of  Ste.- 
Foy,  ii.  460. 

Murray's  brigade,  at  Quebec,  ii. 
226/ 

Muskingum,  Wyaudot  village  of, 
Gist  at,  i.  57  ;  Croghan  at,  i.  57. 

Muskingum  River,  the,  Bienville 
buries  a  plate  at  the  mouth  of, 
i.  51. 

"  NABBYCROMBIE,  MRS./'  see  Aber- 

crombie,  General  James. 
Napier,  i.  203. 
Naples,  the  throne  of,  House  of 

Bourbon  holds,  i.  12. 


INDEX. 


527 


Napoleonic  tempests,  the,  i.  3. 

Narrows,  the,  i.  443,  448,  455,  458, 
506 ;  ii.  96. 

Nash,  Beau,  i.  9. 

Nash,  Goldsmith's  life  of,  i.  196. 

Necessity,  Fort,  built  by  Washing 
ton,  i.  156 ;  Washington  and  his 
Indians  at,  i.  157  ;  description 
of,  i.  162;  the  Virginians  at,  i. 
162 ;  attacked  by  Villiers,  i.  162  ; 
the  capitulation,  i.  164,  165; 
abandoned,  i.  166;  the  serious 
ness  to  the  English  of  the  defeat 
at,  i.  167  ;  ii.  289,  436. 

"  Neptune,"  the,  ii.  200,  202. 

"  Neutrals,"  the,  i.  247. 

New  Brunswick,  i.  94,  128,  129. 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  power  of,  i. 
10;  his  total  unfitness  for  place 
and  power,  i.  184;  characteris 
tics  of,  i.  184;  anecdotes  of,  i. 
184,  185;  ridiculed,  i.  185;  his 
support  necessary  to  Pitt,  i.  185  ; 
the  growth  of  the  decrepitude 
and  decay  of  a  great  party,  i. 
185 ;  consults  Hanbury  on 
American  affairs,  i.  204 ;  does 
not  support  Pitt,  ii.  44 ;  made 
First  Lord  of  the  Treasury,  ii. 
44 ;  Wolfe  a  hopeless  enigma 
to,  ii.  199;  ii.  394;  disliked  by 
George  III.,ii.  407  ;  ii.  411, 413 ; 
resigns,  ii.  414. 

Newell,  Chaplain,  at  Fort  Lyman, 
i.  307. 

New  England,  i.  28,  29;  best 
known  to  her  neighbors  by  her 
worst  side,  i.  30  ;  the  most  mili 
tary  among  the  British  colonies, 
i.  30 ;  bore  the  heaviest  brunt 
of  preceding  wars,  i.  31  ;  in  the 
capture  of  Louisbourg,  i.  31  ; 
Virginia  contrasted  with,  i.  31 ; 
native  literature  of,  i.  32  ;  essen 
tial  antagonism  of  Virginia  and, 


i.  33  ;  strong  distinctive  charac 
ter  of,  i.  34 ;  always  ready  to 
fight,  i.  175;  sends  commis 
sioners  to  the  Albany  conven 
tion,  i.  179;  supports  the  plans 
against  Crown  Point  and 
Beausejour,  i.  200,  201 ;  shows 
a  fine  martial  spirit,  i.  205  ;  dis 
couraged  by  Johnson's  failure 
to  take  Crown  Point,  i.  395; 
doubtful  of  Shirley's  military 
abilities,  i.  395;  joins  Shirley's 
new  campaign,  i.  395 ;  alone 
fully  earnest  for  war,  i.  431 ; 
the  opposing  force,  i.  431  ;  re 
joices  over  Wolfe's  victory,  ii. 
337 ;  rejoices  over  the  fall  of 
Canada,  ii.  391. 

New  Englanders,  the,  Shirley  in 
sympathy  with,  i.  175. 

New  England  levies,  the,  methods 
of  raising  and  equipping,  i. 
397,  398  ;  the  pay,  i.  398 ;  the 
officers,  i.  399  ;  at  Ticonderoga, 
ii.  93. 

New  England  rangers,  the,  i.  363 ; 
at  Quebec,  ii.  217,  223,  228,  231. 

New  England  traders,  the,  i.  246. 

New  England  troops,  the,  at  Beau 
sejour,  i.  263  ;  could  not  be  kept 
in  Acadia,  i.  266 ;  at  Fort  Ed 
ward,  i.  278 ;  against  Crown 
Point  and  Ticonderoga,  i.  395 ; 
John  Winslow  chosen  to  lead, 
i.  395  ;  muster  at  Albany  for  the 
attack  on  Crown  Point,  i.  397  ; 
at  Half-Moon,  i.  397 ;  at  Louis 
bourg,  ii.  62,  71. 

Newfoundland,  i.  192,  485;  tem 
porary  English  reverses  in,  ii. 
417;  ii.  420,  425. 

New  France,  boundaries  of,  i.  22  ; 
population  of,  i.  23 ;  hindrances 
to  growth  of,  i.  23  ;  built  on  the 
principle  of  exclusion,  i.  24. 


528 


INDEX. 


New  Hampshire,  colony  of,  Indian 
attacks  on,  i.  183 ;  joins  Shirley's 
expedition  against  Crown  Point, 
i.  297 ;  Parliament  makes  a 
grant  to,  i.  395 ;  sacrifices  of,  ii.  90. 

New  Hampshire  borderers,  i.  445. 

"  New  Hampshire  Gazette,"  the, 
ii.  112 ;  on  the  capture  of  Fort 
Frontenac,  ii.  136;  on  the  suf 
ferings  of  Rogers'  rangers,  ii. 
269. 

New  Hampshire  levies,  the,  i.  302. 

New  Hampshire  regiment,  the, 
in  Shirley's  expedition  against 
Crown  Point,  i.  301. 

New  Haven,  i.  302. 

New  Jersey,  the  colony  of,  i.  36 ; 
Dinwiddie  asks  for  aid  against 
the  French  from,  i.  144,  146; 
refuses  to  respond,  i.  174,  175; 
plans  against  Crown  Point,  i. 
201  ;  Parliament  makes  a  grant 
to,  i.  395  ;  writhing  under  bor 
der  attacks,  i.  435. 

New  Jersey  Regiment,  the,  in  the 
Niagara  expedition,  i.  332 ;  di 
verted  by  Shirley  from  Crown 
Point,  i.  339;  with  Abercrom- 
bie,  ii.  97. 

New  Orleans,  the  city  of,  i.  44 ; 
retained  by  France,  ii.  419 ; 
made  over  to  Spain,  ii.  421. 

New  Oswego,  Vicar's  report  on 
the  defences  of,  i.  411  ;  location 
of,  i.  425 ;  burned  by  the  French, 
i.  429. 

Newport,  rejoices  over  the  fall  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  80. 

New  York,  city  of,  description  of,  i. 
35  ;  French  designs  upon,  i.  200 ; 
Shirley  holds  a  council  of  war  in, 
i.  394 ;  British  troops  assigned 
to,  i.  453 ;  makes  opposition,  i. 
454 ;  ii.  4 ;  rejoices  over  the  fall 
of  Louisbourg,  ii.  80. 


New  York,  the  Province  of,  i.  30, 
43 ;  description  of,  i.  34,  35 ; 
claims  Oswego,  i.  77;  i.  130; 
ordered  to  respond  to  Dinwid- 
die's  appeal  for  aid  against  the 
French,  i.  147;  contentious 
stubbornness  of,  i.  174;  sends 
commissioners  to  the  Albany 
convention,  i.  179 ;  Indian  at 
tacks  on,  i.  183;  plans  against 
Crown  Point,  i.  201  ;  attempted 
expulsion  of  the  Protestant 
population  of,  i.  295 ;  joins  in 
Shirley's  expedition  against 
Crown  Point,  i.  297  ;  disputes 
between  the  governor  and  the 
Assembly,  i.  362 ;  Parliament 
makes  a  grant  to,  i.  395  ;  writh 
ing  under  border  attacks,  i.  435. 

New  York  Assembly,  the,  com 
position  of,  i.  63  ;  i.  65 ;  neglects 
to  maintain  Oswego,  i.  77 ;  its 
reply  to  Governor  Delancey's 
appeal,  i.  174  ;  dispute  between 
the  governor  and,  i.  362;  vic 
tory  won  by,  i.  362. 

New  York  levies,  the,  i.  397. 

"  New  York  Mercury,"  on  the 
Pennsylvanian  disputes,  i.  363  ; 
ii.  457. 

New  York  provincials,  the,  ii.  448. 

New  York  regiment,  the,  with 
Abercrombie,  ii.  97. 

New  York  troops,  the,  at  Alex 
andria,  i.  168;  in  Shirley's  ex 
pedition  against  Crown  Point, 
i.  303. 

Niagara,  Celoron  at,  i.  41 ;  the 
most  important  pass  of  the 
western  wilderness,  i.  41  ;  the 
key  of  the  Great  West,  i.  66; 
Father  Piquet  at,  i.  74  ;  Joncaire 
at,  i.  74 ;  English  plans  against, 
i.  201;  Shirley  to  lead  the 
attack  upon,  i.  201  ;  i.  202 ;  im- 


INDEX. 


529 


portance  of  mastering,  i.  330 ; 
French  camp  at,  i.  386  ;  ii.  133, 
148,  167. 

Niagara  expedition,  the,  i.  241 ; 
alone  would  have  gained  for 
England  the  control  of  the  Ohio 
valley,  i.  330;  Shirley  sets  out 
on,  i.  331 ;  the  Jersey  Blues  in, 
i.  332;  Shirley's  and  Pepper- 
rell's  regiments  in,  i.  332 ;  at 
Oswego,  i.  332,  333;  at  the 
Great  Carrying  Place,  i.  333  ;  at 
Wood  Creek,  i.  334;  on  Lake 
Oneida,  i.  334 ;  on  Lake  Ontario, 
i.  334 ;  difficulties,  i.  337;  aban 
doned,  i.  338. 

Niagara  Falls,  visited  by  Father 
Piquet,  i.  76. 

Niagara,  Fort,  Father  Piquet  at, 
i.  75 ;  the  key  to  the  inland 
oceans,  i.  80;  i.  85  ;  location  of, 
i.  336  ;  French  force  at,  i.  337  ; 
rebuilt  by  Pouchot,  i.  386  ;  the 
battalion  of  Beam  encamped 
before,  i.  388;  Shirley's  plan  to 
seize,  i.  394,  406,  412;  Loudon 
abandons  the  attempt  against, 
i.  413  ;  i.  428 ;  attacked  by  the 
English,  ii.  232 ;  Amherst  re 
solves  to  capture,  ii.  245 ;  Pri- 
deaux  at,  ii.  253 ;  Pouchot  in 
command  at,  ii.  254;  besieged 
by  Prideaux,  ii.  255;  surren 
dered  to  the  English,  ii.  259; 
its  capture  an  important  stroke, 
ii.  259  ;  ii.  276. 

Niagara  portage,  the,  i.  83,  200. 

Niagara  River,  the,  ii.  254. 

Niaoure  Bay,  i.  421. 

Nicholson,  General,  conquers  Aca- 
dia,  i.  94. 

Niles,    on  Bradstreet's    Fight,   i. 
409 ;  on  the  importance  of   In 
dian  assistance,  i.  499 ;  on  Ticon- 
deroga,  ii.  112. 
VOL.  ii.  —  34 


Nimes,  i.  368. 

Nipissings  of  Lake  Nipissing,  the, 

at  Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 

500. 
Nipissings,  the,  in  the  Ohio  valley, 

i.  43  ;  at  Fort  Frontenac,  i.  78 ; 

join    the    French    against    the 

English,  i.  159. 
Nivernois,  Due  de,  sent  to  London 

as  envoy,  ii.  417. 
Niverville,   at   Montcalm's  grand 

council,  i.  501. 

Noblesse,  the  Canadian,  ii.  397. 
Normanville,  the  brothers,  at  Fort 

Duquesne,  i.  218. 
North,  Lord,  ii.  338. 
North  America,  English  gains  the 

mastery   of,   i.    6 ;    claimed    by 

France,  i.  12. 
Northampton,  i.  302. 
North  Carolina,  the  colony  of,  i. 

36  ;  Dinwiddie  asks  aid  against 

the   French   from,   i.    144;    re 
sponds  to  the  appeal,    i.    147  ; 

Dobbs   governor  of,  i.   194;  ii. 

169. 
North    Carolina    regiment,    the, 

commanded  by  Colonel  Innes, 

i.  168  ;  poor  discipline  in,  i.  169  ; 

in    Shirley's   new  campaign,   i. 

396. 
North    Carolina    troops,    the,    in 

Forbes'  expedition  against  Fort 

Duquesne,  ii.  138. 
Northern  colonies,  the,  threatened 

by  Crown  Point,  i.  296. 
North  Pole,  the,  i.  22. 
Northwest    Bay,    see     Ganouskie 

Bay. 

Notre-Dame,  Church  of,   at  Que 
bec,  ii.  459. 
Nova  Scotia,  i.  94,  128  ;  Lawrence 

governor  of,  i.  199  ;  Indians  of, 

i.  249;  i.  250;  ii.  3,  80, 189, 191, 

201. 


530 


INDEX. 


Noyan,   De,  commander  at  Fort 

Frontenac,   ii.    133 ;  surrenders 

to  Bradstreet,  ii.  133. 
"  Number  Four,"  ii.  251;  Rogers 

reaches,    ii.      268.      See     also 

Charlestown. 

Nuns,  the,  see  Hospital  Nuns,  the. 
Nuthall,  ii.  413. 

O'CALLAGHAN,  on  the  responsi 
bility  for  the  signal  of  butchery 
at  Fort  William  Henry,  i.  529. 

Ochterlony,  Captain,  killed  at 
Quebec,  ii.  242. 

Ogden,  Captain,  in  Rogers'  expe 
dition,  ii.  266 ;  wounded,  ii.  266  ; 
ii.  268. 

Ogdensburg,  i.  41. 

Ohio  Company,  the,  formation  of, 
i.  56  ;  its  members,  i.  57  ;  sends 
Gist  to  explore  the  Ohio  coun 
try,  i.  57  ;  builds  a  trading-house 
at  Will's  Creek,  i.  63 ;  builds  a 
storehouse  at  Redstone  Creek, 
i.  150,  161. 

Ohio  country,  the,  Gist  sent  to 
explore,  i.  57. 

Ohio  enterprise,  the,  i.  93  ;  lands  at 
Presqu'isle,  i.  133 ;  hardships  of, 
i.  134  ;  Marin  in  command  of,  i. 
134;  Pe'an  in  command  of,  i. 
134;  discontent,  i.  134;  Saint- 
Pierre  in  command  of,  i.  135 ; 
ordered  by  the  Half-King  to 
leave  the  country,  i.  135. 

Ohio  Indians,  the,  Joncaire  makes 
anti-English  speeches  to,  i.  62 ; 
i.  72  ;  side  with  'the  English,  i. 
87  ;  ready  to  march  against  the 
English,  i.  159. 

Ohio  River,  the,  i.  23,  26,  40,  42 ; 
savages  of,  i.  45  ;  i.  46  ;  Bienville 
bids  farewell  to,  i.  54  ;  multitude 
of  Indian  villages  on,  i.  54  ;  pro 
posed  English  trading-house  at 


the  fork  of,  i.  64;  Duquesne 
prepares  to  occupy  the  upper 
waters  of,  i.  91 ;  proposed  French 
forts  on,  i.  91  ;  i.  93,  133,  136, 
137,  138,  384,  472  ;  ii.  24,  148, 
150,  166,  206;  the  attempt  to 
restore  French  ascendancy  on, 
ii.  255 ;  ii.  258. 

Ohio  valley,  the,  need  of  vindicat 
ing  French  rights  in,  i.  40  ;  Bien 
ville  sent  into,  i.  40 ;  importance 
of  the  possession  of,  i.  43  ;  In 
dian  population  of,  i.  43 ;  the 
French  in,  i.  43,  44  ;  claimed  by 
the  Pope  and  the  Bourbons,  i. 
44  ;  English  fur-traders  in,  i.  45 ; 
claimed  by  Pennsylvania  and 
Virginia,  i.  64 ;  Indian  tribes  of, 
i.  67 ;  the  centre  of  Indian  popu 
lation,  i.  67 ;  Father  Piquet's 
scheme  to  drive  the  English 
from,  i.  72  ;  Washington  on  the 
French  designs  on,  i.  139 ;  the 
Niagara  expedition  alone  would 
have  gained  the  control  of,  i.  330. 

Ojibwas,  the,  attack  the  Demoi 
selle,  i.  89 ;  profess  devotion  to 
the  French,  i.  135 ;  at  Fort 
Duquesne,  i.  217  ;  at  Montcalm's 
grand  council,  i.  500. 

"  Old  Britain,"  see  La  Demoiselle. 

"  Old  Church  in  Boston,"  the,  ii. 
392. 

"Old  Dominion,"  the,  i.  142,  147, 
169. 

"  Olden  Time,"  on  Grant's  defeat, 
ii.  161,  162;  on  Post,  ii.  170. 

Old  Lorette,  ii.  305 ;  fortified  out 
post  at,  ii.  348;  attacked  by 
French  grenadiers,  ii.  348; 
Levis  attacks,  ii.  355 ;  ii.  371, 
460. 

Old  Oswego,  see  Pepperrell,  Fort. 

Oneida,  Lake,  Shirley  on,  i.  334 ; 
ii.  252. 


INDEX. 


531 


Oneidas,  the,  i.  69,  299 ;  pledge 
themselves  to  the  English,  i. 
405 ;  ii.  8 ;  join  Bradstreet's 
expedition,  ii.  133  ;  at  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  ii.  134. 

Onondaga,  the  Iroquois  capital,  i. 
70 ;  Conrad  Weiser  at,  i.  70 ;  the 
confederate  council  at,  i.  178, 
180;  Johnson  at,  i.  404;  i.  408. 

Onondaga  River,  the,  i.  78,  334; 
ii.  133,  252. 

Onondagas,  the,  i.  69  ;  drawn  more 
and  more  to  Piquet's  mission,  i. 
178;  pledge  themselves  to  the 
English,  i.  405. 

Onontio,  i.  71. 

Ontario,  Fort,  Pepperrell's  regi 
ment  at,  i.  411;  location  of,  i. 
423  ;  its  garrison,  i.  423  ;  aban 
doned,  i.  424 ;  burned  by  the 
French,  i.  429  ;  fatal  neglect  of, 
i.  433. 

Ontario,  Lake,  i.  41,  69,  77  ;  Father 
Piquet  makes  the  entire  circuit 
of,  i.  80  ;  i.  203,  300,  333  ;  Shir 
ley  on,  i.  334,  386 ;  the  French 
secure  all  their  posts  on,  i.  388  ; 
Shirley's  plan  to  master,  i.  394, 
395,  397;  i.  412;  France  con 
quers  the  undisputed  command 
of,  i.  428  ;  i.  432 ;  controlled  by 
Fort  Frontenac,  ii.  132;  Brad- 
street  on,  ii.  133;  ii.  169,  204, 
206,  254,  259,  260,  376,  383. 

Ord,  Captain,  wounded  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  236. 

Ordonnances,  in  Canada,  ii.  35. 

Orleans,  the  channel  of,  the  Eng 
lish  fleet  at,  ii.  213. 

Orleans,  the  Island  of,  ii.  213,  216  ; 
the  English  land  on,  ii.  217  ;  ii. 
223,  239,  357,  376. 

Orleans,  the  Point  of,  English  out 
post  at,  ii.  220,  226,  229,  231, 
242,  282,  285,  292. 


Orme,  Captain  Robert  Braddock's 
aide-de-camp,  i.  198,  203;  on  the 
Virginians,  i.  208 ;  i.  209  ;  his 
journal,  i.  210;  his  portrait,  i. 
210;  description  of,  i.  210; 
wounded  in  the  battle  of  Mo- 
nougahela,  i.  227  ;  i.  229  ;  the 
retreat,  i.  232 ;  on  the  death  of 
Braddock,  i.  234;  his  letter  to 
Dinwiddie,  i.  237  ;  Dinwiddie's 
reply  to,  i.  239. 

Ormsby,  John,  on  the  siege  of 
Niagara,  ii.  255. 

Orry,  comptroller-general  turned 
out  by  Madame  de  Pompadour, 
i.  17. 

es,  the,  i.  46  ;  tribes  of  the 
Wabash  and  the  Illinois  leagu 
ing  with,  i.  88. 

Osborn,  Admiral,  sent  to  the  Medi 
terranean,  ii.  52 ;  hold  La  Clue 
imprisoned  at  Toulon,  ii.  53. 

Osborne,  Sir  Dauvers,  i.  179. 

Osgood,  Captain,  at  Fort  Edward, 
i.  280,  282. 

Oswegatchie,  Father  Piquet's  mis 
sion,  ii.  383. 

Oswegatchie  River,  the,  i.  41,  56, 
69,  70. 

Oswego,  city  of,  i.  77. 

Oswego,  English  post  of,  i.  41,  65, 
73,  74;  of  ill-omen  to  the  French, 
i.  77  ;  claimed  by  New  York,  i. 
77  ;  left  to  take  care  of  itself,  i. 
77 ;  maintained  personally  by 
Governor  Clinton,  i.  77  ;  Father 
Piquet  at,  i.  77 ;  the  French  plot 
to  destroy,  i.  82,  83  ;  i.  93  ;  Eng 
lish  vessels  built  at,  i.  203  ;  the 
French  plan  to  attack,  i.  300  ; 
Shirley  at,  i.  325;  the  Niagara 
expedition  at,  i.  333,  334;  i. 
397,  406  ;  Vaudreuil  sends  Vil- 
liers  to  harass,  i.  407. 

Oswego,  Fort,  i.  334, 363,  387,  388  ; 


532 


INDEX. 


Shirley  anxious  for,  i.  410;  the 
condition  of  its  defences,  i.  410; 
Colonel  Mercer  in  command 
at,  i.  410;  discontent  in  the 
garrison  of,  i.  410 ;  Shir 
ley  reinforces,  i.  412;  impor 
tance  of  its  defence,  i.  412; 
Loudon  reinforces,  i.  419  ;  cap 
tured  by  the  French,  i.  419; 
French  plans  against,  i.  421 ; 
attacked  by  Montcalrn,  i.  422, 
423;  its  fate  sealed,  i.  424; 
surrender  of,  i.  426 ;  losses 
on  both  sides  at  the  capture  of, 
i.  427  ;  burnod  by  the  French, 
i.  427 ;  its  capture  the  greatest 
feat  yet  accomplished  in  Amer 
ica  by  the  French  arms,  i.  428 ; 
behavior  of  its  garrison  not  dis 
creditable,  i.  428;  the  ruins  of, 
i.  429;  plans  and  drawings  of, 
.i.  429;  Vaudreuil  claims  the 
honor  of  taking,  i.  474  ;  ii.  133  ; 
to  be  re-established,  ii.  245  ;  Hal- 
dimand  at,  ii.  252 ;  ii.  333  ;  Am- 
herst's  army  gathers  at,  ii.  383; 
ii.  396 ;  instructions  of  the 
French  colonial  minister  for 
the  destruction  of,  ii.  432; 
"Ottawa,"  the  French  brig,  ii. 
383;  captured  by  the  English, 
ii.  383. 

Ottawa,  Indian  village  of,  i.  81. 

Ottawa  Indians,  the,  in  the  Ohio 
valley,  i.  43 ;  try  to  make  a 
treaty  with  the  Miamis  for  the 
French,  i.  60,  61 ;  attack  the  De 
moiselle,  i.  89 ;  join  the  French 
against  the  English,  i.  159  ;  at 
Fort  Duquesne,  i.  217;  canni 
balism  among,  i.  497  ;  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500; 
sent  to  the  defence  of  Fort  Du 
quesne,  ii.  148. 

Ottawa  River,    the,  i.    131;    the 


Iroquois  and  Algonquins  at  the 

Two  Mountains  on,  i.  384. 
Ottawas  of  Michilimackiuac,  the, 

at  Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 

501. 

Otter  Creek,  ii.  251. 
Otway's  regiment,  at  Albany,  i.  412. 
Oudenarde,  ii.  405. 
Oueskak,  i.  264. 
Oxford,  i.  147. 

PAINE,  TIMOTHY,  letter  from 
Crawford  to,  i.  418. 

Palace  battery,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii. 
304. 

Palace  Gate,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii. 
210,  303,  327. 

Palatine  settlement  of  German 
Flats,  the,  i.  333. 

Panama,  English  attack  planned 
on,  ii.  415. 

Panet,  Jean  Claude,  on  the  siege 
of  Quebec,  ii.  225,456;  on  the 
repulse  of  the  English  at  Mont- 
morenci,  ii.  244. 

Parc-aux-Cerfs,  the,  i.  367. 

Parfouru,  Madame  de,  ii.  443. 

Paris,  the  archives  of,  i.  99. 

Paris,  the  Parliament  of,  i.  375. 

Paris,  the  Pence  of,  ii.  419-422; 
marks  a  fruitful  epoch,  ii.  423 ; 
results  of,  ii.  423-427. 

Paris,  the  salons  of,  i.  18;  com 
missioners  in  session  at,  i.  91  ; 
the  Acadian  boundary  commis 
sion  in  session  at,  i.  128  ;  Mont- 
calm  at,  i.  372,  373 ;  Wolfe  at, 
ii.  194. 

Parishes,  the  Canadian,  burned  by 
Wolfe,  ii.  272,  273. 

Parker,  Colonel,  i.  498. 

Parkman,  Kev.  Ebenezer,  ii.  93. 

Parkman,  George  Francis,  ii.  457. 

Parkman,  William,  on  Abercrom- 
bie,  ii.  93. 


INDEX. 


533 


Parliament,  the  English,  i.  9 ;  cor 
ruption  in,  i.  10;  makes  a  grant 
for  Shirley's  new  campaign,  i. 
395. 

Partridge,  Colonel  Oliver,  ii.  105. 

Passamaquoddy  Bay,  ii.  191. 

Patten,  Captain,  comes  to  Brad- 
street's  assistance,  i.  408. 

Patten,  Thomas,  draws  views  of 
Montreal,  ii.  386. 

Patterson's  Creek,  Indian  massa 
cre  at,  i.  355. 

Patton,  John,  i.  84. 

Paxton  (Perm.),  Indian  massacres 
at,  i.  357. 

Peabody,  i.  441. 

Pean,  Major  Michel  Jean  Hugues, 
i.  92,  472 ;  succeeds  Marin  in 
command  of  the  Ohio  enterprise, 
i.  134;  at  Montreal,  ii.  11,  22, 
23 ;  his  official  knavery,  ii.  25  ; 
his  marriage,  ii.  31  ;  Bigot 
makes  his  fortune,  ii.  31  ; 
jilted  by  his  wife,  ii.  32  ;  makes 
prosperous  love  to  Madame 
Penisseault,  ii.  32 ;  goes  to 
France,  ii.  34;  trial  of,  ii.  40; 
arrested  and  tried,  ii.  399. 

Pean,  Madame,  ii.  11,  22;  Bigot 
becomes  the  accepted  lover  of, 
ii.  31  ;  becomes  a  power  in  Can 
ada,  ii.  32. 

Pedrom,  Colonel  Schuyler's 
brother,  ii.  102. 

Penisseault,  Antoine,  ii.  23 ;  his 
official  knavery,  ii.  25  ;  trial  of, 
ii.  40;  arrested  and  tried,  ii. 
399. 

Penisseault,  Madame,  Pean  makes 
prosperous  love  to,  ii.  32 ;  Levis 
succeeds  Pean  in  the  graces  of, 
ii.  32 ;  taken  to  France  by 
Levis,  ii.  32. 

Penn,  Richard,  antagonism  of 
Franklin  to,  i.  206 ;  disputes 


with  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly 
over  the  proprietary  estates,  i. 

350  ;  offers  to  contribute  towards 
building  a  fort,  i.  350 ;  the  offer 
rejected,  i.  350 ;  held  as  renegade 
from  the  faith  of  his  father,  i. 

351  ;    his  contribution    for    the 
defence  of  the  province,  i.  361. 

Penn,  Thomas,  antagonism  of 
Franklin  to,  i.  206 ;  disputes 
with  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly 
over  the  proprietary  estates,  i. 
350 ;  offers  to  contribute  towards 
building  a  fort,  i.  350 ;  the  offer 
rejected,  i.  350 ;  held  as  renegade 
from  the  faith  of  his  father,  i. 
351 ;  his  contribution  for  the 
defence  of  the  province,  i.  361. 

Penn,  William,  i.  34  ;  his  plan  for 
colonial  union,  i.  37  ;  makes  a 
wise  use  of  his  feudal  rights,  i. 
351. 

Pennahouel,  chief  of  the  Ottawas, 
at  Montcalm's  grand  council,  i. 
501,503. 

Pennoyer,  Jesse,  on  Rogers'  ex 
pedition,  ii.  269. 

Penns,  the,  i.  64. 

Pennsylvania,  the  colony  of,  i.  28 ; 
differs  from  New  England  and 
Virginia,  i.  33 ;  description  of, 
i.  33,  34 ;  lacking  in  strong  dis 
tinctive  character,  i.  34 ;  feudal 
in  form,  i.  35 ;  English  traders  in, 
i.  40,  45  ;  claims  the  Ohio  valley, 
i.  64  ;  i.  128  ;  Dinwiddie  asks  for 
aid  against  the  French  from,  i. 
144 ;  refuses  to  respond,  i.  147  ; 
the  German  in,  i.  172;  sends 
commissioners  to  the  Albany 
convention,  i.  179  ;  i.  204  ;  shows 
apathy  toward  Braddock's  ex 
pedition,  i.  204,  205  ;  border  set 
tlements  attacked,  i.  341,  347  ; 
standing  quarrel  between  the 


534 


INDEX. 


governor  and  the  Assembly,  i. 
349  ;  the  most  democratic  prov 
ince  in  America,  i.  351 ;  contri 
bution  of  the  Penus  for  the 
defence  of,  i.  361  ;  writhing 
under  border  attacks,  i.  435 ; 
Moravian  settlements  in,  ii. 
151. 

Pennsylvania,  College  of,  i.  363. 

Pennsylvania  Assembly,  the,  com 
position  of,  i.  63 ;  rejects  Cro- 
ghan's  reports,  i.  63,  64  ;  Govern 
or  Hamilton  powerless  against, 
i.  147  ;  Governor  Hamilton  pre 
sents  circular  letter  from  the 
Earl  of  Holdernesse  to,  i.  172; 
curiously  unlike  the  Virginia 
Assembly,  i.  172  ;  refuses  to  re 
spond  to  Governor  Hamilton's 
requests,  i.  173  ;  Governor  Mor 
ris  in  controversy  with,  i.  173, 
174;  its  standing  quarrel  with 
the  governor,  i.  349;  Franklin 
the  leader  of,  i.  350  ;  forgets  the 
French  and  Indians,  i.  351  ;  still 
fencing  with  Morris,  i.  357 ;  re 
fuses  help  to  the  borderers,  i. 
358 ;  pressure  brought  to  force 
measures  of  war  from,  i.  359, 
360 ;  passes  a  mock  militia  law, 
i.  360 ;  forced  to  yield,  i.  361 ; 
refuses  to  support  Shirley's  new 
campaign,  i.  395 ;  refuses  to 
quarter  Loudon's  troops,  i.  453  ; 
forced  to  yield,  i.  453;  ii.  137; 
Forbes  vexed  with,  ii.  142. 

"Pennsylvania  Gazette,"  the,  i. 
182. 

"  Pennsylvania  Magazine,"  i.  453. 

Pennsylvania  traders,  the,  i.  40, 
45,  57,  63,  91. 

Pennsylvania  troops,  in  Forbes' 
expedition  against  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  ii.  138,  159,  166. 

Penobscot,  the,  mission  of,  i.  524. 


Penobscot  Indians,  the,  i.  529. 

People,  the,  divine  right  of,  i.  8. 

Pepperrell,  Fort,  location  of,  i. 
424  ;  description  of,  i.  424  ;  held 
by  Shirley's  regiment,  i.  425. 

Pepperrell's  regiment,  to  attack 
Niagara,  i.  201  ;  in  the  Niagara 
expedition,  i.  332 ;  in  Shirley's 
new  campaign,  i.  396 ;  at  Fort 
Ontario,  i.  411. 

Periere,  i.  442. 

Peroimey,  Captain,  killed  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  238. 

Perrot  Isle,  Amherst  at,  ii.  385. 

Perth,  Wolfe  at,  ii.  193. 

Peter  III.,  becomes  Czar  of  Russia, 
ii.  413 ;  proclaims  himself  a 
friend  of  Frederic  of  Prussia, 
ii.  413;  ill-balanced,  ii.  413; 
deposed  and  strangled,  ii.  414. 

Peter,  Captain,  ii.  156. 

Peter  the  Great,  i.  20. 

Peticodiac,  i.  285. 

Petrie,  Johan  Jost,  taken  prisoner, 
ii.  9. 

Peyroney,  Ensign,  at  Fort  Neces 
sity,  i.  164. 

Peyton,  Lieutenant,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  242. 

Philadelphia,  i.  34,  203;  news  of 
Braddock's  defeat  reaches,  i. 
236;  i.  240,  241,  242;  takes  its 
stamp  from  the  Quakers,  i.  348 ; 
the  Quakers  in,  i.  351  ;  British 
troops  assigned  to,  i.  453 ;  re 
joices  over  the  fall  of  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  80;  ii.  138,  168,  169. 

Philadelphia,  the  City  Council  of, 
awards  a  medal  to  each  officer 
in  the  expedition  against  Kit- 
tanning,  i.  440. 

Philippines,  the,  English  attack 
planned  on,  ii.  415,  417. 

Philipsbourg,  the  siege  of,  Mont- 
calm  at,  i.  370. 


INDEX. 


535 


Phillips,  Lieutenant,  ii.  16;  killed 
by  the  Indians,  ii.  16. 

Phillips,  governor  of  Acadia,  i. 
101. 

Phillips's  regiment,  deserters  from, 
i.  106. 

Phipps,  Governor,  letter  from 
Johnson  to,  i.  325 ;  letter  from 
Shirley  to,  i.  395 ;  John  Ashley 
complains  to,  i.  400. 

Piacenza,  the  walls  of,  Montcalm 
at  the  disastrous  action  under, 
i.  371. 

Piankishaws,  the,  i.  89. 

Pichon,  Thomas,  on  the  engage 
ment  between  the  "  Dunkirk  " 
and  the  "  Alcide,"  i.  193;  at 
Fort  Beausejour,  i.  252 ;  a 
traitor,  i.  252  ;  on  the  threats  of 
Le  Loutre,  i.  253  ;  journal  of,  i. 
259  ;  on  the  capture  of  Le  Lou 
tre,  i.  261  ;  on  the  cause  of  the 
misery  of  the  Acadians,  i.  276  ; 
on  the  English  landing  at  Fresh 
water  Cove,  ii.  63;  on  the 
siege  of  Louisbourg,  ii.  85. 

Pickawillany,  i.  217.  See  also 
Pique  Town. 

Picts,  the,  ii.  377. 

Piquet,  Abbe,  the  Sulpitian  priest, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Oswe- 
gatchie,  i.  41  ;  a  zealous  political 
agent,  i.  41 ;  Bienville  visits,  i. 
56;  his  establishment  of  La 
Presentation,  i.  69 ;  sketch  of, 
i.  69;  portrait  of,  i.  69;  tem 
poral  attractions  of,  i.  70 ;  spir 
itual  instruction  of,  i.  70,  71 ; 
boasts  of,  i.  71 ;  elated  by  his 
success,  i.  71  ;  his  letter  to  La 
Jonquiere  and  Bigot,  i.  71 ;  his 
scheme  to  drive  the  English 
from  the  Ohio,  i.  72;  failure 
of  his  scheme,  i.  72  ;  called  the 
"Apostle  of  the  Iroquois,''  i. 


72;  at  Fort  Fronteuac,  i.  72, 
73 ;  at  Toronto,  i.  73 ;  at  Niag 
ara,  i.  74 ;  received  by  Becan- 
cour,  i.  75 ;  at  the  Genesee,  i. 
76;  at  Sodus  Bay,  i.  76;  at 
Oswego,  i.  77 ;  his  reception  at 
Fort  Frontenac,  i.  78  ;  his  jour 
nal,  i.  79 ;  makes  the  entire 
circuit  of  Lake  Ontario,  i.  80; 
i.  82 ;  draws  the  Onondagas 
more  and  more  to  his  mission, 
i.  178 ;  i.  405 ;  in  the  attack 
on  Oswego,  i.  427 ;  at  Mont- 
calm's  grand  council,  i.  500; 
ii.  253  ;  his  mission  at  Oswegat- 
chie,  ii.  383  ;  and  his  war-party, 
ii.  431. 

Pique  Town,  the  centre  of  English 
trade  and  influence,  i.  55 ;  Gist 
at,  i.  59  ;  wonderful  growth  of, 
i.  60 ;  Bienville  ordered  to  at 
tack,  i.  86 ;  i.  87 ;  the  centre  of 
disaffection,  i.  88  ;  English 
traders  at,  i.  88  ;  attacked  by 
Langlade,  i.  89. 

Pisiquid,  i.  98 ;  Daudin,  priest  of, 
i.  253. 

Pisiquid  River,  the,  i.  278. 

Pitt,  "William,  i.  8 ;  characteris 
tics  of,  i.  10,  11  ;  the  support  of 
Newcastle  necessary  to,  i.  185; 
on  the  incapacity  of  Robinson, 
i.  186;  letter  from  London  to, 
i.  453 ;  favors  London's  plan  to 
attack  Louisbourg,  i.  483 ;  ii. 
9,  13 ;  the  reins  of  power  fall 
into  the  hands  of,  ii.  43 ;  oppo 
sition  to,  ii.  44 ;  made  Sec 
retary  of  State,  ii.  44;  towers 
supreme  in  British  history,  ii. 
45 ;  his  character,  ii.  45,  46 ; 
his  objects,  ii.  47  ;  sends  an 
expedition  to  attack  Rochefort, 
ii.  48 ;  Frederic's  tribute  to, 
ii.  49  ;  his  inspiring  influence,  ii. 


536 


INDEX. 


49 ;  his  plans  for  America,  ii. 
51,  53;  ii.  64;  letters  from 
Arnherst  to,  ii.  85 ;  calls  on  the 
provinces  for  twenty  thousand 
men,  ii.  87 ;  a  ready  response,  ii. 
87,  88 ;  Pownall's  report  on 
Massachusetts  to,  ii.  89 ;  his 
estimate  of  Howe,  ii.  94;  ii. 
129,  136,  141,  147,  161,  162, 
163,  199;  names  Wolfe  to  lead 
the  expedition  against  Quebec, 
ii.  199;  ii.  201,  203,  213,  244, 
245,  246,  250,  252,  261,  279,  280; 
Wolfe's  last  despatch  to,  ii.  281, 
284,  298,  335  ;  ii.  345,  359,  379, 
384,  385,  388  ;  disliked  by 
George  III.,  ii.  405 ;  supports 
the  Continental  War,  ii.  405 ; 
rising  opposition  to,  ii.  406; 
letter  from  Stanley  to,  ii.  408 ; 
arrogance  of,  ii.  409 ;  rejects 
Choiseul's  overtures,  ii.  409 ; 
divines  the  secret  treaty  between 
France  and  Spain,  ii.  411;  his 
plan  to  humble  the  House  of 
Bourbon,  ii.  411 ;  not  supported 
by  the  ministry,  ii.  411,  412; 
resignation  of,  ii.  412 ;  Gran- 
ville's  reply  to,  ii.  412;  ii.  415, 
417,  419  ;  his  speech  on  the  pre 
liminaries  of  the  Peace  of 
Paris,  ii.  421,  422;  ii.  448,  451, 
454. 

Pitt,  Fort,  built  by  Stanwix,  ii. 
166. 

Pittsburg,  site  of,  i.  49,  64,  148, 
215;  ii.  166,245;  Stanwix  sent 
to  the  relief  of,  ii.  246 ;  the 
French  plan  to  recover,  ii.  254 ; 
in  imminent  danger,  ii.  255.  See 
also  Duquesne,  Fort. 

Place  de  la  Concorde,  the,  i.  16. 

Plassey,  the  great  victory  of,  won 
by  Clive,  ii.  49  ;  ii.  423. 

Plymouth  colony,  i.  255. 


Pococke,  Admiral  Sir  George,  sails 
against  Havana,  ii.  416;  cap 
tures  Havana,  ii.  416. 

Pointe-aux-Trembles,  ii.  22  ;  Carle- 
ton  lands  at,  ii.  234 ;  Murray 
repulsed  at,  ii.  274 ;  ii.  289 ; 
garrison  of,  ii.  355 ;  Rochbeau- 
court  stationed  at,  ii.  275. 

Point  Levi,  the  heights  of,  ii.  222. 

Poisson,  Jeanne,  see  Pompadour, 
Madame  de. 

Poland,  King  of,  see  Augustus  the 
Strong. 

Poison,  Captain,  killed  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  236, 
238. 

Pomeroy,  Mrs.  Abigail,  ii.  247. 

Pomeroy,  Rev.  Benjamin,  on  the 
expedition  against  Ticouderoga, 
ii.  247. 

Pomeroy,  Daniel,  in  Shirley's  ex 
pedition  against  Crown  Point,  i. 
302  ;  killed  in  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  322. 

Pomeroy,  Mrs.  Daniel,  letter  from 
Seth  Pomeroy  to,  i.  322,  323. 

Pomeroy,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Seth, 
in  Shirley's  expedition  against 
Crown  Point,  i.  302 ;  his  letters 
to  his  wife,  i.  302,  316, 317,  323  ; 
writes  to  Israel  Williams,  i.  304  ; 
on  the  march  to  Lake  George, 
i.  306  ;  on  Dieskau's  ambush,  i. 
314,  315;  on  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  316,  317 ;  his  letter  to 
Rachel  Pomeroy,  i.  322,  323  ;  on 
the  French  losses  in  the  battle 
of  Lake  George,  i.  324  ;  journal 
of,  i.  328. 

Pomeroy,  Seth  (son),  i.  302. 

Pomeroy,  Mrs.  Seth,  letters  from 
her  husband  to,  i.  302,  316,  317. 

Pomeroy,  Theodore,  i.  328. 

Pompadour,  Madame  de,  i.  4 ; 
America  owes  much  to  the  am- 


INDEX. 


53T 


bitious  vanity  of,  i.  5 ;  her  in 
famous  use  of  her  power,  i.  17  ; 
stinted  in  nothing  by  Louis  XV., 
i.  18;  the  true  ruler  of  France, 
i.  186;  her  hatred  for  Frederic 
the  Great,  i.  365  ;  Maria  Theresa 
makes  advances  to,  i.  366 ;  ready 
to  attack  Frederic,  ii.  41  ;  her 
power,  ii.  47  ;  never  wavers  in 
her  spite  against  Frederic,  ii.  48  ; 
Bougainville's  interview  with, 
ii.  181 ;  Bernis  loses  the  favor 
of,  ii.  407. 

Pondicherry,  ii.  404  ;  the  French 
driven  from,  ii.  415. 

Pout-a-Buot,  the,  destruction  of,  i. 
257. 

Pontbriaud,  Bishop,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  276,  287,  321,  341,  456. 

Pontiac,  i.  217,  227;  ii.  127. 

Pontleroy,  the  engineer,  at  Ticou- 
deroga,  ii.  104. 

"  Porcupine,"  the,  Jervis  in  com 
mand  of,  ii.  295. 

Portland,  town  of,  i.  42,  175.  See 
also  Falmouth. 

Portneuf,  Robineau  de,  cure  of  St. 
Joachim,  i.  74 ;  ii.  273. 

Port  Royal,  i.  113.  See  also  A n- 
napolis. 

Portugal,  Spain  sends  an  army  to 
invade,  ii.  417;  ii.  426. 

Post,  Christian  Frederic,  mission 
of,  ii.  150;  his  perils,  ii.  151  ; 
his  experiences,  ii.  151-154;  ac 
complishes  his  errand,  ii.  153  ; 
returns  to  Fort  Augusta,  ii.  154; 
second  mission  of,  ii.  155;  at 
the  Delaware  towns,  ii.  155, 156. 

Potomac  River,  the,  i.  63, 198,  207. 

Pottawattamie,  Indian  village  of, 
i.  81. 

Pottawattamies,  the,  profess  devo 
tion  to  the  French,  i.  135;  at 
Fort  Duquesne,  i.  217  ;  at  Ticoii- 


deroga,  i.  451 ;  at  Montcalm's 
grand  council,  i.  500 ;  sent  to 
the  defence  of  Fort  Duquesne, 
ii.  148. 

Pouchot,  Captain,  i.  92 ;  on  the 
hardships  of  the  Ohio  enter 
prise,  i.  134 ;  on  the  conduct  of 
Jumonville,  i.  154 ;  on  the  defeat 
of  Braddock,  i.  229;  rebuilds 
Niagara,  i.  386  ;  in  the  attack 
on  Oswego,  i.  423,  426 ;  on  the 
indifference  of  the  Canadian 
officers  to  Indian  butchery,  i. 
524;  ii.  13;  on  the  official 
knavery  in  Canada,  ii.  31 ;  ii. 
94,  1 03 ;  arrives  at  Ticonde- 
roga,  ii.  108,  112;  on  the  cap 
ture  of  Fort  Frontenac,  ii.  136 ; 
ii.  253  ;  in  command  at  Niagara, 
ii.  254 ;  summons  aid,  ii.  255 ; 
besieged  by  Prideaux,  ii.  255 ; 
in  extremity,  ii.  255 ;  succor  at 
hand,  ii.  256  ;  Johnson  demands 
his  surrender,  ii.  258 ;  terms  of 
capitulation,  ii.  259 ;  in  com 
mand  at  Fort  Le'vis,  ii.  384 ; 
attacked  by  Amherst,  ii.  384 ; 
surrenders  to  the  English,  ii. 
384 ;  on  the  capture  of  Fort 
Levis,  ii.  384. 

Poulariez,  Colonel,  with  Montcalm, 
ii.  302,315. 

Pownall,  Governor  T.,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  on  the  French  in  the 
Ohio  valley,  i.  44  ;  on  Gist's  ex 
ploration  of  the  Ohio  country,  i. 
57 ;  on  the  journal  of  Christo 
pher  Gist,  i.  62;  i.  487;  letter 
from  Frye  to,  i.  528 ;  advises 
London  of  the  capture  of  Fort 
William  Henry,  ii.  3 ;  Loudon's 
reply,  ii.  4  ;  letter  from  Christie 
to,  ii.  5 ;  makes  a  report  on  the 
condition  of  Massachusetts,  ii. 
88  ;  ii.  446,  447. 


538 


INDEX. 


Prague,  the  battle  of,  ii.  42. 

Prairie  a  la  Roche,  hamlet  of,  i. 
44. 

Preble,  Major  Jedediah,  i.  285. 

Presburg,  the  Diet  at,  Maria 
Theresa  makes  a  memorable 
appeal  in,  i.  21,  22. 

Presbyterians,  the,  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  i.  34 ;  in  New  York,  i.  35 ; 
dislike  felt  by  the  Quakers  for, 
i.  349. 

Presqu'isle,  i.  93;  the  Ohio  ex 
pedition  lands  at,  i.  133,  142; 
Contrecoeur  lands  at,  i.  149 ;  ii. 
166,  167  ;  ii.  255 ;  burned  by  the 
French,  ii.  258. 

Presqu'isle,  Fort,  i.  133,  136. 

Prevost,  the  intendant,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  i.  109  ;  on  the  proposition 
to  replace  the  French  priests  in 
Acadia,  i.  112;  on  the  burning 
of  Beaubassin,  i.  121,  122  ;  on 
the  murder  of  Howe,  i.  124  ;  i. 
291,  292;  sends  a  memorial  to 
Drucour,  ii.  76 ;  on  the  siege 
of  Louisbourg,  ii.  85 ;  on  the 
cost  of  Le  Loutre's  intrigues, 
ii.  436. 

Prideaux,  Brigadier,  charged  with 
the  attempt  to  capture  Niagara, 
ii.  246 ;  ii.  250 ;  his  advance,  ii. 
252;  at  Niagara,  ii.  253;  at 
tacked  by  La  Corne,  ii.  253 ; 
lays  siege  to  Niagara,  ii.  255  ; 
death  of,  ii.  255  ;  ii.  263. 

Prince  Edward's  Island,  i.  102 ; 
Acadian  emigration  to,  i.  113  ; 
ii.  78. 

Princess's  Bastion,  the,  at  Louis 
bourg,  ii.  58,  67. 

Pringle,  Captain,  joins  Rogers,  ii. 
14;  a  fierce  bush-fight,  ii.  15, 
16;  refuses  to  escape,  ii.  16; 
adventures  of,  ii.  16-18;  his 
letter  to  Haviland,  ii.  19. 


Proprietary  estates  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  the  question  of  the  taxation 
of,  i.  349. 

Protestants,  the,  in  Pennsylvania, 
i.  34. 

Province  Arms,  the,  in  New  York, 
ii.  80. 

Provinces,  the,  Dinwiddie  exas 
perated  at  the  supineness  of,  i. 
177. 

Provincial  army,  the,  description 
of,  i.  302 ;  manners  and  morals 
of,  i.  303. 

Provincial  camps,  description  of, 
i.415. 

Provincial  commissioners,  the,  ii. 
149. 

Provincials,  the,  lack  of  harmony 
between  the  English  regulars 
and,  ii.  123,  124;  Forbes  dis 
pleased  with,  ii.  141;  in  Wolfe's 
expedition  to  the  St.  Lawrence, 
ii.  190. 

"Prudent,"  the,  at  Louisbourg, 
ii.  57,  70 ;  captured  by  the 
English,  ii.  72  ;  burned,  ii.  72. 

Prussia,  raised  into  importance  by 
the  House  of  Brandenburg,  i. 
19  ;  England  makes  a  defensive 
treaty  with,  i.  365  ;  seeks  a  guar 
antee  against  Russia,  i.  365 ; 
the  three  great  Powers  leagued 
against,  i.  367 ;  Sweden  and 
Saxony  join  against,  i.  367 ; 
a  Protestant  nation,  i.  367 ; 
raised  by  the  Seven  Years'  War 
to  a  first-class  Power,  ii.  42 ; 
crowned  with  glory,  ii.  424. 

Prussians,  the,  defeated  by  the 
Russians,  ii.  401  ;  defeated  at 
Kuuersdorf,  ii.  401  ;  defeated 
at  Maxen,  ii.  402 ;  victorious 
at  Liegnitz,  ii.  403  ;  victorious 
at  Torgau,  ii.  403. 

Puritan  colonies,  the,  i.  30. 


INDEX. 


539 


Puritanism,  not  an  unmixed  bless 
ing,  i.  29. 

Putnam,  Major  Israel,  in  Shirley's 
expedition  against  Crown  Point, 
i.  302;  as  a  scout,  i.  441,442; 
with  Howe  at  Ticonderoga,  ii. 
101 ;  at  Fort  Anne,  ii.  127  ;  at 
tacked  by  Marin,  ii.  128;  cap 
tured  by  the  Indians,  ii.  128; 
his  adventures,  ii.  130-132. 

Puysieux,  Marquis  de,  takes  his 
cue  from  Madame  de  Pompa 
dour,  i.  17. 

Pynchou,  Doctor,  on  the  battle  of 
Lake  George,  i.  317. 

Pyrrhic  dance,  the,  of  the  Greeks, 
i.  421. 

QUAKER  ASSEMBLY,  the,  refuses 
to  protect  the  proprietary  es 
tates,  i.  349.  See  also  Pennsyl 
vania  Assembly,  the. 

Quakers,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i. 
33,  34,  200  ;  Philadelphia  takes 
its  stamp  from,  i.  348  ;  their  dis 
like  for  the  Presbyterians,  i. 
349  ;  held  it  to  be  sinful  to  fight 
against  the  Indians,  i.  349  ;  in 
Philadelphia,  i.  351  ;  consider 
Braddock's  defeat  a  just  judg 
ment,  i.  352 ;  their  struggle 
against  the  governor,  i.  353-360 ; 
forced  to  yield,  i.  362. 

Quebec,  need  of  winter  communi 
cation  between  Cape  Breton  and, 
i.  128;  i.  131,  191,192,247,  251  ; 
Le  Loutre  at,  i.  261 ;  Charle- 
voix's  account  of,  i.  373  ;  Mont- 
calm  at,  i.  377  ;  Shirley's  plan  to 
attack,  i.  394;  the  plan  aban 
doned,  i.  395  ;  Montcalm's  opin 
ion  of,  i.  470 ;  Moutcalm  in,  ii. 
10 ;  ii.  35 ;  Pitt's  plan  to  cap 
ture,  ii.  51 ;  impatience  of  Wolfe 
to  attack,  ii.  83 ;  census  of,  ii. 


185;  Wolfe  named  by  Pitt  to 
lead  the  expedition  against,  ii. 
199 ;  French  preparations  for 
the  defence  of,  ii.  204-212;  gar 
rison  of,  ii.  211  ;  impatience  at, 
ii.  212;  arrival  of  the  English 
fleet,  ii.  213  ;  a  natural  fortress, 
ii.  219 ;  weakened  by  the  ab 
sence  of  Levis,  ii.  276;  ii.  291, 
296,  301,  318,  319;  abandoned 
by  Vaudreuil  to  its  fate,  ii.  319 ; 
ii.  326;  Townshend  pushes  his 
attack  on,  ii.  327  ;  surrenders  to 
the  English,  ii.  328;  the  terms 
of  capitulation,  ii.  328,  329 ; 
Vaudreuil  to  blame  for  the  loss 
of,  ii.  328 ;  occupied  by  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  329 ;  Murray  in  com 
mand  of,  ii.  329 ;  Ramesay 
blamed  by  Vaudreuil  for  the 
surrender  of,  ii.  330;  ii.  336; 
after  the  siege,  ii.  340,  341 ; 
swarms  with  troops,  ii.  341 ; 
Murray's  humane  command  in, 
ii.  344;  winter  at,  ii.  346;  ru 
mors  of  the  approach  of  Levis, 
ii.  348;  ii.  350;  disease  and 
death  at,  ii.  353 ;  French  hopes 
of  recovering,  ii.  353 ;  Levis 
sets  out  against,  ii.  354 ;  ii.  358  ; 
its  fate  trembles  in  the  balance, 
ii.  366  ;  Murray  strengthens  the 
defences  of,  ii.  366 ;  relief  arrives 
at,  ii.  369 ;  the  siege  raised,  ii. 
371 ;  retreat  of  the  French,  ii. 
371 ;  ii.  399  ;  force  of  the  French 
and  English  at,  ii.  453. 

Quebec,  the  Basin  of,  ii.  223,  231, 
237  ;  Saunders  in,  ii.  293. 

Quebec,  the  batteries  of,  ii.  233 ; 
the  "  Sutherland "  passes,  ii. 
234. 

Quebec,  the  battle  of,  ii.  307-309. 

Quebec,  the  Bishop  of,  i.  Ill; 
Cornwallis  expresses  his  indig- 


540 


INDEX. 


nation  towards  the  French 
priests  to,  i.  Ill,  112  ;  thinks  Le 
Loutre  too  violent,  i.  119;  re 
ceives  Le  Loutre  with  re 
proaches,  i.  261  ;  his  relations 
with  the  Acadians,  i.  265  ;  i.  269 ; 
on  the  French  preparations,  ii. 
205. 

Quebec,  the  diocese  of,  i.  98. 

Quebec  militia,  the,  ii.  211. 

Quebec,  the  plateau  of,  ii.  356. 

Quebec,  the  Rock  of,  i.  24,  44 ;  ii. 
186,  209,  222. 

Queen's  Bastion,  the,  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  58,  71. 

Queen's  Battery,  the,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  218. 

Querdisien-Tremais,  sent  to  Can 
ada  to  make  investigation,  ii. 
39;  his  discoveries,  ii.  39; 
on  the  siege  of  Louisbourg,  ii. 
85. 

RACE,  CAPE,  i.  192. 

"  Racehorse,"  the  frigate,  ii.  356, 
371. 

"  Rake's  Progress,"  the,  i.  9. 

Rameau,  on  the  Canadian  popula 
tion,  i.  23  ;  on  the  Acadian  emi 
gration,  i.  244. 

Ramesay,  Chevalier  de,  in  com 
mand  at  Quebec,  ii.  211 ;  Mont- 
calm  asks  aid  from,  ii.  304 ;  ii. 
306 ;  Montcalm's  last  words  to, 
ii.  320 ;  ii.  322 ;  Vaudreuil's 
letters  to,  ii.  322,  323;  his  de 
spondency,  ii.  323,  324 ;  receives 
a  petition  asking  him  to  capitu 
late,  ii.  324  ;  a  council  of  war, 
ii.  324  ;  forced  to  capitulate,  ii. 
327,  328  ;  the  terms  of  capitula 
tion,  ii.  329 ;  blamed  by  Vau- 
dreuil  for  the  surrender  of 
Quebec,  ii.  330  ;  ii.  338,  359. 

Ramsay,  R.  A.,  ii.  269. 


Ranelagh  Gardens,  i.  9. 

Rapide  Plat,  the,  Amherst  de 
scends,  ii.  385. 

"  Rascal,  Fort,"  see  New  Oswego. 

Rattlesnake  Hill,  ii.  106. 

Rattlesnakes,  i.  76. 

Raymond,  Comte  de,  French  com 
mander  on  the  Maumee,  i.  55; 
sinister  tidings  from,  i.  87  ;  let 
ters  of,  i.  88 ;  i.  89  ;  commander 
at  Cape  Breton,  i.  100;  his  in 
structions  concerning  Acadia,  i. 
106, 110  ;  instructed  by  the  King 
to  encourage  the  missionaries  to 
urge  the  Indians  to  attack  the 
English,  ii.  435. 

Raynal,  Abbe,  makes  an  ideal  pic 
ture  of  the  Acadians,  i.  268. 

Raystown,  hamlet  of,  ii.  139,  143, 
147,  161,  163. 

Rea,  Dr.  Caleb,  in  Bagley's  Massa 
chusetts  regiment,  ii.  121  ;  his 
diary,  ii.  121 ;  his  choir,  ii.  121  ; 
on  the  provincial  chaplains,  ii. 
122 ;  his  abhorrence  of  profan 
ity,  ii.  122,  123;  on  the  lack  of 
harmony  between  the  regulars 
and  the  provincials,  ii.  123, 
124. 

Reading  (Penn.),  in  preparation 
for  an  attack  by  the  Indians,  i. 
356. 

Recollets,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii.  218; 
church  of,  ii.  341. 

Red  Head,  chief  sachem  at  Onon- 
daga,  i.  404  ;  death  of,  i.  404. 

Redstone  Creek,  i.  150;  Dinwiddie 
orders  a  rendezvous  at,  i.  150; 
storehouse  of  the  Ohio  Company 
at,  i.  161 ;  the  storehouse  burned 
by  Villiers,  i.  167. 

Regulars,  the  English,  lack  of  har 
mony  between  the  provincials 
and,  ii.  123,  124. 

Renues,  Moutcalm  at,  i.  374. 


INDEX. 


541 


Repentigny,  Lieutenant,  ii.  31 ;  at 
Quebec,  ii.  227,  228;  stationed 
at  Jacques-Cartier,  ii.  375. 

Restoration,  the,  i.  7. 

Revolutionary  War,  the,  see  War 
of  Independence. 

Rhine,  the,  i.  19. 

Rhine  countries,  the,  ii.  414. 

Rhode  Island,  colony  of,  i.  28; 
features  of,  i.  28 ;  joins  Shirley's 
expedition  against  Crown  Point, 
i.  297  ;  Parliament  makes  a  grant 
to,  i.  395. 

Rhode  Island  regiment,  the,  with 
Abercrombie,  ii.  97. 

Rhode  Island  troops,  the,  in  Shir 
ley's  expedition  against  Crown 
Point,  i.  303. 

Richelieu,  Marshal,  supreme  in  the 
arts  of  gallantry,  i.  12 ;  ii.  50. 

Richelieu  River,  the,  i.  300 ;  i.  390, 
441,467;  ii.  211,  260,345. 

"Richmond,"  the  frigate,  ii.  215. 

Rickson,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  letter 
from  Wolfe  to,  ii.  199. 

Rigaud,  Pierre  Fra^ois,  brother 
of  the  Marquis  de  Vaudreuil,  in 
the  expedition  against  Oswego, 
i.  421,  422,  425;  holds  chief 
command  of  expedition  against 
Fort  William  Henry,  i.  462  ;  the 
attack,  i.  462,  464 ;  his  retreat, 
i.  465  ;  i.  474,  477  ;  among  the 
Mission  Indians,  i.  490;  at 
Ticonderoga,  i.  500 ;  governor 
of  Three  Rivers,  ii.  23 ;  official 
knavery  of,  ii.  30;  ii.  90,  260 ;  on 
the  force  of  French  and  Eng 
lish  at  Quebec,  ii.  454. 

Rigaud,  Madame  de,  ii.  23. 

Rimouski,  county  of,  i.  131. 

"  Rippon,"  the,  ii.  456. 

Riviere  a  la  Roche,  see  Miami 
River. 

Riviere  aux  Bceufs,  i.  133. 


Roanoke,  i.  62. 

Robisou,  John,  on  Wolfe  at  the 
Heights  of  Abraham,  ii.  297. 

Robinson,  Sir  Thomas,  i.  182;  in 
capacity  of,  i.  186;  i.  188;  dis 
simulation,  i.  190;  i.  192,  193; 
letters  from  Shirley  to,  i.  200, 
229 ;  letters  from  Braddock  to, 
i.  205,  207 ;  letter  from  Sinclair 
to,  i.  229;  instructs  Shirley  to 
attack  the  French,  i.  249  ;  i.  256 ; 
letter  from  Morris  to,  i.  352. 

Rochbeaucourt,  stationed  at 
Pointe-aux-Trembles,  ii.  375. 

Roche,  Lieutenant,  joins  Rogers, 
ii.  14;  a  fierce  bush-fight,  ii. 
15,  16;  refuses  to  escape,  ii. 
16  ;  adventures  of,  ii.  16-18. 

Rocheblave,  M.  de,  ii.  440. 

Rochefort,  i.  189,  190;  Pitt  sends 
an  expedition  to  attack,  ii.  48, 
51  ;  ii.  197. 

Rochester,  city  of,  i.  76. 

Rocky  Mountains,  the,  i.  22,  135. 

Rodney,  Admiral,  sails  for  Mar 
tinique,  ii.  416 ;  joined  by 
Monckton,  ii.  416;  seizes  Mar 
tinique,  ii.  416. 

Rogers,  Lieutenant  Richard,  i. 
446  ;  death  of,  ii.  7. 

Rogers,  Captain  Robert,  the  par 
tisan  chief,  makes  a  report  on 
Ticonderoga,  i.  403 ;  in  Wins- 
low's  camp,  i.  444;  sketch  of, 
i.  445;  exploits  of,  i.  448-452; 
his  report  to  Johnson,  i.  450; 
perplexes  the  French,  i.  451  ; 
on  a  scouting  expedition,  i. 
455,  456 ;  a  desperate  bush- 
fight,  i.  457 ;  wounded,  i.  457 ; 
on  the  losses  sustained  by  both 
sides,  i.  459 ;  makes  a  raid 
against  the  French,  ii.  14 ;  a 
fierce  bush-fight,  ii.  15,  16; 
defeated,  ii.  16;  his  detailed 


542 


INDEX. 


report  of  the  fight,  ii.  18;  his 
escape,  ii.  19;  ii.  94;  with 
Abercrombie,  ii.  97,  98,  99, 
101 ;  on  the  death  of  Howe,  ii. 
102 ;  on  the  defences  at  Ticon- 
deroga,  ii.  105  ;  sent  to  cut  off 
the  French,  ii.  126  ;  his  lack  of 
caution,  ii.  127;  attacked  by 
Marin,  ii.  128 ;  the  battle  near 
Fort  Anne,  ii.  129  ;  ii.  173  ;  sent 
to  punish  the  St.  Francis  In 
dians,  ii.  261,  263;  Amherst's 
instructions  to,  ii.  264 ;  his  ex 
pedition,  ii.  265  ;  his  success,  ii. 
266  ;  on  the  sufferings  of  the 
rangers,  ii.  267  ;  reaches  "  Num 
ber  Four,"  ii.  268  ;  at  Isle-aux- 
Noix,  ii.  382 ;  on  Amherst's 
expedition  against  Canada,  ii. 
382,  383. 

Rogers'  rangers,  at  Lake  George, 
i.  446  ;  their  life,  i.  446 ;  a 
desperate  bush-fight,  i.  457- 
459  ;  letter  of  thanks  from  Aber 
crombie  to,  i.  459 ;  with  Aber 
crombie,  ii.  97 ;  ii.  261 ;  sent 
against  the  St.  Francis  Indians, 
ii.  261,  263;  their  success,  ii. 
266  ;  their  sufferings,  ii.  267  ;  at 
Isle-aux-Noix,  ii.  382. 

Rogers'  Rock,  i.  443, 455,  492,  504  ; 
ii.  14,  17,  19,  98,  100. 

Rollo,  Lord,  sent  to  Isle  St.  Jean, 
ii.  82 ;  advances  against  Can 
ada,  ii.  377. 

Roma,  testifies  to  the  mildness  of 
British  rule  in  Acadia,  i.  100 
on  the  Acadian   emigration,   i 
113;  ii.  433. 

Roman  Catholic  orthodoxy,  in 
Canada,  i.  23. 

Roman  Catholics,  the,  in  Mary 
land,  i.  36  ;  i.  200. 

Romanists,  the,  in  Pennsylvania 
i.  34. 


'  Roman  politique,"  amusing  ab 
surdity  of,  i.  132. 

,  the  myrmidons  of,  i.  304. 

Rome  (N.  Y.),  city  of,  i.  333. 

Lioquemaure,  i.  309  ;  stationed  at 
St.  John,  ii.  381  ;  joined  by 
Bougainville,  ii.  382 ;  crosses 
to  Montreal,  ii.  386. 

Rose,  Captain,  killed  in  the  battle 
of  Monongahela,  i.  236. 

Rossbach,  Frederic  of  Prussia 
wins  at,  ii.  43,  49 ;  begins  the 
re-creation  of  Germany,  ii.  423. 

Rostaing,  i.  190;  death  of,  i.  193. 

Roubaud,  Jesuit  missionary  of  the 
Abenakis  of  St.  Francis,  de 
scribes  a  war-feast  of  the  Mis 
sion  Indians,  i.  494-496 ;  his 
description  of  cannibalism,  i. 
497  ;  at  Montcalm's  grand  coun 
cil,  i,  501  ;  a  night  alarm,  i. 
507  ;  on  the  Indian  butchery  at 
Fort  William  Henry,  i.  520, 
527,  528,  529;  on  the  Indian 
allies,  i.  529 ;  ii.  334 ;  char 
acter  of,  ii.  338. 

Rouille,  the  minister,  i.  69 ;  letter 
from  La  Jonquiere  concerning 
the  Acadian  oath  of  allegiance, 
i.  103  ;  his  letter  to  Desher- 
biers,  i.  105 ;  Longueuil  com 
plains  to,  i.  107;  Bigot  reports 
to,  i.  108;  Prevost  writes  to,  i. 
109  ;  his  covert  instructions  to 
Raymond,  i.  110;  his  letter  to 
La  Jonquiere,  i.  110. 

Roundheads,  the,  i.  31. 

Rous,  Captain,  captures  the  "  St. 
Francois,"  i.  120;  in  Shirley's 
expedition  against  the  French, 
i.  256 ;  reaches  Annapolis,  i. 
256;  on  the  attack  on  Fort 
Beausejour,  i.  259  ;  sent  to  cap 
ture  French  post  on  the  St. 
John,  i.  262. 


INDEX. 


543 


Kousseau,  i.  18  ;  school  of,  i.  132. 

Royal  Americans,  the,  with  Aber- 
crombie,  ii.  97,  105  ;  in  Forbes' 
expedition  against  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  ii.  138;  in  Grant's  ex 
pedition,  ii.  157;  ii.  165;  at 
Quebec,  ii,  241,  242 ;  their  losses, 
ii.  243 ;  on  the  Heights  of  Abra 
ham,  ii.  301  ;  in  the  battle  of 
Quebec,  ii.  310. 

Royal  Battery,  the,  at  Quebec,  ii. 
218. 

Royal  Roussillon,  the  regiment 
of,  destined  for  Canada,  i.  375 ; 
sent  to  Ticonderoga,  i.  390 ; 
at  Ticonderoga,  i.  491 ;  ii.  108, 
111;  in  Montcalm's  expedition, 
i.  506 ;  at  Quebec,  ii.  240,  303. 

"  Royal  William,"  the,  ii.  330. 

Ruggles,  in  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  318. 

Ruggles'  Massachusetts  regiment, 
ii.  247,  393. 

Ruisseau  St.  Denis,  ii.  299. 

Russia,  Prussia  seeks  a  guarantee 
against,  i.  365  ;  Maria  Theresa 
joins  herself  in  secret  league 
with,  i.  366  ;  joins  Austria  and 
France  against  Prussia,  i.  367  ; 
ii.  41  ;  becomes  the  ally  of  Prus 
sia,  ii.  413. 

Russia,  Empress  of,  see  Elizabeth 
of  Russia. 

Russians,  the,  flee  before  Fred 
eric  of  Prussia,  ii.  401  ;  defeat 
General  Wedell,  ii.  401. 

Rutherford,  on  the  defeat  of 
Braddock,  i.  229  ;  on  the  siege 
of  Niagara,  ii.  255. 

Ryswick,  the  treaty  of,  i.  47. 

SABBATH  DAY  POINT,  i.  498 ;  ii.  < 
Sabrevois,  at    Montcalm's  grand 

council,  i.  501 
Sackett's  Harbor,  i.  421. 


Sacs,  the,  profess  devotion  to  the 

French,   i.    135 ;  at  Montcalm's 

grand  council,  i.  500. 
Saint-Ange,  in  command  at  Vin- 

cennes,  i.  87. 
St.   Augustin,  ii.   320;    LeVis   at, 

ii.  327,  355 ;  ii.  350. 
Saint-Blin,  ii.  40. 
St.  Charles  River,  the,  ii.  24,  209, 

210,  218,  296,  301,  302,  303,  309, 

312,  313,  317,  319,  326,  361,  453. 
Saiut-Clerc,  Benoit  de,  i.  88. 
Saint-Florentin,  Comte   de,  takes 

his  cue  from  Madame  de  Pom 
padour,  i.  17. 
St.  Francis,  the  mission  of,  i.  216  ; 

i.  384;  ii.  151,  265;  destruction 

of,  ii.  266  ;  ii.  338. 
St.  Francis  Indians,  the,  ii.  266. 
St.  Francis  River,  the,  ii.  264,  265, 

267. 
"  St.  Francois,"  the  French  armed 

brig,  captured  by  the  English, 

i.  120. 

St.  Helen,  the  Island  of,  ii.  389. 
Saint-Ignace,  Mere  Aimable  Dube 

de,  ii.  460. 
St.  Jean,  Fort,  i.  26. 
St.  Joachim,  the  parish  of,  burned 

by  Wolfe,  ii.  272. 
St.  John,  the  suburb  of,  i.  441 ;  ii. 

314  ;  Roquemaure  stationed  at, 

ii.   381 ;     Bougainville    cut   off 

from    communication   with,    ii. 

382 ;  abandoned  by  the  French, 

ii.  382. 

St.  John,  Fort,  i.  467. 
St.  John,  the  gate  of,  at   Quebec, 

ii.  303,  312. 
St.   John   River,  the,  i.  120,  250; 

French  post  at  the  mouth  of,  i. 

262  ;  i.  292,  294;  ii.  284,  399. 
St.  John's,  captured  by  the  French, 

ii.  417  ;  retaken  by  the  English, 

ii.  417. 


544 


INDEX. 


St.  Joseph  River,  the,  i.  44. 

Saint-Julien,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
de,  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  62. 

Saint-Laurens,  i.  479. 

St.  Laurent,  the  church  of,  on  the 
Island  of  Orleans,  ii.  217. 

St.  Lawrence,  Gulf  of,  i.  42,  119; 
ii.  83,  84,  398,  420. 

St.  Lawrence  Rapids,  the,  ii.  252, 
253. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  the,  i.  5; 
seized  by  the  French,  i.  22 ;  i. 
25  ;  rapids  of,  i.  41  ;  i.  69,  72, 
93, 128,  130, 131 ;  Montcalm  on, 
i.  377  ;  i.  467  ;  ii.  10,  82 ;  watched 
by  British  ships,  ii.  179  ;  ii.  182, 
184,  186  ;  Wolfe's  expedition  to, 
ii.  190 ;  ii.  200,  202  ;  La  Corne 
sent  to,  ii.  204  ;  ii.  207,  209,  210, 
211,  214,  220,  223,  226,  229,  230, 
238,  244,  259,  263,  264,  297,  301, 
316,  320,  356,  368,  369  ;  complete 
blockade  of,  ii.  375  ;  Murray  to 
ascend,  ii.  375  ;  ii.  382,  398,  420. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  the  Lower, 
i.  4. 

St.  Lawrence  River,  the  Upper, 
i.  4. 

St.  Louis,  site  of,  i.  44. 

St.  Louis,  the  gate  of,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  303,309,  312,  359,366. 

St.  Louis,  Lake,  ii.  385. 

St.  Louis  Street,  in  Quebec,  ii. 
368. 

St.  Lucia,  captured  by  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  416  ;  restored  to  France, 
ii.  420. 

St.  Malo,  ii.  36,  50. 

St.  Michel,  the  heights  of,  ii.  278. 

St.  Nicolas,  the  village  of,  ii.  291. 

Saint-Ours,  militia  of,  in  Mont- 
calm's  expedition,  i.  506. 

Saint-Ours,  Madame  de,  i.  472. 

St.  Paul,  sacked  and  burned  by 
Wolfe,  ii.  272. 


St.  Peter,  the  islands  of,  ii.  378. 

St.  Petersburg,  ii.  40. 

St.  Philippe,  hamlet  of,  i.  44. 

St.  Pierre,  the  Island  of,  ii.  420. 

Saint-Pierre,  Jacques  Legardeur 
de,  ordered  to  the  Ohio  by  Du- 
quesne,  i.  135 ;  arrives  at  Fort 
Le  Bceuf,  i.  136;  Washington 
brings  a  letter  from  Dinwiddie 
to,  i.  137,  139,  140;  Washing 
ton's  description  of,  i.  139  ;  his 
reply  to  Dinwiddie,  i.  140;  his 
reception  of  Washington,  i.  140  ; 
tries  to  win  over  the  Half-King, 
i.  140 ;  in  command  of  Indian 
allies,  i.  308;  death  of,  i.  315. 

St.  Roch,  ii.  232,  312,  323,  358. 

St.  Sacrement,  Lac,  see  George, 
Lake. 

St.  Servan,  captured  by  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  50. 

Saint- Veran,  Louis  Joseph,  Mar 
quis  de  Montcalm-Gozon  de,  see 
Montcalm,  Louis  de. 

Saint- Veran,  Madame  de,  mother 
of  Montcalm,  letters  from  Mont 
calm  to,  i.  373,  374,  384,  468, 
471,  478;  ii.  12,  171,  181,  183; 
letters  from  Bougainville  to, 
ii.  183,  184,  188. 

St.  Vincent,  captured  by  the  Eng 
lish,  ii.  416,  420. 

St.  Vincent,  Earl,  in  command  of 
the  "  Porcupine,"  ii.  295  ;  with 
Wolfe  at  Quebec,  ii.  295. 

St.  Yotoc,  see  Scioto. 

Ste.  Anne-de-la-Perade,  ii.  22. 

Sainte-Claude,  Mere  de,  Superior 
of  the  hospital  nuns,  ii.  344. 

Ste.-Foy,  ii.  318,  346  ;  fortified 
outpost  at,  ii.  348;  Levis  before, 
ii.  355,  356  ;  reinforced  by  Mur 
ray,  ii.  358  ;  Murray  attacks 
Levis  at,  ii.  361  ;  the  battle,  ii. 
363 ;  retreat  of  the  English,  ii. 


INDEX. 


545 


363  ;  the  losses,  ii.  365  ;  author 
ities  on  the  battle  of,  ii.  372; 
ii.  396 ;  strength  of  the  French 
and  English  at  the  battle  of,  ii. 
460. 

Ste.  Helene,  Isle,  i.  472. 

Ste.  Marie,  Fort,  becomes  a  post 
of  war,  i.  80. 

Samos,  French  post  of,  ii.  287,  298 ; 
silenced  by  the  English,  ii.  300; 
ii.  302. 

Saratoga,  i.  180,  401,  414,  466. 

Sardinia,  King  jof,  i.  21 . 

Sargent,  Mr.,  on  Braddock  in 
Gibraltar,  i.  197;  on  Hanbury, 
i.  204;  on  Orme,  i.  210  ;  on  the 
Indians  at  Fort  Cumberland,  i. 
211  ;  on  the  battle  of  Mononga- 
hela,  i.  223. 

Saul,  George,  the  commissary,  i. 
288,  289. 

Saunders,  Admiral,  ii.  200,  203, 
279,  285 ;  in  the  Basin  of  Que 
bec,  ii.  293  ;  his  pretended  attack, 
ii.  293,  294;  on  Wolfe's  ascent 
of  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  ii. 
298  ;  ii.  302  ;  returns  home,  ii. 
330. 

Saut  St.  Louis,  i.  216,  488,  490. 

Saut  St.  Louis  Indians,  the,  join 
the  French  against  the  English, 
i.  159. 

"  Sauvage,"  the.  i.  375. 

Saxe,  Marshal,  i.  12,  14;  on  Mire- 
poix,  i.  186 ;  death  of,  i.  187 ;  i. 
189,  319,  322. 

Saxony,  joins  the  three  great 
Powers  against  Prussia,  i.  367 ; 
ii.  42 ;  Frederic  of  Prussia 
marches  into,  ii.  41. 

Saxony,  Elector  of,  see  Augustus 
the  Strong. 

Scarroyaddy,  the  famous  chief,  i. 
211. 

Schenectady,  Dutch  village  of, 
VOL.  ii.  —  35 


Shirley  at,  i.  333 ;  ii.  9 ;  Vau- 
dreuil  plans  to  threaten,  ii.  90. 

Schools,  free,  opposed  by  Sir  Wil 
liam  Berkeley,  i.  32. 

Schuyler,  Colonel,  i.  331,  408 ;  ii. 
102,  132. 

Schuyler,  Mrs.,  i.  331,332;  fond 
ness  for  Howe,  ii.  95  ;  learns  of 
his  death,  ii.  102. 

Schuylers,  the,  in  New  York,  i.  35. 

Schweinitz,  i.  58. 

Scioto,  Shawanoe  town  of,  Bien- 
ville  at,  i.  52. 

Scioto  River,  the,  i.  59. 

Scotch  Highlanders,  the,  ii.  52 ; 
ordered  to  America,  ii.  52. 

Scotch-Irish,  the,  at  Logstown,  i. 
57. 

Scotch-Irish  Presbyterians,  the,  in 
Pennsylvania,  i.  352. 

Scotland,  ii.  52. 

Scott,  i.  146. 

Scott,  Captain  George,  letter  from 
Pichon  to,  i.  253 ;  in  Shirley's 
regiment,  i.  255  ;  in  the  attack 
on  Fort  Beause'jour,  i.  258,  261  ; 
at  Beausejour,  i.  263 ;  at  Louis- 
bourg,  ii.  63. 

Scouts,  the,  i.  441. 

Second  Church,  the,  in  Lancaster, 
ii.  392. 

Second  Narrows,  ii.  98. 

Segur,  Count,  i.  19. 

Seminary,  the,  at  Montreal,  ii.  385. 

Seminary,  the,  at  Quebec,  garden 
of,  ii.  218  ;  ii.  224. 

Seneca  Lake,  i.  58. 

Senecas,  the,  i.  47 ;  La  Galissoni- 
ere's  message  to,  i.  47  ;  promise 
compliance  to  the  French,  i.  48 ; 
i.  69 ;  at  Niagara,  i.  74,  75 ; 
Joncaire  gains  over  most  of,  i. 
178;  ii.  150. 

Senegal,  seized  by  the  English,  ii. 
51. 


546 


INDEX. 


Senegal  country,  the,  taken  from 
the  French,  ii.  415;  ceded  by 
France,  ii.  420. 

Senezergues,  Brigadier,  mortally 
wounded,  ii.  316. 

Seven  Years'  War,  the,  i.  3  ;  made 
England  what  she  is,  i.  5  ;  ruins 
France  in  two  continents,  i.  5; 
raises  Prussia  to  a  first-class 
Power,  ii.  42 ;  deportment  of 
British  officers  in,  ii.  124 ;  end 
of,  ii.  422  ;  loss  of  life  in,  ii.  424 ; 
uselessness  of,  ii.  424. 

Sewell,  Colonel  Matthew,  on  Dies- 
kau,  i.  322. 

Shades  of  Death,  the,  i.  213. 

Sharpe,  Governor,  of  Maryland, 
summoned  to  Alexandria  by 
Braddock,  i.  199;  i.  209. 

Shawanoes  on  the  Alleghany,  the, 
profess  devotion  to  the  French, 
i.  135. 

Shawanoes,  the,  in  the  Ohio  val 
ley,  i.  43 ;  villages  of,  i.  48, 
52 ;  i.  49 ;  Bienville  among,  i. 
52 ;  their  rough  treatment  of 
Joncaire,  i.  52,  53  ;  i.  61  ;  hearty 
in  the  English  cause,  i.  62  ;  i. 
210;  at  Fort  Duquesne,  i.  217  ; 
set  on  by  Dumas  to  attack  the 
border  settlements,  i.  341  ; 
pledge  themselves  to  the  Eng 
lish,  i.  405 ;  Governor  Morris 
declares  war  against,  i.  406 ; 
Governor  Belcher  declares  war 
against,  i.  406 ;  Forbes  tries  to 
win  over,  ii.  149;  wavering,  ii. 
150;  join  the  English,  ii.  157. 

Shea,  J.  G.,  i.  218,  221,  229. 

Shebbeare,  Dr.,  a  political  pam 
phleteer,  on  Hanbury,  i.  204. 

Shenango,  i.  49. 

Shepherd,  Captain,  escape  of,  i. 
448. 

"  Sheppard,  Jack,"  i.  9. 


Sherbrooke,  town  of,  ii.  269. 

Shingas,  receives  Post,  ii.  151. 

Shippensburg,  Forbes  at,  ii.  142, 
149. 

Shirley,  Captain  John,  in  the 
Niagara  expedition,  i.  335  ;  his 
letters  to  Governor  Morris,  i. 
335,  336,  338 ;  death  of,  i.  336 ; 
insists  on  taking  Frontenac  be 
fore  attempting  Niagara,  i.  337. 

Shirley,  Fort,  i.  437. 

Shirley,  William,  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  English  commis 
sioner  on  the  question  of  Amer 
ican  boundaries  between  France 
and  England,  i.  128 ;  i.  146  ;  re 
turns  to  America,  i.  175  ;  char 
acteristics  of,  i.  175;  secures  a 
large  grant  of  money  from  his 
Assembly  for  protection  against 
the  French,  i.  175;  sends  Wins- 
low  to  the  Kennebec,  i.  175; 
attitude  of,  i.  177;  on  the 
Albany  plan  of  union,  i.  182; 
builds  Fort  Halifax,  i.  190; 
summoned  by  Braddock  to 
Alexandria,  i.  198;  his  second 
marriage,  i.  199;  his  plans  for 
expelling  the  French,  i.  199; 
paints  the  dangers  besetting  the 
British  colonies,  i.  200;  in  the 
front  of  opposition  to  French 
designs,  i.  201 ;  debt  of  grati 
tude  due  to,  i.  201  ;  plan  of 
campaign  settled  upon,  i.  201  ; 
assumes  the  command  of  expe 
dition  against  Niagara,  i.  201 ; 
on  the  defeat  of  Braddock,  i. 
229  ;  on  the  conduct  of  Dunbar, 
i.  241  ;  becomes  commander-in- 
chief,  i.  241  ;  determines  to  re 
new  offensive  operations,  i.  241 ; 
his  project  for  purging  Acadia 
of  French  influence,  i.  243 ;  let 
ter  from  Governor  Lawrence  to, 


INDEX. 


547 


i.  248  ;  offers  to  assist  Lawrence 
against  the  French,  i.  249  ;  in 
structed  by  Robinson  to  attack 
the  French,  i.  249;  plans  to 
anticipate  the  French,  i.  250; 
active  preparations,  i.  254  ;  com 
missions  Winslow  to  raise  vol 
unteers,  i.  254 ;  forms  a  regiment, 
i.  255  ;  his  fleet  sails,  i.  256 ;  ar 
rives  at  Beausdjour,  i.  256  ;  felt 
the  necessity  of  ridding  Acadia 
of  the  Acadians,  i.  266  ;  his  plan 
to  attack  Crown  Point,  i.  296  ; 
puts  William  Johnson  in  com 
mand,  i.  297  ;  delays,  i.  301 ;  the 
expedition  a  failure,  i.  325  ; 
urges  Johnson  to  capture  Ticon- 
deroga,  i.  325;  sets  out  on  the 
Niagara  expedition,  i.  331  ;  ar 
rives  at  Albany,  i.  331  ;  up  the 
Mohawk,  i.  332  ;  make-up  of  his 
force,  i.  332;  at  Schenectady, 
i.  333;  at  the  Great  Carrying 
Place,  i.  333 ;  at  Wood  Creek, 
i.  333  ;  on  Lake  Oneida,  i.  334  ; 
learns  of  Braddock's  defeat, 
i.  334 ;  learns  of  his  son's  death, 
i.  335  ;  death  of  his  second  son, 
i.  336  ;  letter  of  condolence  from 
Governor  Morris  to,  i.  336  ;  diffi 
culties,  i.  337 ;  holds  a  council 
of  war,  i.  337  ;  abandons  the  ex 
pedition,  i.  338,  339  ;  returns  to 
Albany,  i.  338  ;  his  falling  out 
with  Johnson,  i.  339;  diverts 
the  New  Jersey  regiment  from 
Crown  Point  to  Niagara,  i.  339  ; 
encroaches  on  Johnson's  office  of 
Indian  superintendent,  i.  339 ; 
holds  conferences  with  the  Five 
Nations,  i.  339 ;  Johnson  inveighs 
against  the  Indian  agents  of, 
i.  339 ;  Governor  Delancey  takes 
umbrage  at,  i.  340 ;  letters  from 
Morris  on  the  Quaker  attitude 


to,  i.  352,  354 ;  i.  387  :  on  the 
destruction  of  Fort  Bull,  i.  388 ; 
calls  a  council  of  war  in  New 
York,  i.  394  ;  his  plan  for  a  new 
campaign,  i.  394 ;  New  England 
doubtful  of  the  military  abilities 
of,  i.  395 ;  Parliament  makes  a 
grant  for  his  new  campaign, 
i.  395 ;  completing  his  plans, 
i.  396;  a  heavy  blow,  i.  396; 
removed  by  the  ministry,  i.  396 ; 
his  eclipse,  i.  397  ;  rebuilds  the 
fort  at  the  Great  Carrying  Place, 
i.  397 ;  longs  for  the  aid  of  the 
Five  Nations  against  Niagara 
and  Frontenac,  i.  406  ;  his  com 
pany  of  boatmen,  i.  406 ;  on 
Bradstreet's  Fight,  i.  409 ;  Brad- 
street's  success  temporarily  si 
lences  the  enemies  of,  i.  410; 
redoubled  cares  of,  i.  410;  rein 
forces  Oswego,  i.  412;  resigns 
his  command,  i.  412  ;  meets  Lord 
London  in  New  York,  i.  412  ;  on 
the  Oswego  defences,  i.  412  ; 
urges  Winslow  to  preserve  har 
mony  with  Loudon,  i.  414  ;  cor 
respondence  of,  i.  414;  accused 
by  Loudon  of  leaving  Oswego 
weakly  garrisoned,  i.  427 ;  on  the 
capture  of  Oswego,  i.  429  ;  wreck 
of  his  scheme  for  cutting  New 
France  in  twain,  i.  430 ;  reasons 
for  his  failure,  i.  430,  431 ;  the 
opposing  force,  i.  431,  432  ; 
blamed  by  Loudon  for  the  loss 
of  Oswego,  i.  433  ;  ordered  to 
England,  i.  433  ;  his  reply,  i.  433  ; 
Franklin's  opinion  of,  i.  434  ; 
sails  for  England,  i.  434 ;  made 
governor  of  the  Bahamas,  i.  434  ; 
on  the  exploits  of  Robert  Rogers, 
i.  450 ;  letter  from  Wiuslow  to, 
i.  452;  ii.  133;  ii.  394. 
Shirley,  William  (son),  Braddock's 


548 


INDEX. 


secretary,  on  the  character  of 
Braddock,  i.  195  ;  his  letters  to 
Governor  Morris,  i.  195,  209  ;  at 
Alexandria,  i.  198;  killed  in  the 
hattle  of  Monongahela,  i.  227, 
238,  335. 

Shirley's  regiment,  to  attack  Ni 
agara,  i.  201  ;  composition  of,  i. 
255  ;  in  the  Niagara  expedition, 
i.  332 ;  at  Fort  Bull,  i.  387 ;  in 
Shirley's  new  campaign,  i.  396  ; 
comes  to  Bradstreet's  assistance, 
i.  408 ;  at  Fort  Pepperrell,  i.  425. 

Short,  Richard,  views  in  Quebec 
drawn  by,  ii.  341. 

Shubenacadie  River,  the,  Le  Lou- 
tre's  mission  on  the  banks  of, 
i.  118. 

Shuckburgh,  Dr.,  i.  135. 

Shute,  John,  i.  458. 

Silesia,  province  of,  seized  by 
Frederic  of  Prussia,  i.  21 ;  Fred 
eric  the  Great  robs  Maria  The 
resa  of,  i.  365  ;  the  Austrians 
take,  ii.  43. 

Silhouette,  French  commissioner 
on  the  question  of  American 
boundaries  between  France  and 
England,  i.  128. 

Sillery,  ii.  224,  285,  288  ;  taken  by 
the  English,  ii.  300  ;  ii.  345, 357, 
358,  462. 

Sillery  Wood,  ii.  360. 

Sinclair,  Sir  John,  angry  at  the 
apathy  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  205  ; 
i.  222  ;  wounded  in  the  battle  of 
Monongahela,  i.  227  ;  on  the  de 
feat  of  Braddock,  i.  229;  in 
Forbes'  expedition  against  Fort 
Duquesne,  ii.  140,  143,144;  in 
efficiency  of,  ii.  145. 

Sinioto,  see  Scioto. 

"  Siren,"  the,  i.  256. 

"  Sirene,"  the,  i.  375. 

Six  Nations,  the,  i.  61.     See  also 


Five  Nations  of  the  Troguois, 
the. 

Slavery,  in  Virginia,  i.  32. 

Slaves,  in  the  provinces,  i.  200, 
237  ;  in  Virginia,  i.  343. 

Small-pox,  i.  88,  453, 519 ;  ii.  7,  36. 

Smith,  James,  captured  by  the 
Indians,  i.  217 ;  at  Fort  Du 
quesne,  i.  218,  219;  on  the  bat 
tle  of  Monongahela,  i.  229-231. 

Smith,  John,  i.  236. 

Smith,  William,  on  the  character 
of  the  provincial  army,  i.  303  ; 
on  the  Pennsylvanian  disputes, 
i.  363 ;  on  the  Shirley- Johnson- 
Delancey  dispute,  i.  340;  on  the 
quarrel  over  quartering  troops, 
i.  454 ;  on  Loudon,  ii.  3 ;  on 
Vaudreuil's  jealousy  of  Mont- 
calm,  ii.  4 ;  ii.  40 ;  on  the  bat 
tle  of  Ste.-Foy,  ii.  373;  on 
Amherst's  expedition  against 
Canada,  ii.  386. 

Smith,  William,  of  Rhode  Island, 
at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  112. 

Smollett,  i.  9,  165;  ridicules  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle,  i.  185  ;  on 
Wolfe's  ascent  of  the  Heights 
of  Abraham,  ii.  298. 

Smyth,  the  English  traveller,  on 
Williamsburg,  i.  170;  on  Vir 
ginian  life,  i.  170. 

Sodus  Bay,  Father  Piquet  at,  i.  76. 

Somervogel,  on  Dumas  and  his 
pupil  Montcalm,  i.  370;  on 
Montcalm,  i.  372. 

Sorel,  the  town  of,  Murray  at,  ii. 
378 ;  Bourlamaque  in  command 
at,  ii.  378. 

Soto,  De,  see  De  Soto. 

Soubise,  i.  12. 

South  Bay,  i.  306,  307,  310,  312, 
324,  401,  415,  449,  511;  ii. 
126,  251. 

South  Carolina,  colony  of,  i.  36 ; 


INDEX. 


549 


sends  commissioners  to  Albany, 
i.  65  ;  Dinwiddie  appeals  for  aid 
against  the  French  to,  i.  146  ; 
responds  to  the  appeal,  i.  147, 
157  ;  Glen  governor  of,  i.  183. 

Spain,  House  of  Bourbon  holds 
the  throne  of,  i.  12 ;  ii.  409 ; 
Carlos  III.  becomes  King  of,  ii. 
410 ;  a  change  in  policy,  ii.  410 ; 
the  "  Family  Compact,"  ii.  410 ; 
England  declares  war  against, 
ii.  415 ;  regrets  her  rash  com 
pact  with  France,  ii.  417;  in 
vades  Portugal,  ii.  417  ;  receives 
back  Havana,  and  cedes  Florida, 
ii.  420 ;  New  Orleans  and  Lou-  j 
isiana  made  over  to,  ii.  421  ; 
sinking  into  decay,  ii.  426. 

Sparks,  on  Washington's  attack 
on  Jumonville,  i.  156;  on  the 
fight  at  Great  Meadows,  i.  164; 
on  the  capitulation  at  Fort  Ne 
cessity,  ii.  438. 

Speakman,  Captain,  i.  286. 

Spikeman,  Captain,  i.  455,  456 ; 
death  of,  i.  457. 

Spithead,  ii.  200. 

Split,  Cape,  i.  277. 

Stanhope,  Earl,  on  Wolfe,  ii.  203. 

Stanley,  on  the  character  of  Choi- 
seul,  ii.  408 ;  sent  as  envoy  to 
Versailles,  ii.  409  ;  ii.  418. 

Stanley,  Dean,  on  the  legend  of 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  449,  452. 

Stanwix,  Brigadier,  at  Fort  Fron- 
tenac,  ii.  134 ;  builds  Fort  Pitt, 
ii.  166;  sent  to  the  relief  of 
Pittsburg,  ii.  246,  255  ;  on  the 
siege  of  Niagara,  ii.  255. 

Stanwix,  Fort,  ii.  252. 

Stark,  Caleb,  on  the  defeat  of  the 
rangers,  i.  458 ;  on  Rigaud's 
attack  on  Fort  William  Henry, 
i.  465. 

Stark,  Lieutenant  John,  in  Shir 


ley's  expedition  against  Crown 
Point,  i.  302 ;  the  hero  of  Ben- 
nington,  i.  302,  445,  455,  456, 
457,  458, 459  ;  slightly  wounded, 
i.  465  ;  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  98. 

Stephen,  Captain  Adam,  on  Wash 
ington's  attack  on  Jumouville, 
i.  156;  on  the  fight  at  Great 
Meadows,  i.  164;  on  the  death 
of  Jumonville,  ii.  436. 

Stephen,  Lieutenant,  ii.  267. 

Stephen,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  ii. 
145. 

Sterne,  i.  9. 

Stevens,  an  Indian  interpreter,  i. 
299;  escapes  from  Quebec,  ii. 
289. 

Stevenson,  on  card  money  in 
Canada,  ii.  35. 

Stewart,  Captain,  in  the  battle  of 
Monongahela,  i.  228. 

Still,  Isaac,  ii.  157. 

Stillwater,  i.  401,  466. 

Stirling,  Wolfe  at,  ii.  193. 

Stobo,  Major  Robert,  held  by  the 
French  as  hostage,  i.  165  ;  on 
Fort  Duquesne,  i.  216;  arrives 
at  Quebec,  ii.  289. 

Stockbridge,  ii.  266. 

Stone,  William  L.,  i.  328,  454 ; 
ii.  247 ;  on  the  capture  of  Nia 
gara,  ii.  259 ;  ii.  260. 

Stuarts,  the,  receive  their  death 
blow,  i.  8 ;  ii.  52  ;  ii.  406. 

Subaltern  officers,  the  French,  i. 
381. 

"  Success,"  the,  i.  256. 

Suffield  (Conn.),  i.  416. 

Sulpitian  Fathers,  the,  i.  472; 
missions  of,  ii.  151. 

Superior,  Lake,  i.  80,  384. 

Surgeons,  provincial,  ii.  125. 

Susane,  on  the  French  subaltern 
officers,  i.  381 ;  on  the  troupes  de 
la  marine,  i.  382. 


550 


INDEX. 


Susquehaima  River,  the,  Indian 
massacres  on,  i.  355,  356. 

Susquehanna  River,  the  Upper,  ii. 
150. 

"  Sutherland,"  the,  passes  the  bat 
teries  of  Quebec,  ii.  234  ;  Wolfe's 
flagship,  ii.  291,  295. 

Sweden,  joins  the  three  great 
Powers  against  Prussia,  i.  367  ; 
ii.  42  ;  ii.  414. 

Swedes,  the,  in  Pennsylvania,  i.  33. 

Sydney,  see  Espagnol,  Port. 

TADOUSSAC,  trading-post  of,i.  131. 

Tantemar,  marsh  of,  i.  125,  251, 
263,  264  ;  ii.  189. 

Tasse,  on  the  Abbe  Piquet,  i.  71 ; 
on  Langlade,  ii.  441. 

Tatten,  Captain,  killed  in  the  bat 
tle  of  Monongahela,  i.  236. 

Teedyuscuug,  the  Delaware  chief, 
ii.  150. 

Temple,  Lord,  on  Wolfe,  ii.  203; 
ii.  411. 

"  Terror  of  France,"  the,  at  Que 
bec,  ii.  285. 

Thackeray,  on  Granville's  reply  to 
Pitt,  ii.  412. 

Thames  River,  the,  ii.  215. 

Thomas,  Surgeon  John,  in  the 
attack  on  Fort  Beausejour,  i. 
258;  journal  of,  i.  258,  259, 
260. 

Thompson,  James,  at  Ste.-Foy,  ii. 
364,  365  ;  ii.  368,  456. 

Thousand  Islands,  the,  i.  72 ;  ii. 
383. 

Three  Rivers,  ii.  23  ;  census  of, 
ii.  185;  militia  of,  ii.  211,  275; 
ii.  324,  355,  374,  377. 

Ticonderoga,  the  battle  of,  ii.  109- 
115. 

Ticonderoga,  Dieskau  at,  i.  308, 
309,  310 ;  Johnson  urged  to  cap 
ture,  i.  324  ;  i.  363  ;  fortified  by 


Lotbiniere,  i.  386  ;  the  battalions 
of  La  Reine  and  Languedoc  at, 
i.  388 ;  the  Royal  Roussillon  bat 
talion  sent  to,  i,  390  ;  Montcalm 
and  Levis  hasten  to.  i.  390 ;  the 
most  advanced  position  of  the 
French,  i.  391 ;  Levis  in  com 
mand  at,  i.  391  ;  Shirley's  plan 
to  attack,  i.  394,  402 ;  Captain 
Rogers  makes  a  report  on,  i. 
403,  412 ;  Loudon  turns  his 
whole  force  against,  i.  413; 
Montcalm  recalled  from,  i.  420 ; 
left  in  the  keeping  of  Levis, 
i.  421  ;  the  French  plan  to  con 
centrate  their  forces  at,  i.  428 ; 
Montcalm  faces  Winslow  at, 
i.  434 ;  a  hornet's  nest,  i.  441 ; 
encampments  of,  i.  442 ;  i.  447, 
448,  449,  455,  456,  458;  Lusi- 
gnan  commandant  at,  i.  459 ; 
Rigaud  at,  i.  462 ;  i.  467  ;  Mont- 
calm's  force  at,  i.  491  ;  descrip 
tion  of  its  location,  i.  491  ; 
martial  population  of,  i.  492; 
Captain  Hebecourt  at,  ii.  13, 14 ; 
ii.  18;  Pitt's  plan  to  capture,  ii. 
51  ;  Abercrombie  gathers  his 
forces  to  march  against,  ii.  90; 
VaudreuiFs  plan  for  saving,  ii. 
90;  Montcalm  decides  to  re 
main  at,  ii.  91 ;  location  of,  ii. 
103;  the  French  defences  at,  ii. 
105  ;  the  assault,  ii.  109  ;  defeat 
of  Abercrombie,  ii.  115;  the 
losses,  ii.  115;  ii.  169;  Bourla- 
maque  sent  to,  ii.  204 ;  Amherst 
marches  against,  ii.  219, 232,  246 ; 
ii.  222,  245 ;  Bourlamaque  makes 
no  attempt  to  defend,  ii.  248 ; 
blown  up,  ii.  249  ;  ii.  276,  333 ; 
French  accounts  of  the  battle 
of,  ii.  447 ;  English  accounts  of 
the  battle  of,  ii.  447 ;  the  losses 
at,  ii.  448 ;  a  legend  of,  ii.  449. 


INDEX. 


551 


Ticonderoga,  Fort,  description  of, 
i.  391. 

''  Tilden's  Poems,"  i.  329. 

Titcomb,  Colouel  Moses,  in  Shir 
ley's  expedition  against  Crown 
Point,  i.  301 ;  at  Louisbourg,  i. 
301 ;  in  the  battle  of  Lake 
George,  i.  318. 

Tobago,  the  Island  of,  ii.  420. 

"Tomahawk  Camp,"  ii.  168. 

"  Tom  Jones/'  i.  9. 

Tongue  Mountain,  i.  506. 

Torgau,  Frederick  of  Prussia  vic 
torious  at,  ii.  403. 

Toronto,  Father  Piquet  at,  i.  73 ; 
in  danger,  i.  88. 

Toronto,  Fort,  Shirley's  plan  to 
seize,  i.  394. 

Tory  squires,  the,  in  England, 
i/8. 

Toulon,  ii.  52. 

Tourmente,  Cape,  ii.  213. 

Tournois,  Father,  at  Caughna- 
waga,  i.  68 ;  ordered  to  Quebec, 
i.  69. 

Tourville,  commander  of  the 
"  Capricieux,"  ii.  85  ;  his  diary 
on  the  siege  of  Louisbourg,  ii. 
85. 

Townshend,  Charles,  i.  10;  made 
Secretary  of  War,  ii.  407. 

Townshend,  Brigadier  George,  in 
command  at  Fort  Herkimer,  ii. 
9  ;  in  Wolfe's  expedition,  ii.  201 ; 
Walpole's  estimate  of,  ii.  201 ; 
death  of,  ii,  249 ;  letter  from 
Wolfe  to,  ii.  277 ;  ii.  285  ;  on 
the  Heights  of  Abraham,  ii. 
301 ;  on  the  force  of  the  Eng 
lish  and  French  at  the  battle 
of  Quebec,  ii.  310;  succeeds 
Wolfe  in  command,  ii.  310, 
316;  Montcalm's  letter  to,  ii. 
321  ;  pushes  his  attack  on 
Quebec,  ii.  327 ;  Eamesay  sur 


renders  to,  ii.  328;  the  terms 
of  capitulation,  ii.  329 ;  occu 
pies  Quebec,  ii.  329 ;  returns 
home,  ii.  329  ;  claims  more  than 
his  share  of  the  victory,  ii.  329  ; 
ii.  456. 

Townshend's  brigade,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  226,  306. 

Tracy,  Lieutenant,  ii.  128. 

Trahan,  Joseph,  on  Montcalm,  ii. 
305. 

Traverse,  the,  ii.  213 ;  the  English 
fleet  passing,  ii.  215. 

"Trent,"  the,  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
61. 

Trent,  William,  the  Indian  trader, 
i.  45 ;  on  the  attack  on  Picka- 
willany,  i.  90 ;  made  lieutenant 
in  the  Virginia  militia ;  i.  144, 
148;  his  backwoodsmen,  i.  150; 
i.  355. 

Trepezec,  at  Ticonderoga,  ii.  98, 
99. 

Troupes  de  la  marine,  the,  i.  380  j 
form  the  permanent  military 
establishment  of  Canada,  i.  381  ; 
become  ill-disciplined  and  ineffi 
cient,  i.  382  ;  restored  to  order 
by  Duquesne,  i.  382;  descrip 
tion  of,  i.  382 ;  their  close  rela 
tion  with  the  colony,  i.  382. 

Troupes  de  terre,  the,  i.  380. 

Trout  Brook,  ii.  15,  99,  100. 

Trumbull,  on  the  Niagara  expe 
dition,  i.  339 ;  on  the  indigna 
tion  at  Abercrombie,  ii.  120. 

Truro,  i.  98. 

Tucker,  ii.  295. 

Tulpehocken,  settlement  of,  de 
stroyed  by  the  Indians,  i.  360. 

Turenne,  i.  12. 

Turkey  Creek,  ii.  165. 

Turner,  Lieutenant,  in  Rogers'  ex 
pedition,  ii.  265,  267. 

Turner,  Morris,  i.  84. 


552 


INDEX. 


"Turpin,  Dick/'i.  9. 
Turtle,  the  clan  of,  i.  490. 
Turtle  Creek,  i.  214. 
Tuscaroras,    the,    join    the    Five 

Nations,  i.  67. 

Twightwees,  the,  see  Miamis,  the. 
Two  Mountains,  the,  i.  384. 
Two   Mountains,  the  lake  of,   i. 

488. 
Two  Mountains,  the  Mission  of, 

i.  69 ;  church  of,  i.  490. 
Tyburn,  i.  9. 
Tyrrell,  see  Pichon,  Thomas. 

ULSTER,  i.  34. 

Union,  the  Albany  plan  of,  i. 
182. 

United  Colonies,  the,  i.  33. 

United  States,  the,  supplied  hy  the 
Seven  Years'  War  with  the  in 
dispensable  condition  of  their 
greatness,  i.  6 ;  Wolfe's  triumph 
begins  the  history  of,  i.  423  ; 
England's  glory  in  giving  birth 
to,  ii.  426. 

Upper  Falls,  i.  401. 

Upper  Lakes,  the,  i.  337. 

Upper  Town  (Quebec),  the,  ii. 
276  ;  Wolfe's  plan  to  attack,  ii. 
278;  ii.  341. 

Upton,  Mrs.,  Braddock's  experi 
ence  with,  i.  196. 

Ursuline  convent,  the,  at  Quebec, 
ii.  322. 

Ursulines  of  Quebec,  the,  on  the 
misery  of  the  Acadians,  i.  292, 
410;  ii.  218,  232,  276,  321,  330, 
459. 

Utrecht,  the  Treaty  of,  i.  47,  84 ; 
France  cedes  Acadia  to  England 
by,  i.  95  ;  restores  Louisbourg  to 
France,  i.  96 ;  i.  98, 128 ;  declares 
the  Five  Nations  to  be  British 
subjects,!.  130;  i.  245,  265. 


VALOIS,  the,  i.  16. 

Valtry,  M.  de,  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
i.  78. 

Vanbraam,  Captain,  a  French  in 
terpreter,  accompanies  Wash 
ington  to  Fort  Le  Boeuf,  i.  138, 
141;  at  Fort  Necessity,!.  164; 
sent  by  Washington  to  receive 
Villiers'  articles  of  capitulation, 
i.  164;  held  as  hostage,  i.  165; 
ii.  436,  437. 

"Vanguard,"  the,  arrives  at  Que 
bec,  ii.  370. 

Vannes,  at  Beausejour,  i.  258; 
cowardice  of,  i.  258 ;  i.  260. 

Van  Rensselaer,  manor  of,  i.  35. 

Varin,  the  commissary,  on  the 
losses  in  the  fight  at  Great 
Meadows,  i.  165  ;  on  the  numbers 
of  the  French,  i.  165;  ii.  23; 
aspires  to  supplant  Bigot  in  the 
intendancy,  ii.  32;  turns  in 
former,  ii.  32 ;  trial  of,  ii.  40 ; 
arrested  and  tried,  ii.  399. 

Varin,  Madame,  i.  471 ;  ii.  443. 

Vaudreuil,  Madame  de,  ii.  175; 
returns  to  France,  ii.  398. 

Vaudreuil,  Marquis  de,  on  the 
Canadian  population,  i.  23 ;  the 
new  governor  of  French  Amer 
ica,  i.  189;  on  the  engagement 
between  the  French  and  English 
fleets,  i.  193;  Contrecoeur's  re 
port  on  the  battle  of  Mononga- 
hela,  i.  223, 229  ;  defends  Vergor 
in  the  court-martial,  i.  263 ;  on 
the  cause  of  the  misery  of  the 
Acadians,  i.  276 ;  on  Boishe- 
bert's  attack  on  Frye,  i.  286  ; 
i.  292;  succeeds  Duquesne,  i. 
299 ;  warned  of  the  English 
plan  to  attack  Crown  Point,  i. 
300;  sends  Dieskau  to  Lake 
Champlain,  i.  300 ;  his  plan  to 
attack  Oswego,  i.  300 ;  on  Dies- 


INDEX. 


553 


kau's  force  at  Crown  Point,  i. 
308  ;  his  report  on  the  battle  of 
Lake  George,  i.  328 ;  meets 
Montcalm,  i.  378 ;  Montcalra  not 
welcome  to,  i.  378  ;  governor  of 
Louisiana,  i.  379 ;  characteristics 
of,  i.  379  ;  compared  with  Mont- 
calm,  i.  379  ;  represents  the  New 
France,  i.  380 ;  antagonism  of  his 
force  to  that  of  Montcalm's,  i. 
380;  sends  Lery  against  Fort 
Bull,  i.  387  ;  his  report  on  the 
destruction  of  Fort  Bull,  i.  388 ; 
Montcalm's  estimate  of,  i.  389  ; 
on  the  Indian  raids,  i.  401  ;  his 
conference  with  the  Indians  at 
Montreal,  i.  405  ;  sends  Villiers 
to  harass  Oswego,  i.  407 ;  on 
the  defeat  of  Villiers,  i.  410 ;  his 
plans  against  Oswego,  i.  420; 
on  the  capture  of  Oswego,  i. 
426  ;  his  singular  despatches  to 
Versailles,  i.  440 ;  his  report  on 
the  defeat  of  the  rangers,  i. 
459  ;  his  expedition  against 
Fort  William  Henry,  i.  461; 
i.  470;  egotism  of,  i.  474,  475; 
claims  the  honor  of  taking  Os 
wego,  i.  474;  his  false  accusa 
tions  against  the  French  officers, 
i.  476 ;  rivalry  between  Mont- 
calm  and,  i.  477-480;  asks  for 
a  reinforcement  of  French 
troops,  i.  482 ;  i.  499 ;  on  the 
massacre  at  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  528 ;  his  behavior 
in  Louisiana,  ii.  4;  tries  to 
tarnish  Montcalm's  exploit,  ii. 
5  ;  Bougainville  brings  him 
news  of  the  success  on  Lake 
George,  ii.  6 ;  gives  license 
to  the  Indians,  ii.  7,  8 ; 
attacks  German  Flats,  ii.  9  ; 
his  exaggerated  report  of  Bel- 
etre's  campaign,  ii.  10;  his  life 


at  Montreal,  ii.  11;  Montcalm 
annoyed  by  his  relations  with, 
ii.  11;  recommends  Levis  to  re 
place  Montcalm,  ii.  12  ;  perfect 
harmony  between  Bigot  and,  ii. 
21  ;  ii.  23  ;  defends  Bigot,  ii.  33 ; 
charged  with  weakness  in  not 
preventing  Bigot's  peculations, 
ii.  38 ;  Montcalm  given  powers 
over,  ii.  39 ;  on  the  English 
treatment  of  prisoners,  ii.  85 ; 
his  plan  for  saving  Ticonderoga, 
ii.  90;  on  the  number  of  the 
French  force  at  Ticonderoga, 
ii.  109;  on  the  capture  of  Fort 
Frontenac,  ii.  136  ;  on  the  ad 
vance  of  Forbes  against  Fort 
Duquesue,  ii.  148 ;  on  Grant's 
defeat,  ii.  161,  162;  envious  of 
Montcalm,  ii.  171 ;  asks  for 
Montcalm's  recall,  ii.  174;  his 
discomfiture,  ii.  174;  dissensions, 
ii.  1 74,  1 75 ;  his  gasconade,  ii. 
178;  becomes  alarmed,  ii.  178; 
his  duplicity,  ii.  180,  181  ;  re 
ceives  the  grand  cross  of  St. 
Louis,  ii.  182;  takes  a  census, 
ii.  185;  his  boasts,  ii.  187,  188; 
musters  his  forces,  ii.  205 ;  his 
continued  boastings,  ii.  205  ;  has 
tens  to  Quebec,  ii.  207  ;  his  praise 
of  Cadet,  ii.  208  ;  his  councils  at 
Quebec,  ii.  209 ;  his  quarters  at 
Quebec,  ii.  211  ;  his  relative  po 
sition  to  Montcalm,  ii.  212;  on 
the  English  fleet  passing  the 
Traverse,  ii.  216;  changes  his 
plans,  ii.  219;  the  fireships,  ii. 
220;  witnesses  their  failure,  ii. 
221 ;  sanguine  of  success,  ii.  222  ; 
his  letters  to  Bourlamaque,  ii. 
222,  243,  286 ;  on  the  attempted 
night  attack,  ii.  225  ;  ii.  228  ;  in 
a  defensive  attitude,  ii.  232 ; 
tries  again  to  burn  the  English 


554 


INDEX. 


fleet,  ii.  236  ;  his  failure,  ii.  237  ; 
his  exultation,  ii.  243 ;  on  the 
repulse  of  the  English  at  Mont- 
morenci,  ii.  244  ;  orders  Bourla- 
maque  to  abandon  Ticonderoga 
and  Crown  Point,  ii.  248 ;  on 
Amherst's  capture  of  Ticonder 
oga,  ii.  250 ;  on  the  capture  of 
Niagara,  ii.  259  ;  on  the  destruc 
tion  of  St.  Francis,  ii.  269  ;  de 
nounces  English  atrocities,  ii. 
273 ;  his  own  atrocities,  ii.  273  ; 
sees  his  mistake,  ii.  275 ;  breathes 
more  freely,  ii.  277 ;  grows  con 
fident,  ii.  285 ;  saves  Vergor 
from  disgrace,  ii.  290;  ii.  296 ;  on 
Wolfe's  ascent  of  the  Heights 
of  Abraham,  ii.  298;  delays 
sending  his  forces  to  join  Mont- 
calm's,  ii.  304 ;  his  arrival  on 
the  battlefield  carefully  timed, 
ii.  313;  throws  the  blame  for 
defeat  on  Montcalm,  ii.  313; 
his  consternation,  ii.  314;  cow 
ardice  of,  ii.  315  ;  on  the  French 
loss  in  the  battle  of  Quebec,  ii. 
317;  on  Bougainville's  force, 
ii.  317  ;  loses  an  opportunity,  ii. 
318 ;  abandons  Quebec  to  its 
fate,  ii.  319  ;  ii.  320  ;  his  flight, 
ii.  322  ;  his  letters  to  Ramesay, 
ii.  322,  323 ;  agrees  to  the  plans 
of  Levis,  ii.  324;  the  loss  of 
Quebec  due  to,  ii.  328 ;  his  jeal 
ous  spite  follows  Montcalm  even 
after  death,  ii.  330-335  ;  retires 
to  Montreal,  ii.  330;  blames 
Ramesay  for  the  surrender  of 
Quebec,  ii.  330 ;  the  corruptions 
of  his  government,  ii.  332 ; 
Montcalm's  accusations  against, 
ii.  334 ;  his  trial,  ii.  334 ;  re 
proaches  for,  ii.  342 ;  on  the 
capture  of  Le  Calvaire,  ii.  350 ; 
hopes  to  recover  Quebec,  ii.  353  ; 


his  plans  for  attacking  Quebec, 
ii.  353,  354;  on  the  battle  of 
Ste.-Foy,  ii.  372 ;  exerts  himself 
for  defence,  ii.  375 ;  issues  a 
counter-proclamation,  ii.  380 ; 
promises  of,  ii.  381  ;  Levis'  rela 
tions  with,  ii.  381 ;  on  Amherst's 
expedition  against  Canada,  ii. 
382 ;  his  letter  to  Langlade,  ii. 
386 ;  holds  a  council  of  war. 
ii.  387 ;  offers  to  capitulate,  ii. 
387  ;  negotiations,  ii.  387  ;  Am- 
herst  inexorable,  ii.  387  ;  accepts 
the  English  terms,  ii.  388 ;  re 
proved  by  the  government,  ii. 
390;  had  no  choice  but  to  sur 
render,  ii.  391 ;  his  good  quali 
ties,  ii.  391  ;  returns  to  France, 
ii.  398;  arrested,  ii.  399;  his 
trial,  ii.  400;  acquitted,  ii.  400; 
asks  for  pensions  for  Contrecoaur 
and  Ligneris,  ii.  438 ;  on  the 
force  at  Quebec,  ii.  453 ;  on  the 
battle  of  Quebec,  ii.  455. 

Vaudreuil,  Philippe  de,  governor 
of  Canada,  i.  378. 

Vaudreuil,  Vicomte  de,  brother  of 
the  governor,  ii.  390. 

Vauquelin,  in  command  of  the 
"  Arethuse  "  at  Louisbourg,  ii. 
66  ;  ii.  354,  370. 

Vauvert,  i.  378. 

Venango,  Indian  town  of,  Wash 
ington  at,  i.  138;  English  trad 
ing-house  at,  i.  138;  seized  by 
the  French,  i.  138  ;  Joncaire  in 
command,  i.  138;  i.  436  ;  ii.  166, 
167,  255  ;  burned  by  the  French, 
ii.  258. 

Vendome,  i.  12. 

Vercheres,  M.  de,  at  Fort  Fronte- 
nac,  i.  78. 

Vergor,  Captain  Duchambon  de, 
asked  by  Duquesne  to  find  a 
pretext  for  attacking  the  Eng- 


INDEX. 


555 


lish,  i.  248 ;  in  command  of  Fort 
Beausejour,  i.  251  ;  a  confeder 
ate  of  Bigot,  i.  251  ;  corruption 
of,  i.  251 ;  sustains  Le  Loutre's 
threats,  i.  253 ;  learns  of  the 
approach  of  the  English,  i.  256  ; 
sends  for  aid,  i.  256 ;  his  prep 
arations  for  defence,  i.  257 ;  at 
tacked  by  the  English,  i.  258, 
259 ;  surrenders,  i.  260,  261 ; 
court-martialled  but  acquitted, 
i.  263  ;  the  post  of,  ii.  287,  289  ; 
threatened  disgrace  of,  ii.  289, 
290 ;  his  careless  defence,  ii.  296  ; 
captured  by  the  English,  ii.  298. 

Vermont,  wilderness  of,  i.  301. 

Vernet,  i.  14. 

Verreau,  Abbe  H.,  on  the  massa 
cre  at  Fort  William  Henry,  i. 
529;  ii.  40;  on  Roubaud,  ii. 
338,  339. 

Versailles,  description  of,  i.  13, 14 ; 
i.  85,  86,  92,  100,  105,  110,  188, 
263,  372,  373,  440,  488;  ii.  35, 
36,  174,  367,  409. 

Versailles,  the  Court  of,  duplicity 
of,  i.  110,  115. 

Vicars,  Captain  John,  on  the  de 
struction  of  Fort  Bull,  i.  388 ; 
on  the  deplorable  condition  of 
Oswego,  i.  410,  411 ;  his  report 
on  "  Fort  Rascal,"  i.  412. 

Viger,  Hon.  D.  B.,  ii.  455. 

Viger,  Jacques,  ii.  432. 

Villars,  i.  12. 

Villejoin,  i.  472. 

Villejouin,  commandant  at  Isle  St. 
Jean,  ii.  82 ;  on  the  siege  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  85. 

Villeray,  commandant  at  Fort  Gas- 
pereau,  surrenders  to  the  Eng 
lish,  i.  262;  court-martialled,  i. 
263. 

Villiers,  Coulon  de,  sent  to  Fort 
Duquesne,  i.  159;  assumes  com 


mand  against  the  English,  i.  159, 
1 60 ;  his  plan  of  campaign,  i. 
160;  summons  the  Indians  to 
council,  i.  161 ;  his  march,  i. 
161 ;  at  Gist's  settlement,  i.  161 ; 
attacks  Fort  Necessity,  i.  1 62 ; 
proposes  a  parley,  i.  1 63  ;  bad 
condition  of  his  men,  i.  1 63 ; 
Washington  declines  his  pro 
posed  parley,  i.  164;  Vanbraam 
receives  his  articles  of  capitula 
tion,  i.  164;  the  articles  signed, 
i.  165;  his  losses,  i.  165;  the 
size  of  his  force,  i.  165;  returns 
exultant  to  Fort  Duquesne,  i. 
167  ;  sent  by  Vaudreuil  to  harass 
Oswego,  i.  407 ;  defeated  by 
Bradstreet,  i.  408,  409;  the 
French  attribute  a  victory  to,  i. 
409 ;  sanitary  condition  of  his 
camp,  i.  416 ;  at  Niaoure  Bay,  i. 
421  ;  captured  by  the  English, 
ii.  258  ;  deceives  Washington  in 
signing  the  articles  of  capitula 
tion  at  Fort  Necessity,  ii.  436. 

Vincennes,  Saint-Ange  in  com 
mand  at,  i.  87. 

Virginia,  colony  of,  contrasted  with 
New  England,  i.  31  ;  lower 
classes  of,  i.  32 ;  society  in,  i. 
32 ;  slavery  in,  i.  32 ;  essential 
antagonism  of  New  England 
and,  i.  33 ;  strong  distinctive 
character  of,  i.  34;  English 
traders  in,  i.  40,  45 ;  plans  to 
invade  the  French  domain,  i. 
56  ;  claims  the  Ohio  valley,  i. 
64  ;  Lord  Albemarle,  the  titular 
governor  of,  i.  142  ;  Robert  Din- 
widdie,  the  lieutenant-governor 
of,  i.  142;  debt  due  Dinwiddie 
from,  i.  142  ;  Dinwiddie  ordered 
by  the  King  to  repel  invaders 
from,  i.  142;  social  life  in,  i. 
169,  170;  England  sends  regi- 


556 


INDEX. 


ments  to,  i.  188;  Braddock  in, 
i.  203 ;  Indian  attacks  on  the 
border  settlements  of,  i.  341, 
347 ;  refuses  to  support  Shir 
ley's  new  campaign,  i.  395 ; 
writhing  under  border  attacks ; 
i.  435 ;  Washington's  hopeless 
task  in,  ii.  137. 

Virginia  Assembly,  the,  urged  by 
Dinwiddie  to  build  forts  on  the 
Ohio,  i.  142;  votes  an  appro 
priation  to  defend  the  frontier, 
i.  145  ;  the  Pennsylvania  As 
sembly  curiously  unlike,  i.  172. 
See  also  Burgesses,  House  of. 

Virginians,  the,  with  Braddock,  i. 
208 ;  their  gallantry  in  the 
battle  of  Monongahela,  i.  225, 
238. 

Virginia  regiment,  the,  com 
manded  by  Fry,  i.  147 ;  Wash 
ington  assumes  command  of,  i. 
157 ;  bad  influence  of  the  reg 
ulars  upon,  i.  157 ;  at  Fort 
Necessity,  i.  162;  losses  of,  i. 
165 ;  lack  of  discipline  in,  i. 
343 ;  in  Forbes'  expedition 
against  Fort  Duquesne,  ii.  138, 
160,  167. 

Virginia  traders,  the,  i.  40,  45,  57, 
63,  91. 

Vitre,  Denis  de,  ii.  213. 

Volontaires  Etrangers,  the  battal 
ion  of,  at  Louisbourg,  ii.  57. 

Voltaire,  on  the  complications  of 
political  interests,  i.  3  ;  his  ha 
tred  of  the  French  abuses,  i.  18; 
i.  25  ;  letter  from  Frederic  of 
Prussia  to,  ii.  402. 

Von  Moltke,  ii.  395. 

Voyageurs,  i.  23. 

WABASII   INDIANS,  the,  leaguing 

with  the  Osages,  i.  88  ;  ii.  162. 
Wabash  River,  the,  i.  43 ;   forts 


on,  i.  44;  plains  of,  i.  59;  i. 
191. 

Waggoner,  Captain,  in  the  battle 
of  Monongahela,  i.  225 ;  i.  343. 

Walker,  Admiral,  ii.  212. 

Walker,  Dr.,  i.  220. 

Walpole,  Horace,  i.  9  ;  his  estimate 
of  Edward  Cornwallis,  i.  97, 115  ; 
his  estimate  of  the  Duke  of  New 
castle,  i.  184,  185;  letter  from 
Dinwiddie  to,  i.  184 ;  his  estimate 
of  Mirepoix,  i.  186;  his  sketch 
of  Braddock,  i.  195-198;  his 
letters  to  Sir  Horace  Maun, 
i.  195;  on  Braddock's  expedi 
tion,  i.  205 ;  on  Townshend, 
ii.  201  ;  on  Wolfe's  forebodings, 
ii.  336 ;  on  Wolfe's  victory  and 
death,  ii.  336,  337;  on  the  re 
treat  of  Levis,  ii.  371,  372;  on 
the  death  of  George  II.,  ii.  404, 
405 ;  on  Pitt's  resignation,  ii. 
412. 

War-feasts,  Indian,  description  of, 
i.  494. 

War  of  Independence,  the,  in 
America,  i.  3,  5,  37. 

Ward,  Ensign,  at  the  forks  of  the 
Ohio,  i.  148  ;  forced  to  retire  by 
the  French,  i.  148. 

Warde,  Admiral,  i.  x. 

Warde,  George,  ii.  198. 

Warner,  Samuel,  on  the  expedi 
tion  against  Ticonderoga,  ii.  247. 

Warren,  Admiral  Sir  Peter,  i.  298. 

Washington,  George,  i.  3,  57  ;  sent 
by  Dinwiddie  to  summon  the 
French  to  leave  the  Ohio ;  holds 
parleys  with  the  Indians  at  Logs- 
town,  i.  138 ;  at  Venango,  i.  138; 
Joncaire's  civility  to,  i.  138;  on 
the  French  designs  on  the  Ohio, 
i.  139 ;  at  Fort  Le  Bceuf,  i.  139; 
describes  Saint-Pierre,  i.  139; 
Saint-Pierre's  reception  of,  i. 


INDEX. 


557 


140;  at  Murdering  Town,  i. 
141 ;  on  the  Alleghany,  i.  141 ; 
returns  to  Williamsburg,  i.  142 ; 
makes  his  report  to  Diuwiddie, 
i.  142 ;  placed  in  command  of 
the  militia,  i.  144;  Dinwiddie's 
instructions  to,  i.  144 ;  second  in 
command  in  Dinwiddie's  expe 
dition  against  the  French,  i.  147 ; 
character  of  his  men,  i.  148 ; 
Ensign  Ward  reports  his  mishap 
to,  i.  148 ;  reports  the  blighting 
of  his  plans  to  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  i.  149 ;  crosses  the  Alle- 
ghanies,  i.  150;  at  the  Great 
Meadows,  i.  150;  on  the  Yough- 
iogany,  i.  151 ;  joined  by  the 
Half-King,  i.  151,  152;  his  jour 
nal,  i.  152;  his  council  with  the 
Half-King,  i.  1 52 ;  his  victory 
over  Jumonville,  i.  153,  154; 
conduct  of  his  Indians,  i.  155; 
his  characteristics,  i.  155;  re 
turns  to  the  Great  Meadows, 
i.  156;  Dinwiddie  highly  ap 
proves  of  the  conduct  of,  i.  156  ; 
builds  Fort  Necessity,  i.  156 ; 
gathers  his  Indians  at  the  Great 
Meadows,  i.  157;  assumes  com 
mand  of  the  Virginia  regiment, 
i.  157;  his  troubles  with  the 
regulars,  i.  157  ;  advances  to 
Gist's  settlement,  i.  158;  a  coun 
cil  of  war  in  Gist's  house,  i.  158  ; 
returns  to  the  Great  Meadows, 
i.  158;  his  unfavorable  position, 
i.  158;  defends  Fort  Necessity 
against  Villiers,  i.  162;  Villiers 
proposes  a  parley,  i.  163;  bad 
condition  of  his  men,  i.  164;  de 
clines  the  proposed  parley,  i. 
164  ;  sends  Vaubraam  to  receive 
Villiers'  articles  of  capitulation, 
i.  164;  signs  the  articles  of 
capitulation,  i.  164;  his  losses, 


i.  165  ;  the  size  of  his  force,  i. 
166;  the  Half-King  holds  aloof 
from,  i.  166;  the  Half-King's 
estimate  of,  i.  166  ;  his  immense 
fortitude,  i.  167;  his  defeat  a 
heavy  blow  to  Dinwiddie,  i.  168  ; 
provoked  by  apathy  shown  to 
ward  Braddock's  expedition,  i. 
204;  on  Braddock's  ill-humor, 
i.  209 ;  aide-de-camp  to  Brad- 
dock,  i.  210;  Braddock  accepts 
his  advice,  i.  214;  his  letter  to 
his  brother,  i.  214;  on  the  spec 
tacle  of  Braddock's  army,  i.  220 ; 
in  the  battle  of  Monongahela,  i. 
227,  228  ;  on  the  defeat  of  Brad- 
dock,  i.  229 ;  the  retreat,  i.  232  ; 
his  letter  to  Dinwiddie,  i.  237, 
238 ;  his  wonderful  escape,  i. 
238 ;  Dinwiddie's  reply  to,  i.  239 ; 
in  command  of  the  Virginia 
regiment,  i.  342,  343;  his  diffi 
culties  in  enforcing  discipline, 
i.  343 ;  on  the  fugitives  from 
the  border  attacks,  i.  344;  be 
set  with  difficulties,  i.  344 ;  re 
ceives  cold  support  from  Din 
widdie,  i.  344 ;  his  protest  to 
Dinwiddie,  i.  345,  346  ;  did  not 
kindle  enthusiasm,  i.  346;  the 
foremost  man  along  the  western 
border,  i.  346 ;  his  letter  to  Mor 
ris,  i.  436;  falsely  reported  to 
have  led  the  expedition  against 
Kittanuing,  i.  440;  his  hopeless 
task  in  Virginia,  ii.  137;  Din 
widdie  conceives  a  dislike  to, 
ii.  138 ;  in  Forbes'  expedition 
against  Fort  Duquesne,  ii.  140; 
Forbes'  imputations  against,  ii. 
143 ;  deceived  in  signing  the 
articles  of  capitulation  at  Fort 
Necessity,  ii.  436. 

Water  bury,  i.  441. 

Webb,  Colonel    Daniel,    sent    to 


558 


INDEX. 


America,  i.  396 ;  at  Albany,  i. 
412 ;  sent  to  reinforce  Oswego, 
i.  419  ;  at  the  Great  Carrying 
Place,  i.  419  ;  receives  news  of 
the  capture  of  Oswego  by  the 
French,  i.  419  ;  burns  the  forts 
of,  i.  420 ;  at  German  Flats,  i. 
420 ;  i.  428,  453  ;  on  the  impor 
tance  of  Indian  assistance,  i. 
499;  at  Fort  Edward,  i.  510; 
visits  Fort  William  Henry,  i. 
510 ;  asked  by  Monro  for  rein 
forcements,  i.  511  ;  his  indeci 
sion,  i.  512;  the  number  of  his 
troops,  i.  512;  asks  Loudon  for 
reinforcements,  i.  516;  warns 
Monro  to  expect  no  help  from 
him,  i.  517  ;  his  letter  inter 
cepted,  i.  517;  correspondence 
of,  i.  528 ;  his  orders  from 
Loudon,  ii.  3 ;  joined  by  John 
son  at  Fort  Edward,  ii.  4;  deals 
with  a  mutinous  militia,  ii.  4  ; 
seized  by  the  panic,  ii.  5 ;  his 
letter  to  Loudon,  ii.  444. 

Webb's  regiment,  on  the  Heights 
of  Abraham,  ii.  301,  309;  in 
the  battle  of  Quebec,  ii.309,  310. 

Wedell,  General,  defeated  by  the 
Russians,  ii.  401. 

Weiser,  Conrad,  the  Pennsyl- 
vauian  interpreter  at  Onon- 
daga,  i.  70;  journal  of,  i.  70,  77  ; 
on  the  Half -King's  comments  on 
the  fight  at  Great  Meadows,  i. 
166;  letter  to  Governor  Morris 
from,  i.  360. 

Weld,  Mr.,  i.  418. 

Wentworth,  Governor,  i.  301  ;  on 
the  massacre  at  Fort  William 
Henry,  i.  525 ;  letter  from 
Christie  to,  ii.  5. 

Wesley,  i.  8. 

West,  the,  deplorable  condition  of 
French  interests  in,  i.  56 ;  favor 


able  outlook  for  the  English  in, 
i.  62 ;  French  posts  in,  i.  200 ; 
French  posts  and  settlements 
in,  i.  330. 

West,  Benjamin,  the  painter,  ii. 
166,  167. 

West,  Captain,  ii.  166. 

Westborough,  Mass.,  ii.  93. 

"  Western  Squire,"  i.  9. 

Western  tribes,  the,  set  on  by 
Dumas  to  attack  the  border 
settlements,  i.  341 ;  join  the 
French  to  recover  Pittsburg,  ii. 
254  ;  refuse  to  fight,  ii.  375. 

West  Indies,  the,  French  posses 
sions  in,  i.  12;  i.  142;  rising 
French  colonies  in,  i.  368 ;  ii. 
201,  415,  420,  454. 

Westminster  Abbey,  ii.  96. 

West  Mountain,  i.  311. 

Wheeling  Creek,  Bienville  at,  i.  51 . 

Whig  aristocracy,  the,  in  Eng 
land,  does  a  priceless  service  to 
English  liberty,  i.  8. 

Whipping-post,  the,  in  camp, 
ii.  124. 

Whitefield,  i.  8. 

Whitehall,  town  of,  Dieskau  at,  i. 
309;  ii.  127,  263. 

White  Mountains,  the,  i.  467. 

White  Point,  ii.  60,  61. 

White's  Chocolate-House,  i.  9. 

White  Woman's  Creek,  i.  58. 

Whiting,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  i. 
313 ;  in  Dieskau's  ambush,  i.  314. 

Whitmore,  Brigadier,  ii.  51  ;  made 
governor  of  Louisbourg,  ii.  79. 

Whitworth,  Doctor,  at  Fort  Ed 
ward,  i.  281. 

Whitworth,  Miles,  on  the  massacre 
at  Fort  William  Henry,  i.  523, 
528  ;  ii.  446,  447. 

Wiggins,  George,  ii.  86. 

Wilhelmina,  sister  of  Frederic  of 
Prussia,  death  of,  ii.  403. 


INDEX. 


559 


William  III.,  of  England,  i.  7. 

William  and  Mary  College,  i.  169. 

William  of  Orange,  i.  8. 

William  Henry,  Fort,  i.  327,  363, 
401  ;  Colonel  Jonathan  Bag- 
ley  in  command  at,  i.  402  ;  de 
scription  of  the  camp  at,  i.  415 ; 
the  English  at,  i.  441,  442,  447, 
448,  451 ;  Major  Eyre  takes  pos 
session  of,  i.  453 ;  Rogers  at, 
i.  455;  i.  459;  St.  Patrick's 
Day  celebrated  at,  i.  460 ;  Vau- 
dreuil's  expedition  against,  i. 
461 ;  strength  of  the  garrison 
at,  i.  462 ;  attacked  by  Rigaud, 
i.  462-465;  i.  466,  491,  507; 
ruins  of,  i.  508 ;  description  of, 
i.  508  ;  Lieutenant-Colonel  Mon- 
ro  in  command,  i.  510;  sum 
moned  by  Montcalm  to  sur 
render,  i.  513 ;  refuses,  i.  513 ; 
the  attack,  i.  514;  the  capitu 
lation,  i.  520 ;  the  wounded 
butchered  by  the  Indians,  i.  520; 
the  massacre,  i.  521-528;  de 
struction  of,  i.  528 ;  the  responsi 
bility  for  the  signal  of  butchery 
at,  i.  529  ;  ii.  92 ;  Colonel  Cum- 
mings  in  command  at,  ii.  119, 
175,  247,  259,  333,  396;  testi 
mony  on  the  attack  on,  ii. 
444-447. 

Williams  College,  founded  by 
Ephraim  Williams,  i.  302. 

Williams,  Colonel  Ephraim,  in 
Shirley's  expedition  against 
Crown  Point,  i.  301 ;  founds 
Williams  College,  i.  302 ;  on 
the  character  of  the  provincial 
army,  i.  303 ;  impatient  at  the 
delays,  i.  304  ;  letter  to  Dwight 
from,  i.  305  ;  at  the  Drowned 
Lands,  i.  313  ;  death  of,  i.  314, 
322. 

Williams,  Fort,  built  by  the  Eng 


lish  on  the  Mohawk,  i.  387, 
388. 

Williams,  Colonel  Israel,  letter 
from  Ephraim  Williams  to,  i. 
303 ;  letter  from  Pomeroy  to,  i. 
304 ;  papers  of,  i.  328  ;  letters 
from  Dr.  Thomas  Williams  to, 
i.  415,  419  ;  letters  from  Colonel 
William  Williams  to,  i.  420 ;  ii. 
119,  125. 

Williams,  Josiah,  wounded  in  the 
battle  of  Lake  George,  i.  322. 

Williams'  regiment,  in  the  battle 
of  Lake  George,  i.  318. 

Williams,  Stephen,  chaplain,  in 
Shirley's  expedition  against 
Crown  Point,  i.  302;  at  Fort 
Lyman,  i.  307. 

Williams,  Thomas,  surgeon,  in 
Shirley's  expedition  against 
Crown  Point,  i.  302 ;  impatient 
at  the  delays,  i.  304,  305 ;  on 
the  battle  of  Lake  George,  i. 
317;  letter  to  his  wife,  i.  322; 
on  the  English  losses  in  the 
battle  of  Lake  George,  i.  323, 
324;  letters  of,  i.  328;  on  the 
condition  of  the  provincial 
camps,  i.  415;  anxious  about 
Oswego,  i.  419;  on  the  capture 
of  Oswego  by  the  French,  i. 
420 ;  on  the  exploits  of  Robert 
Rogers,  i.  450. 

Williams,  Mrs.  Thomas,  letters 
from  her  husband  to,  i.  322, 
420. 

Williams,  Colonel  William,  letters 
from  Marsh  to,  i.  316,  322;  his 
letters  to  Colonel  Israel  Wil 
liams,  i.  420;  ii.  119,  125. 

Williamsburg,  i.  139;  Washington 
at,  i.  142  ;  i.  147  ;  description 
of,  i.  169;  Dinwiddie  at,  i.  237. 

Will's  Creek,  trading-house  built 
by  the  Ohio  Company  at,  i.  63, 


560 


INDEX. 


138 ;  Dinwiddie  appoints  a 
rendezvous  at,  i.  144 ;  Wash 
ington  at,  i.  148,  150;  Fry  at, 
i.  156,  157  ;  Braddock  at,  i.  203, 
207. 

Wilson,  Commissary,  on  the  ex 
pedition  against  Ticonderoga, 
ii.  247  ;  ii.  262. 

Winchester,  Dinwiddie  invites  the 
Indians  to  meet  him  at,  i.  146; 
Washington's  headquarters  at,  i. 
343. 

Windsor,  town  of,  i.  98,  278;  ii. 
86. 

Winnebagoes,  the,  at  Montcalm's 
grand  council,  i.  500. 

W  i  n  s  1  o  w,  Lieu  tenant- Colonel 
John,  sent  to  the  Kennebec  by 
Shirley,  i.  175;  commissioned 
by  Shirley  to  raise  volunteers 
against  the  French,  i.  254; 
sketch  of,  i.  255 ;  in  the  luckless 
attack  on  Carthagena,  i.  255  ; 
forms  a  regiment,  i.  255  ;  in  the 
attack  on  Fort  Beausejour,  i. 
258;  letter  from  Captain  Rous 
to,  i.  259;  journal  of,  i.  262; 
takes  possession  of  Fort  Gas- 
pereau,  i.  262 ;  at  Beausejour,  i. 
263;  Mouckton  informs  him  of 
his  intention  to  remove  the 
Acadians,  i.  263 ;  on  Monckton's 
interview  with  the  Acadians,  i. 
264;  on  the  oath  required  of 
the  Acadians,  i.  275  ;  ordered 
to  seize  the  Acadians,  i.  276; 
sets  out  from  Fort  Cumberland 
on  his  unenviable  errand,  i. 
277 ;  angered  by  Monckton's 
treatment,  i.  277 ;  at  Grand 
Pre',  i.  278,  279  ;  his  instructions 
from  Lawrence,  i.  279,  280; 
issues  a  summons  to  the  Aca 
dians,  i.  281  ;  the  scene  in  the 
church,  i.  282,  283  ;  his  portrait, 


i.  283 ;  his  anxiety  for  his  cap 
tives,  i.  286  ;  a  measure  of  pre 
caution,  i.  287;  his  grief,  i. 
288;  congratulated  by  Murray, 
i.  288 ;  heartsick,  i.  289 ;  arrival 
of  the  transports,  i.  289 ;  the  em 
barkation,  i.  289;  his  humane 
treatment  of  the  Acadians,  i. 
290;  commands  the  New  Eng 
land  troops,  i.  395  ;  letter  from 
Lord  Loudon  to,  i.  400;  his 
headquarters  at  Half-Moon,  i. 
401 ;  letter  from  Colonel  Fitch 
to,  i.  401  ;  urges  haste  in  the 
preparations  against  Ticon 
deroga,  i.  402;  his  meeting 
with  Loudon,  i.  413;  at  Lake 
George,  i.  414,  434 ;  i.  418 ; 
faced  by  Montcalm  at  Ticon 
deroga,  i.  434,  435;  his  esti 
mate  of  Israel  Putnam,  i.  441 ; 
his  "Letter  Book,"  i.  442;  on 
Lydiass,  i.  448  ;  ordered  to  keep 
the  defensive,  i.  452 ;  his  letter 
to  Shirley,  i.  452  ;  his  letter  to 
Halifax,  i.  453 ;  i.  509  ;  cost  to 
Massachusetts  of  the  expedition 
of,  ii.  88. 

Winslow's  battalion,  i.  285. 

Wolfe,  Major-general  Edward 
(father),  ii.  192. 

Wolfe,  Mrs.  Edward  (mother) 
letters  from  her  son  to,  ii.  193, 
195,  196,  197,  200,  280. 

Wolfe,  Brigadier  James,  on  Ed 
ward  Cornwallis,  i.  97 ;  praises 
the  conduct  of  Bradstreet,  i. 
409  ;  shows  gallantry  at  Roche- 
fort,  ii.  51  ;  ii.  197  ;  reconnoitres 
at  Louisbourg,  ii.  60;  an  ha 
bitual  invalid,  ii.  61 ;  attempts 
to  land  at  Freshwater  Cove, 
ii.  62 ;  a  bold  movement,  ii. 
63;  at  Lighthouse  Point,  ii. 
65 ;  silences  the  Island  Battery, 


INDEX. 


561 


ii.  67 ;  seizes  Gallows  Hill,  ii. 
69;  the  life  of  the  siege  of 
Louisbourg,  ii.  82 ;  his  discon 
tent,  ii.  83 ;  executes  an  un 
pleasant  duty,  ii.  84 ;  sails  for 
England,  ii.  85 ;  his  correspond 
ence  on  the  siege  of  Louisbourg, 
ii.  86 ;  his  estimate  of  Abercrom- 
bie,  ii.  93  ;  his  estimate  of  Howe, 
ii.  93 ;  his  expedition  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  ii.  190;  ii.  192;  per 
sonal  appearance  of,  ii.  192; 
his  early  life,  ii.  193  ;  letters  to 
his  mother,  ii.  193, 195,  196,  197, 
200 ;  his  martial  instincts,  ii. 
194;  his  character,  ii.  195;  his 
domestic  life,  ii.  196;  letters  to 
his  uncle,  ii.  198,  199,  201 ;  his 
betrothal,  ii.  198  ;  letter  to  Rick- 
son  from,  ii.  199  ;  named  by  Pitt 
to  lead  the  expedition  against 
Quebec,  ii.  199;  a  hopeless 
enigma  to  Newcastle,  ii.  199; 
George  II.'s  opinion  of,  ii.  199; 
sails  to  America,  ii.  200;  his 
colleagues,  ii.  201 ;  anecdote  of, 
ii.  202 ;  his  force  at  Quebec, 
ii.  211;  lands  on  the  Island 
of  Orleans,  ii.  217;  magnitude 
of  his  undertaking,  ii.  217;  a 
desperate  game,  ii.  219;  the 
elements  against  him,  ii.  219; 
strength  of  his  position,  ii.  222  ; 
seizes  Point  Levi,  ii.  223 ;  seeks 
to  strike  an  effective  blow,  ii. 
225  ;  occupies  the  heights  of 
Montmorenci,  ii.  228 ;  danger  of 
his  position,  ii.  229 ;  red  and 
white  savages,  ii.  231  ;  forbids 
scalping,  ii.  231  ;  his  proclama 
tion  to  the  Canadians,  ii.  233  ; 
becomes  more  vulnerable  than 
ever,  ii.  235 ;  his  severities,  ii. 
236 ;  his  desperate  plan,  ii.  239  ; 
attacks  the  French  camp,  ii. 
VOL.  ii.  —  36 


240;  orders  a  retreat,  ii.  242; 
on  the  repulse  at  Montmorenci, 
ii.  244 ;  ii.  245 ;  Amherst's  delay 
in  reinforcing,  ii.  250,  251 ;  let 
ter  from  Amherst  to,  ii.  261  ; 
deeply  moved  by  the  disaster  at 
the  heights  of  Montmorenci,  ii. 
270 ;  rebukes  the  grenadiers,  ii. 
270 ;  despondency  of,  ii.  271 ; 
his  plan  to  fortify  Isle-aux- 
Coudres,  ii.  271  ;  lays  waste  the 
parishes,  ii.  272,  273;  his  hu 
mane  orders,  ii.  273 ;  illness  of, 
ii.  277  ;  a  new  plan  of  attack,  ii. 
278  ;  determination  of,  ii.  279  ; 
his  last  letter  to  his  mother,  ii. 
280 ;  his  last  despatches,  ii.  281 ; 
his  letter  to  Holdernesse,  ii.  282, 
283 ;  his  desperate  situation,  ii. 
283  ;  his  plan,  ii.  284  ;  his  move 
ments,  ii.  285 ;  immense  moral 
force  of,  ii.  289 ;  deceives  Bou 
gainville,  ii.  290;  his  last  gen 
eral  orders,  ii.  291 ;  loyalty  of 
the  army  to,  ii.  292 ;  a  pretended 
attack,  ii.  293 ;  his  force  com 
pared  with  Montcalm's,  ii.  293  ; 
the  troops  embark,  ii.  295  ;  his 
presentiment  of  death,  ii.  295 ; 
the  descent  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
ii.  297  ;  passes  the  sentries,  ii. 
298 ;  makes  the  ascent,  ii.  298, 
299 ;  the  line  of  battle,  ii.  301 ; 
his  omnipresence,  ii.  306 ;  an 
anecdote  of,  ii.  306 ;  the  crisis, 
ii.  307;  the  battle,  ii.  307; 
mortally  wounded,  ii.  308  ;  his 
death,  ii.  309 ;  his  remains 
carried  to  England,  ii.  330; 
effect  of  the  news  in  England 
of  his  victory  and  death,  ii.  336, 
337 ;  the  far-reaching  conse 
quence  of  his  victory,  ii.  338;  ii. 
360,  361,  366,  393,  423;  his 
force  at  Quebec,  ii.  454. 
14 


562 


INDEX. 


Wolfe,  Major  Walter  (uncle),  let 
ters  from  Wolfe  to,  ii.  198, 199, 
201. 

Wolfe's  Cove,  ii.  289. 

Wolfe  Island,  i.  422. 

Women,  prodigious  influence  in 
France  of,  i.  14. 

Wood  Creek,  of  Lake  Champlain, 
i.  305,  306,  308,  401,  415,  419; 
ii.  126,  127  ;  Shirley  at,  i.  333; 
Fort  Bull  built  on,  i.  387. 

"  Wooden  horse,"  the,  in  camp,  ii. 
124. 

Woodhull,  Colonel  Nathaniel,  on 
the  capture  of  Fort  Levis,  ii. 
384. 

Woolsey,  Colonel,  on  the  battle  of 
Ticonderoga,  ii.  448,  449. 

Wooster,  Colonel  David,  at  Fort 
Edward,  i.  402. 

Worcester  (Mass.),  i.  417. 

Wraxall,  Johnson's  secretary,  on 
Johnson's  army,  i.  312;  eulo 
gizes  Johnson,  i.  327. 


Wright,  ii.  86,  93;  on  Wolfe,  ii. 

202,  306. 

Wright,  Dr.,  ii.  125. 
Wyandot,  Indian  village  of,  i.  81. 
Wyandots,  the,  in  the  Ohio  valley, 

i.  43,  45 ;  village  of,  i.  57  ;  i.  61. 
Wynne,  on  the  battle  of  Ste.-Foy, 

ii.  373. 
Wyoming,  ii.  150. 

YADKIN  RIVER,  the,  i.  62. 

Yale  College,  i.  301,  302. 

York,  i.  9,  207. 

Youghiogany  River,  the,  Wash 
ington  on,  i.  151  ;  ii.  144. 

Young,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  sent 
to  Fort  William  Henry,  i.  511  ; 
sent  to  Montcalin  to  capitulate, 
i.  519. 

ZEISBERGER,  David,  i.  58. 
Zinzendorf,  Count,  the  Moravian, 

on     Andrew     Montour,    i.    58; 

journal  of,   i.   58. 


FRANCIS  PARKMAFS  WORKS. 

NEW    LIBRARY    EDITION. 

Printed  from  entirely  new  plates,  in  clear  and  beautiful  type, 
upon  a  choice  laid  paper.  Illustrated  with  twenty-four  photo 
gravure  plates  executed  by  Goupil  from  historical  portraits,  and 
from  original  drawings  and  paintings  by  Howard  Pyle,  De  Cost 
Smith,  Thule  de  Thulstrup,  Frederic  Remington,  Orson  Lowell, 
Adrien  Moreau,  and  other  artists. 

Twelve  volumes,  medium  octavo,  cloth,  gilt  top,  price,  $2.OO  per 
volume;  half  calf,  extra,  gilt  top,  $4.50  per  volume;  half 
crushed  Levant  morocco,  extra,  gilt  top,  $(>.OO  per  volume  ; 
half  morocco,  gilt  top,  $4.5O  per  voltime. 

LIST    OF    VOLUMES. 

PIONEERS  OF  FRANCE  IN  THE  NEW  WORLD I  vol. 

THE  JESUITS  IN  NORTH  AMERICA I  vol. 

LA  SALLE  AND  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  THE  GREAT  WEST  ...  I  vol. 

THE  OLD  REGIME  IN  CANADA I  vol. 

COUNT  FRONTENAC  AND  NEW  FRANCE  UNDER  LOUIS  XIV.     .  I  vol. 

A  HALF  CENTURY  OF  CONFLICT 2  vols. 

MONTCALM  AND  WOLFE 2  vols. 

THE  CONSPIRACY  OF  PONTIAC  AND  THE  INDIAN  WAR  AFTER 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  CANADA 2  vols. 

THE  OREGON  TRAIL I  vol. 

A.ny  work,  supplied  separately   in  cloth. 

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

1.  PORTRAIT  OF  FRANCIS  PARKMAN. 

2.  JACQUES  CARTIER.     From  the  painting  at  St.  Malo. 

3.  MADAME  DE  LA  PELTRIE.      From  the  painting  in  the  Convent   des 

Ursulines. 

4.  FATHER  JOGUES  HARANGUING  THE  MOHAWKS.      From  the  picture 

by  Thule  de  Thulstrup. 

5.  FATHER  HENNEPIN  CELEBRATING  MASS.     From  the  picture  by  How 

ard  Pyle. 

6.  LA  SALLE  PRESENTING  A  PETITION  TO  Louis  XIV.    From  the  paint 

ing  by  Adrien  Moreau. 

7.  JEAN  BAPTISTS  COLBERT.      From  a  painting  by  Claude  Lefevbre  at 

Versailles. 

8.  JEAN  GUYON  BEFORE  BOUILLE.     From  a  picture  by  Orson  Lowell. 

9.  MADAME  DE  FRONTENAC.     From  the  painting  at  Versailles. 

10.  ENTRY  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  PHIPS  INTO  THE  QUEBEC  BASIN.    From  a 

picture  by  L.  Rossi. 

11.  THE  SACS  AND  FOXES.    From  the  picture  by  Charles  Bodmer. 

12.  THE  RETURN  FROM  DEERFIELD.    From  the  painting  by  Howard  Pyle. 


FRANCIS  PARK  MAN'S   WORKS. 


13.  SIR  WILLIAM  PEPPEKRELL.    From  the  painting  by  Smibert. 

14.  MARQUIS   DE   BEAUHARNOIS,    GOVERNOR   OF   CANADA.     From  the 

painting  by  Tonnieres  in  the  Muse"e  de  Grenoble. 

15.  MARQUIS  DE  MONTCALM.     From  the  original  painting  in  the  posses 

sion  of  the  present  Marquis  de  Montcalm. 

16.  MARQUIS  DE  VAUDREUIL.     From  the  painting  in  the  possession  of  the 

Countess  de  Clermont  Tonnerre. 

17.  GENERAL  WOLFE.     From  the  original  painting  by  Highmore. 

18.  THE  FALL  OF  MONTCALM.     From  the  painting  by  Howard  Pyle. 

19.  VIEW  OF  THE  TAKING  OF  QUEBEC.     From  the  early  engraving  of  a 

drawing  made  on  the  spot  by  Capt.  Hervey  Smyth,  Wolfe's  aid-de 
camp. 

20.  COL.   HENRY  BOUQUET.     From  the    original  painting  bv  Benjamin 

West. 

21.  THE  DEATH  OF  PONTIAC.    From  the  Picture  by  De  Cost  Smith. 

22.  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHNSON.     From  a  mezzotint  engraving. 

23.  HALF   SLIDING,    HALF   PLUNGING.      From  a  drawing  by  Frederic 

Remington. 

24.  THE  THUNDER  FIGHTERS.     From  the  picture  by  Frederic  Remington. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  quote  here  from  the  innumerable  tributes  to  so 
famous  an  American  author  as  Francis  Parkman.  Among  writers  who 
have  bestowed  the  highest  praise  upon  his  writings  are  such  names  as  James 
Russell  Lowell,  Dr.  John  Fiske,  President  Charles  W.  Eliot  of  Harvard 
University,  George  William  Curtis,  Edward  Eggleston,  W.  D.  Howells, 
James  Schouler,  and  Dr.  Conan  Doyle,  as  well  as  many  prominent  critics  in 
the  United  States,  in  Canada,  and  in  England. 

In  two  respects  Francis  Parkman  was  exceptionally  fortunate.  He  chose 
a  theme  of  the  closest  interest  to  his  countrymen,  —  the  colonization  of  the 
American  Continent  and  the  wars  for  its  possession,  — and  he  lived  through 
fifty  years  of  toil  to  complete  the  great  historical  series  which  he  designed 
when  but  a  youth  at  college. 

The  text  of  the  New  Library  Edition  is  that  of  the  latest  issue  of  each 
work  prepared  for  the  press  by  the  distinguished  author.  He  carefully 
revised  and  added  to  several  of  his  works,  not  through  change  of  views, 
but  in  the  light  of  new  documentary  evidence  which  his  patient  research 
and  untiring  zeal  extracted  from  the  hidden  archives  of  the  past.  Thus  he 
rewrote  and  enlarged  "The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac  "  ;  the  new  edition  of 
"La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West"  (1878),  and  the  1885 
edition  of  "  Pioneers  of  France  "  included  very  important  additions  ;  and  a 
short  time  before  his  death  he  added  to  "  The  Old  Regime "  fifty  pages, 
under  the  title  of  "  The  Feudal  Chiefs  of  Acadia."  The  New  Library  Edition 
therefore  includes  each  work  in  its  final  state  as  perfected  by  the  historian. 
The  indexes  have  been  entirely  remade. 


LITTLE,    BKOWN,  &   CO.,    PUBLISHERS, 

254  WASHINGTON  STREET,  BOSTON. 


An  Important  Work  on  the  American  Revolution. 

FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

From  Original  Documents,  most  of  which  are  now  published  for  the 
First  Time.   By  EDWARD  E.  HALE  and  EDWARD  E.  HALE,  JR. 

In  2  vols.f  8vo,  with  35  historical  portraits,  including  two  fine 
steel  portraits  of  Franklin.     Price,  $6.OO. 

CONTENTS. 

PART  I. 

I.    1767-1769.    FRANKLIN'S  FIRST  VISIT  TO  FRANCE.  —  THE  ECON 
OMISTS. 
II.    FRANCE  AND  THE  TREATY  OF  1763. 

III.  CARON  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS. 

IV.  FRANKLIN'S  COMMISSION. 

V.    FRANKLIN  AND  THE  FRENCH. 
VI.    PARIS  REVISITED. 

VII.    LAMBERT  WICKES  AND  GUSTAVE  CONYNGHAM. 
VIII.    SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-SEVEN,  —  "  THE  YEAR  OF 

THE  THREE  GIBBETS." 
IX.    SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-EIGHT,  —  VOLTAIRE  AND 

FRANKLIN. 

X.    THE  TREATY  OF  ALLIANCE. — COOPER'S  ACCOUNT  OF  D'ESTAING. 
XI.    THE  AMERICAN  PRISONERS. 
XII.    HARTLEY'S  DESIRES  FOR  PEACE. 

XIII.  SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-EIGHT. 

XIV.  JOHN  PAUL  JONES. 

XV.  SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-NINE. 

XVI.  THE  PRIVATEERS  FROM  DUNKIRK. 

XVII.  CAPTAIN  PIEKRE  LANDAIS. 

XVIII.  THE  AMERICAN  PRISONERS. 

XIX.  MINISTER  PLENIPOTENTIARY. 

XX.  THE  MADRID  CORRESPONDENCE,  1780. 

XXI.  THE  MADRID  CORRESPONDENCE,  1781. 

XXII.  THE  YEAR  OF  YORKTOWN. 

PART    II. 

I.    BETTER  TIMES. 
II.    THE  FINANCIAL  POSITION. 

III.  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  NEGOTIATIONS 

IV.  THE  PARTIES  TO  THE  NEGOTIATION. 
V.    OSWOLD'S  COMMISSION. 

VI.    JAY  TAKES  CHARGE  OF  MATTERS. 
VII.    THE  POSITION  OF  VERGENNES. 
VIII.    THE  TREATY  is  SETTLED  AND  SIGNED. 
IX.    THE  PRELIMINARY  ARTICLES. 

X.    OTHER  CORRESPONDENCE. 
XI.    THE  END  OF  1782. 
XII.    OTHER  DIPLOMACY. 

XIII.  SCIENCE.  LITERATURE,  POLITICS,  AND  ART,  1783. 

XIV.  BALLOONS. 
XV.    MESMER. 

XVI.    OTHER  CORRESPONDENCE  OF  1784. 


FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 


XVII.    NEW  TREATIES. — JEFFERSON  AND  FRANKLIN. 
XVIII.    HOME  AT  LAST. —  1785. 
XIX.    THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION. 
XX.    CONCLUSION. 

APPENDIX. 

A.  THE  STORMONT  PAPERS. 

B.  THE  ASGILL  TRIAL. 

C.  LETTERS  TO  SIR  JOSEPH  BANKS. 

D.  FROM  Miss  G.  SHIPLEY  TO  FRANKLIN. 


In  this  important  work,  Dr.  Hale  and  his  son  have  illustrated 
Franklin's  nine  years'  residence  in  France  from  the  original  manu 
script  in  several  large  collections,  including  much  valuable  material 
which  is  obtainable  in  no  other  work.  Several  notable  questions, 
such  as  French  neutrality,  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  privateering, 
and  especially  questions  relating  to  the  treaties  with  France  and 
England,  are  here  considered  in  the  light  of  all  the  important  facts 
involved,  and  consequently  with  more  certainty  than  in  any  other 
work. 

The  steel  portraits  of  Franklin  are  engraved  from  a  very  charac 
teristic  portrait  ascribed  to  Van  Loo,  and  a  miniature  painted  in 
France. 

To  a  student  of  Franklin's  career  this  book  is  indispensable.  .  .  .  The  authors 
have  followed  out  their  plan  with  admirable  success,  and  have  given  us  in  an  enter 
taining  form  a  new  and  valuable  study  of  a  remarkable  man  in  a  remarkable  period. 
—  Frederick  J.  Turner,  in  "The  Chicago  Dial." 

Much  light  is  thrown  by  this  volume  upon  the  relations  of  France  and  the  French 
people  to  the  Revolution  both  before  and  after  the  alliance,  upon  the  embarrass 
ments  as  well  as  the  advantages  of  their  co-operation,  and  the  real  amount  of  obli 
gation  to  them  for  their  by  no  means  altruistic  action  in  those  days.  —  Exchange. 

It  is  a  conscientious  and  thorough  study  of  the  related  events  of  the  period,  and 
so  a  valuable  contribution  to  general  history.  Of  course  the  authors  could  not  do 
less  than  make  an  entertaining  narrative,  for  none  know  better  than  they  how  to 
seize  what  is  picturesque  in  a  life  ;  but  every  page  bears  evidence  of  careful  research 
and  wide  knowledge  of  the  period.  There  is  no  neglect  of  details  which  show 
Franklin  the  man,  his  private  life  and  his  relation  to  the  society  of  Paris,  but  public 
events  are  all  the  time  kept  in  view,  and  the  reader  here  will  find  an  illumination 
of  our  relations  with  Europe  during  the  Revolutionary  War.  —  Hartford  Courant. 

The  work  is  indeed  as  interesting  as  it  is  important.  At  the  same  time  it  is 
readable,  fresh,  and  entertaining.  ...  It  tells  better  than  any  other  how  stood  the 
affairs  of  our  country  in  regard  to  France  and  Great  Britain,  from  the  unheralded, 
unexpected,  and  unwelcome  birth  of  the  national  Constitution,  and  what  part 
Franklin  took  in  keeping  the  infant  alive  and  respected.  —  Boston  Beacon. 

Dr.  Hale  throws  new  light  on  the  remarkable  personality  of  one  of  the  first,  if 
not  indeed  the  first  of  Americans  of  the  last  century,  and  he  has  made  excellent  use 
of  the  new  material  to  which  he  has  had  access.  It  gives  a  most  graphic  picture  of 
the  ante-Revolution  French  life,  both  political  and  social,  and  presents  more  fully 
than  has  been  previously  done  the  history  of  the  diplomatic  relations  between 
France  and  America  in  the  war  for  American  Independence.  The  volumes  are  not 
only  intensely  interesting,  but  are  a  most  valuable  contribution  to  American  his 
torical  literature.  —  Boston  Traveler. 

A  variety  of  causes  enables  the  authors  to  present  at  this  time  a  more  correct  and 
complete  statement  of  Franklin's  mission  than  has  heretofore  appeared,  and  they 
do  it  in  such  an  entertaining  way  that  while  retaining  all  the  reliability  of  historic 
research  they  have  all  the  charm  of  literary  biography.  —  Journal  of  Education. 


LITTLE,    BROWN,    AND    COMPANY,    Publishers, 

254    WASHINGTON    STREET,    BOSTON. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

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Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


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